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The Register' of Robert Stillington, Bishop of Bath and Wells 1466-91 WILLIAM J. CONNOR This paper‘ seeks to show how the register dompiled for Robert Stillington, for twenty-five years bishop of Bath and Wells in the late fifteenth century, contributes to the understanding of the decoration of administrative documents in this period. It was largely compiled under the supervision of Hugh Sugar who, as vicar-general, was responsible for much of the routine administration of the diocese. He evidently encouraged the pen work embellishments, which are such a striking feature of this volume, and seems to have employed an artist whose only other known work appears in manuscripts commissioned by the previous bishop, Thomas Beckington. This links Stillington’s register directly to the academic elite of Winchester and New College, Oxford, and the culture of the Yorkist court. _ Dubbed re ”mumz': éué‘queby his French contemporary, Philippe de Commines,2 Robert Stillington enjoyed a colourful career. Probably born in Yorkshire c. 1410, he first appears in the records as a doctor of civil law at Oxford in 1443, by which time he was also a proctor of Lincoln College and principal of Deep Hall. At this point, probably already in his thirties, he embarked on the official and ecclesiastical career for which he is now remembered. A protégée of Thomas Beckington, the recently consecrated bishop of Bath and Wells, he was appointed as Beckington’s chancellor and to a prebend in Wells Cathedral in 1445, but not: ordained priest there until 1447. We then find him on a diplomatic mission to Burgundy in 1448 and as a royal councillor a year later. Political, diplomatic and administrative work was to occupy him for most of the rest of his life. He received extensive ecclesiastical patronage until, by 1461, he was archdeacon of both Colchester and Taunton, held prebends in Wells, York, St David’s and St Stephen’s, Westminster, was rector of Ashbury in Berkshire and clean of the royal free chapel of St Martin’s-le-Grand in London. In 1464 and1465 he added the archdeaconries of Berkshire and Wells, but gave up all these pluralities apart from St Martin’s-le- Grand on his consecration as Beckington’s successor as bishop of Bath and Wells I must express particular thanks to Dr Anne Sutton, who made the original proposal that I write this paper, and to Dr Kathleen Scott, both of whom have read this paper in draft and made many valuable suggestions. Any remaining errors are, of course, my own. I am also grateful to the Richard III and Yorkist History Trust for a grant towards the cost of the illustrations, and to the staff of the Somerset Archive and Record Service, the British Library Manuscripts Department and the Librarians of Trinity College, Cambridge, and New College Oxford for photographs and other assistance. 2 Quoted in Charles Ross, Richard 111, London 1981, reprinted 1990, p. 89. 1

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The Register' of Robert Stillington, Bishop ofBath and Wells 1466-91

WILLIAM J. CONNOR

This paper‘ seeks to show how the register dompiled for Robert Stillington,

for twenty-five years bishop of Bath and Wells in the late fifteenth century,

contributes to the understanding of the decoration of administrative documentsin this period. It was largely compiled under the supervision of Hugh Sugar who,

as vicar-general, was responsible for much of the routine administration of thediocese. He evidently encouraged the pen work embellishments, which are such astriking feature of this volume, and seems to have employed an artist whose only

other known work appears in manuscripts commissioned by the previous bishop,

Thomas Beckington. This links Stillington’s register directly to the academic elite

of Winchester and New College, Oxford, and the culture of the Yorkist court._Dubbed re ”mumz': éué‘que by his French contemporary, Philippe de

Commines,2 Robert Stillington enjoyed a colourful career. Probably born inYorkshire c. 1410, he first appears in the records as a doctor of civil law at Oxfordin 1443, by which time he was also a proctor of Lincoln College and principalof Deep Hall. At thispoint, probably already in his thirties, he embarked on the

official and ecclesiastical career for which he is now remembered. A protégée ofThomas Beckington, the recently consecrated bishop of Bath and Wells, he wasappointed as Beckington’s chancellor and to a prebend in Wells Cathedral in 1445,

but not: ordained priest there until 1447. We then find him on a diplomatic missionto Burgundy in 1448 and as a royal councillor a year later. Political, diplomatic andadministrative work was to occupy him for most of the rest of his life. He receivedextensive ecclesiastical patronage until, by 1461, he was archdeacon of both

Colchester and Taunton, held prebends in Wells, York, St David’s and St Stephen’s,Westminster, was rectorof Ashbury in Berkshire and clean of the royal free chapel

of St Martin’s-le-Grand in London. In 1464 and1465 he added the archdeaconries

of Berkshire and Wells, but gave up all these pluralities apart fromSt Martin’s-le-

Grand on his consecration as Beckington’s successor as bishop of Bath and Wells

‘I must express particular thanks to Dr Anne Sutton, who made the original proposalthat I write this paper, and to Dr Kathleen Scott, both of whom have read this paper indraft and made many valuable suggestions. Any remaining errors are, of course, my own.I am also grateful to the Richard III and Yorkist History Trust for a grant towards the costof the illustrations, and to the staff of the Somerset Archive and Record Service, the British

Library Manuscripts Department and the Librarians of Trinity College, Cambridge, andNew College Oxford for photographs and other assistance.

2 Quoted in Charles Ross, Richard 111, London 1981, reprinted 1990, p. 89.

1

in 1466. In the civil sphere he had been keeper of the privy seal since 1460 and wasappointed chancellor of England in 1467. Only after his release from this last postin 1473 did he find any significant time for his episcopal duties and in the autumnof 1476 spent three weeks in Wells, his only recorded Visit there throughout histwenty-five year tenure of the see. He may have intended to stay longer, but a

planned series of visitations never took place and there is no evidence that he everreturned to Wells. After the death of Edward IV he gained favour with RichardIII by casting doubt on the legitimacy of his brother’s children, the cause of theaspersion of Philippe de Commines, and was so committed in his loyalty to theking that he was promptly imprisoned by Henry Tudorafter the battle of Bosworthand deprived of the deanery of St Martin’s-le—Grand. However, he was allowedto remain in his bishopric and was pardoned on the following 22 November onaccount of his ‘gxete age, long infirmite, and feeblenesse’. Remaining loyal to theHouse of York, he continued in disfavour with Henry VII. Implicated in treasonin 1487, probably after the rebellion of Lambert Simnel, he sought refuge in theUniversity of Oxford. After much argument the University surrendered him tothe king, by whom he was imprisoned for a time in Windsor Castle. Thereafter heappears to have resided at his episcopal manor of Dogmersfield, Hampshire, anddied in May 1491.3

Absence fromhis diocese did not, however, indicate indifference. He isknown to have supported building workin the Cloisters of Wells Cathedral and wascommemorated there for sixty years after his death by a magnificent tomb set inthe chantry chapel which he had built for himself adjoining the east Cloister walk.It was cruciform in plan, with a nave of three bays, northand southtransepts, acrossing and a chancel of two bays. The whole was fan-vaulted and Stillington’stomb occupied the centre of the chancel. It was constructed between 1476 and

1488, the same time as the fan vault over the crossing of the Cathedral itself,which Nikolaus Pcvsner described as the only perpendicular contribution to

the architecture of the building. Dr Warwick Rodwell has suggested that, in hischantry chapel, Stillington may have commissioned the first fan-vault in Somerset,introducing this latest of building innovations through his familiarity with London

and the courtcircle. Described by Leland in 1542 as ‘exceding goodly’, the chapel

3 Michael Hicks, ‘Robert Stillington', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB),2004-, KL. Storey in J. I. Catto and Ralph Evans, eds., The History of the University of Oxford,vol. 2, Oxford 1992, p. 738 n. 152 corrects the chronology of Stillington's imprisonment

from that given in A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A. D.1500, Oxford 1959. For Dogmersfield as an episcopal residence see C.M. Woolgar, TheSenses in Late Medieval England, New Haven and London 2006, pp. 207-11. Stillington’sreasons for doubting the legitimacy of Edward IV ’5 children under canon law are discussedby RH. Helmholz in ‘The sons of Edward IV: a canonical assessment of the claim that theywere illegitimate’, in Richard III: Loyalty, Lordship and Law, ed. P.W. Hammond, London

1986, reprinted 2000, pp. 106-20.

2

fell victim to the suppression of the chantries in the reign of Edward VI and wasdemolished, with the assistance of gunpowder, in 1552-53. All thatnow remainsabove ground is the interior west wall, where it abuts that of the east Cloister.4

Fortunately Stillington has another more enduring memorial at Wells. Thisis the register recording the legal and administrative acts carried out in his namethroughout the period of his episcopacy.5 It is a volume of 253 parchment leaves

measuring 14V2 inches by 11 inches, bound in blind-stamped leather laid over oakboards. The contents fall into five sections, starting with the register kept by HughSugar, Stillington’s vicar-general and treasurer of the Cathedral, for the period 11

January 1466 until 21 September 1481 (ff. 1-78). This is extensively embellishedwith pen and ink decorations. There follows a register of documents executed by

the bishop himself 29 September 1471-15 July 1479 (ff.79—107) and then Sugar’sregister resumes with more penwork decoration from 6 August 1482 to 15 April

1489 (ff. 108-57), leaving a gap in the record of nearly a year between the twosections. After Sugar’s register comes to an end that of his successors takes overimmediately without starting a new gathering, and without any significant break in

the dates. This runs from 5May 1489 to 8 April 1491 (ff. 158-69). The fourthsectionis a recordof ordinations (ff. 170-239) and the volume concludes with a registerof notarial certificates of elections to office (ff. 240-53). Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte,who edited the register for the Somerset Record Society, believed that the text may

have been compiled to dictation fromother memoranda and files, pointing out thatthe entries are not entirely chronological and the section containing documents

executed by the bishop is incomplete.6 We may go furtherand suggest that the gapin 1481-82 between the two sections of Sugar’s register and evidence of trimmingof the text block by the binder with some loss of marginal penwork both indicatethat the book was put together at a later date. It was then decided to include at theend the unfoliated records of ordinations and notarial certificates. However, the

appearance is uniform and the binding obviously contemporary.

The gap between the two sections of Sugar’s register probably representsa lost gathering. It was certainly already missing by the time that the book was

4 N. Pevsner, The Buildings of England, North Somerset and Bristol, Harmondsworth1958, p. 304; Warwick Rodwell et al., Wells Cathedral, Excavations and Structural Studies

1978-93, English Heritage Architectural Report 21, 2 vols., London 2001, vol. 1, pp. 199-244. For an illustration of the vault over the crossing see Wells Cathedral, Scala PublishersLtd, London 2005, p. 30.

5 Somerset Record Office, D/D/Breg. 7. A calendar of the contents was edited by SirH.C. Maxwell-Lyte, The Registers of Robert Stillington, Bishop of Bath and Wells 1466-1491and Richard Fox, Bishop of Bath and Wells 1492-1494, Somerset Record Society vol.52 (1937) (hereafter SRS 52). This omits the register of ordinations (ff. 170-239) and thecertificate of the election of the abbot of Muchelney in June 1490 (ff. 251v-253v), cf. pp.vii and 173n.

‘ SR5 52, p. viii.

3

assembled for the binder. The text of the first part finishes at the top of the rectoof folio 78, the remainder and verso being blank. The following, final leaf of thegathering has been cut out. The second section begins on a new gathering and afterSugar’s death in 1489 the record is continued by his successor without a break.However, when the final entries for Stillington’s episcopacy had been completed,

the last three leaves of the gathering were cut out. At this point also the continuousfoliation and numbering of sections in roman numerals comes to an end. Thenext section begins on a new gathering. Both sections of Sugar’s register have auniformappearance with the margins and text space ruled out. The register ofdocuments executed by the bishop himself 1471-79 has a different appearanceand may well have been compiled elsewhere. It is obviously incomplete and mayhave been all that could be found when the volume was assembled for binding.This idea is supported by the survival of two unfoliated blank leaves at the end ofthe final gathering, after folio 107, on the last of which is written the catchword‘sexto’. This corresponds with the first word of folio 108, being the resumption

of Sugar’s register. Furthermore, the undecorated text of this register of bishop’sdocuments begins on folio 79 with the top third as a blank space, clearly intendedfor an elaborate heading which was never executed. The only comparable blankin this volume occurs on folio 162, at the point after Sugar’s death when therecordwas taken over in May 1490 by his successor as treasurer of the Cathedral,Thomas Harries. This would have been intended for a heading marking the new

administrative year running from 25 March, as had been customary throughoutSugar’s tenure of the office of vicar-general. The blank space is a stark indicationof the change of style of the new administration in this respect.

It is the decoration of these headings which gives this volume its specialinterest with the extensive use of decorative penwork on and around the initialletter ‘S’ of the word sequitur, which begins the record for each year. Throughout:the text for which Sugar was responsible the opportunity to decorate this initialwas never missed. It appears on twenty-four occasions with varying degrees ofaccomplishment and flamboyance. That on the first folio is the most elaborate(Fig. 1), with a drawing of a man firing an arrow at a bird with barred wings, a crestand a long tail, rather like a cross between a falcon and a peacock. The letter itself isformed of interlaced strapworkfilled with foliage, flowers and a pair of sunbursts.The sunburst was the most widely used of Yorkist symbols and occurs frequentlyhere as testimony to the support at Wells for the ruleof Edward IV.7 That for 1467

(f. 7v, Fig. 2) has the letter wrapped in a scrollwork ribbon of studded parchmentand decoxated with foliage and no less than foursunbursts. In the following year

7 In correspondence (23 October 2009) Dr Kathleen Scott questions whemer thesemotifs are sunbursts. I feel that they may be a hybrid flower design, but the radiatingshafts certainly suggest the sunburst.

4

(f. 131:, Fig. 3) the ‘S’ is a particularly successful space filler in mid-page, composed

of interlacing branches with oak leaves, bell-like flowers, aroids and a water lily. In

1469 (f. 24v, Fig. 4) it is drawn out large as a ribbon of scrollwork with the bishop’s

name written on it. Over the next fouryears the inspiration seems to falter, but

revives in 1474 (f. 44v, Fig. 6) with a magnificent show of strapwork. In 1475 (f.

49v, Fig. 7) it takes the formof a scroll containing the bishop’s name incorporating

a punning drawing of a run, all decorated with foliage and three sunbursts. 1477(f. 581:) has another strapwork ‘8’ extending into the margin and incorporating

foliage and flowers. In 1479 (f. 68x, Fig. 9) a dragon with a looped tail is drawn in

the margin, breathing fire which blends into the foliar margin of the ‘8’. On those

occasions when time pressed, skill was lacking or inclination flagged, such as after

the break of 1481-82, attention of some sort was still given to embellishment with

strapworkand additional ‘8’ letters inserted in the spaces. Between 1487 and 1489

(ff. 138:, 1481: and 157v) more elaboration returns with a studded ribbon, daggers

in scabbards, roses instead of sunbursts in acknowledgement of the Tudor regime,

the punning tun again and another marginal dragon. In most cases these decorated

initials appear to have been added after the text entries had been completed and

are generally confined to the spaces allotted. However, there are exceptions, such

as that for 1474 (f. 44v, Fig. 6), which breaks out in great exuberance, with a riot

of strapwork loops running into the side and top margins, incorporating into the

design the initials of the line of text below and the ‘H’ of Hugh Sugar’s name. Even

in more restrained examples, such as those for 1478 and 1479 (ff. 63v and 68:, Figs

8 and 9), where the ‘S’ is largely confined to a rectangular frame, the strapwork

still manages to burst out into the adjoining spaces. Yet the decoration of the first

folio remains the most elaborate. It is not only exceptional for incorporating figure

drawing, but also for the way in which this has been conceived as integral to the

adjoining text, which has been arranged around the man and the bird, the bottomloop of the strapworkjoined to the letter ‘v’ of Rel/arena? below, the toe of the

man’s shoe looping into the ‘R’ of Robertj, his bow forming part of the strapwork

and the tail of the bird incorporated in the top stroke of the ‘B’ of Bat/2071’.The focus on the initial ‘5’ has extra significance not only because it also

happened to be the initial of the bishop’s surname, but also that of Sugar as well.

Indeed, it may have had furthersignificance of this kind. Of the plainer initials

from Sugar’s period, that for 1471 (f. 32:, Fig. 5) calls for more attention than the

others. It is a simple strapwork ‘S’ with a sunburst and has the name ‘Spekynton’

entered twice in tiny letters on the central crossmember. The significance of

this is obscure. It may refer to a location of that name east of Ilchester, where

there was a chantry chapel at this time. It adjoins the present Yeovilton airfield

at Bridgehampton. However, it: is more likely to refer to one or both of two men

who were active about Wells at this time. John Spekyngton appears as a canon

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of the cathedral in 1467 and may 5c the anme :13 Master john €pckyrgiO11, who

\ViUICSSLd a ceremony in the Churchat Dnulting in 1494. Alternati (61} it may be

\X'illiam Spekvmrton who was fl’C incumb-ntntDouitinv1486—150‘3311dexecutor

of Hugh Suyal S will in 1489. I '6 YiCCi\CC[1’1C ycnclous bequest of 1( (shillings

and 21 silver—gilt standmg cup with cm'cr. T1", , 1111p1:ssicsouth p01 Jch of :hc Chm ch

at Doultintr fan/Vaulted and 21 Imost ccrmirlv dat mg {mm his time, mzn' have been

built tat hr inst yanon. taps (me or bnrh of thus:mcn, whu must have been

related, were involved 111 compilng (116 register a: this time. (Isltairly Eli-3 use ofthe monogram ‘S’ as :1 badge is not confinei to the pcnwork of this \':’:1Ln‘12. It alsoappears or, the chancel parapet hf the chux‘h at Ditcheat, which was I) .1,lt at this

time and where john G ;11]fh()1‘p(‘, the dean of \‘(7clls, was rector. Hctc; St'lington

shares spa-:6 “ith the armorial shislds 0r Gunthorpe 21nd [\bnotSc;\\'::)0d of

Glastonbury. The device was AIM 'JSCd 13:: Hugh Sugar himself in his Chantry

chapel at \‘i'clls= where an intertwined ‘H’ and ‘S’ are carved in 5:011: alongsid ‘ 21

shield displaying; his device of a doctor’s cap and three sugar lonvcs. Unlike that of

“ \’ic1<>:‘i:‘ llistuy ()l' [l c (jounIiL-s )f linglal‘LL ‘S‘onmxez; Vol. 3’, ()ord 1974 p. 17-4;SRS 32.171). IZfi-lli. l 41. 132. 200: R0311Commission on Historical Munuscrpls: (Lift/wN/ar0/7/70 Maw/scrip”: (g/‘I/Jv 1mm um] (imp/er (3/ \V‘v/ls‘ Vol. 2, London 191-1, p. 034; 13W.We: lVCl cc: Somwsc/ Hal (’1 '(l/ H I//.\‘ ’1 ; 3—]7—0’1'). Smnc’rs‘t“: Record Society V01. l1: ( 1901)

(hclcullm SkS 16 ‘ pp. 379277; I’m ,xnct Nor/l] J'onlelxd. p. 181 and pl. 28h.

10

his bishop, this chantry survives. It is attached to the nave pulpit where it balances

that of Bishop Bubwith on the northside. Although Sugar died in 1489, thischapel

was constructed during his lifetime and, appropriately, incorporates a fan vault.9

The decoration of Stillington’s register needs to be understood in this

context. Clearly Hugh Sugar had some influence in the matter. The most impressivedecorations are all in those sections of the volume recording his activities. There

are none in that portion recording the acts of the bishop himself 1471-79 and

this manner of embellishment is not carried on by Sugar’s successors. After the

break in his register in 1481-82 there seems to have been less time or inclination

for elaborate decorations, but their revival in 1487-89 indicates that they remained

a possibility. From the evidence of the different bands found in the text, there

appear to have been a number of scribes at work on it. It may be that one of

these had a particular skill with his pen which Hugh Sugar was happy to see put

to use. Perhaps a new, suitably gifted clerk was available after 1487, but after 1489

his talents were no longer required. At this pointit will be helpful to look at the

academic and social background of Sugar and his bishop.

Both men were protégées of Thomas Beckington and Sugar in particular,

who was his executor, would have been well aware of the dead bishop’stastes

and ideals. Although he became Beckington’s chancellor in 1454, cathedral

treasurer at Wells in 1460 and spent the latter part of his career there, this was not

necessarily the cultural backwater it may seem. Beckington’s influence there was

extensive and lasting. He appears to have gathered a group of young men about

him who remained close associates both at Wells and in the wider world after his

death. Educated at Winchester and New College Oxford, Sugar was a member of

this scholarly elite. At Oxfordhe became principal of cxey Hall in 1444 and

would have known Stillington as head of neighbouring Deep Hall at that time.”

Here he fell under the wing of Beckington, who at thistime was a collector of

ancient and modern texts and and chancellor to Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester

c.1420-c.1438. Beckington had extensive Italian contacts and was responsible for

introducing the standards of the ‘new’ classical Latin and renaissance humanism,

including script, to the duke’s official correspondence. At Oxford and subsequently

at Wells, where he became bishop in 1443, Beckington gathered around him a

circle of men who shared his enthusiasm for the ‘New Learning’. They included

Andrew Holes, who lived in Italy 1433-44 and kept open house to leading scholars

in Florence before returning to England with so large a collection of books that

" N. Pevsner, The Buildings qf England, South and West Somerset, Harmonclsworth

1958, p. 149; Wells Cathedral, 2005, pp. 68 and 99 illustrate the interior and exterior

decoration of Sugar's chantry; see also Robert Dunning, Bat/9 and Wells, A Diocesan

Celebration, Wellington 2008, p. 40, and Roclwell, Wells Cathedral, vol. 2, fig. 505.

‘0 SRS 16, pp. 202-207, 277; for both men see Emden, Biographical Register of the

University Qf Oxford.

11

they needed to be sent by sea. On his returnhe became archdeacon of Wells.Another, John Free, whom Roberto Weiss described as ‘beyond all doubt aboveevery fifteenth century English humanist before the time of Grocin and Linacre’,and who was interested in medicine as well as letters, was ordained c.1456 beforegoing to Italy, where he died in 1465. Leland records a rumourthat he was actuallychosen by Pope Paul II to succeed to the see of Bath and Wells and returnedthere, but died prematurely by poisoning before the appointment could be made.”The story casts something of a shadow over the manner of Stillington’s ownappointment, which was not made until a year after his predecessor’s death.12Be that as it may, it seems unlikely that Beckington would have seen much ofFree whilst he was abroad, but Thomas Chaundler, a native of Wells, was alwaysa close associate. Also educated at Winchester and New College, he becamechancellor of Wells Cathedral in 1452, warden of New College 1454-75 and was

twice chancellor of Oxford University, 1457-61 and 1472—79. His association withBeckington was marked by the compilation of two manuscript books which heconspicuously dedicated to his patron by furnishing them with illustrations ofthe act of presentation. One, now at Trinity College, Cambridge, is principallymade up of a morality play about the Fall of Man, Liber apologetim: de omm' :tatubumanae "412mm.” Apparently composed by Chaundler himself, it is illustrated withfifteen full-page pen and ink pictures and decorated throughout with historiatedand scrollwork initials and elaborate coloured spraywork borders incorporatingfoliage and flowers. It was probably made in Oxford c.1459-1460 (Figs. 10-12).The other, now at New College, Oxford, is a commemoration of the life and works

of William of Wykeham.14 It is decorated in a similar fashionand contains fourdrawings showing the colleges founded by Wykeham at Winchester and Oxford,the city of Wells with the cathedral and bishop’s palace, and a group portrait ofWykeham surrounded by those bishops and academics for whom he had been aninspiration and benefactor. This last is of particular interest because the portraitsare labelled and include, amongst others, Thomas Beckington, Chaundler himself,Andrew Holes and Hugh Sugar, respectively bishop, chancellor, archdeacon andtreasurerof Wells. In the Trinity College manuscript the presentation scene hasa page to itself, showing Chaundler kneeling before the bishop, the book in hishand and receiving a blessing with another cleric standing by (Fig. 10). The NewCollege manuscript, on the other hand, has the scene tucked away in the rear ofthe View of Wells. The Trinity manuscript furtherreinforces the association by

" R. Weiss, Humanism in England During the Fifleentb Centmy, 3'“. ed., Oxford 1967,pp. 71-73, 77-80, 106-12, 194-95.

‘2 R. J. Mitchell, john Free: from Bristol to Rome in the Fifteenth Century, London 1955,p. 132, suggests that his death may have been a result of unintentional food poisoning.

'3 Trinity College Library, Cambridge, MS. R. 14. 5.‘4 New College Library, Oxford, MS. C. 288.

12

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17

introducing Chaundler’s rebus of fourfixebrands and Beckington’s of a beaconas elements in two of the historiatcd initials of the text (Figs. 11 and 12).15 Therecould be no better indication than in these manuscripts of Beckington’s role aspatron and mentor of this group of men. Bothwere lodged in Wells CathedralLibrary after his death and were seen there by Leland early in the sixteenth century.Unfortunately the silk bags in which they were then kept have long gone, but onecan be seen on the book shown in the presentation scene of the Trinity Collegevolume (Fig. 10).'6 Beckington himself appears to have commissioned two othersurviving illustrated books, one being a compilation of documents relating to hisdiplomatic missions and the claim of the king of England to the throne of France,the other a chronicle of the English kings. Although Beckington is not obviouslyassociated with the latter, both are decorated in the same manner, both are in the

Cotton collection at the British Library and Dr Kathleen Scott has suggested thatthe two, along with a fragment now in Leicester University Library, may once have

been parts of the same volume.”This is of particular interest here, because there is a remarkable similarity

between the initial drawing in this register, where the strapwork ‘S’ is embellishedwith the figure of a man aiming an arrow at a bird, and a drawing in the firstof these books. This is a letter ‘H’ embellished with the figure of a man with a

scimitar in the act of slaying a bird with striped wings (Fig. 13).“ Similar birdsappear elsewhere in this manuscript” and in the associated chronicle of the kingsof England.20 All are distinguished by the application of shading, possibly with abrush, to add depth and shape to the images and scrollwork. Dr Scott remarks that

'5 Folios 91' and 371‘. Two firebrands also appear on f. 21r. The MS has two foliationsystems; here I use the numbers in ink. Chaundler was so fond of his own device that heput it up in one of the windows of the Hall at New College while he was Warden there.It featured a number of lighted candles and firebrands with the motto fiat tux. ThomasChaundler, Liber Apologeticus de Omm‘ Statu Hummme Naturae, A defence of HumanNature in Every State, ed. Doris Enright—Clark Shoukri, London and New York 1974, p. 36n. 85.

'6 Both manuscripts are discussed and their principal illustrations reproduced inME. James (ed), The Cbmmdler MSS, Roxburgh Club, London, 1916. See also ThomasChaundler, LiberApologetz‘cus, ed. D.E-C. Shoukri. Neither work makes more than passingreference to the decorations of the text. They are also discussed by Kathleen L. Scott inA Suruey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles: Later Gothic Manuscripts 1390-1490, 2 vols., London 1996, entries 103 and 114.

'7 Weiss, Humanism pp. 133-136; Jeremy Catto, ‘Thomas Chauncller’, ODW; Kathleen

L. Scott, “The decorated letters of two Cotton manuscripts’ in Susan L‘Engle and Gerald B.

Guest, eds., Tributes to Jonathan J. G. Alexander; The Making and Meaning of Illuminated

Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts, Artand Architecture, London and Turnhout 2006,pp. 99—110.

‘9 British Library (BL), Cotton MS Tiberius B. xii, f. 2121'.'9 See BL, Cotton MS Tiberius B. xii, ff. 87r. and v, 99v, 152r.3° BL, Cotton MS Julius E. iv art. 3, ff. 89r, 92v.

18

these figure letters are of a kind ‘unique in English manuscripts in any context’

and attributes them to a single artist whom she calls the ‘Master of the Shaded

Initials’. She thinks thatthe book was compiled whilst Beckington was bishop andpossibly designed as a gift to the king, either Henry VI or Edward IV.21 However,it is also possible that thisCotton manuscript may have been at Wells. Leland

refers to this text about the claims of the king of England to the throne of France

amongst the books there. Versions survive in various manuscripts, all. of which arethought to be copies of Beckington’s lost original. Of these, three are now in theBritish Library and another in the Ashmole manuscripts at the Bodleian.22 In spiteof its damaged condition, the Cotton manuscript remains the most impressive

of these, with its many strapwork and scrollwork initials incorporating fabulousbeasts and no less than seven examples of birds with barred wings. The initial‘8’, where it occursin an embellished form, bears a close resemblance to those

in Stilling’con’s register (Figs 14 and 15). There is also an initial ‘C’ decorated with

shaded scrollwork resembling that on the ‘S’ of 1467 in Stillington’s register (Figs2 and 16). Whether or not intended as a royal gift, it is also possible that this bookmay have been made in Wells and maybe remained there after Beckington’s death.It is tempting to think that the artist and scribes may have been available in Wellswhen Hugh Sugar was embarking on the first page of Stiflington’s register andwere called uponto make thisand other embellishments.

Another figure in Wells at this time was John Gunthorpe, who became

dean of the cathedral in 1472. Unlike his other colleagues, he was 21 Cambridgegraduate. Between 1460 and 1465 he studied Greek and rhetoric at Ferrara and

served as a papal chaplain in Rome before returning to England and, amongst otherpreferments, becoming rector of Ditcheat, a Somerset parish about twelve miles

south-east of Wells. In Italy he had known John Free and came into possessionof some of his books. Before his appointment to Wells he was warden of King’sHall in Cambridge and, throughout his career, much in demand as a diplomat,both under the Yorkist kings and Henry VII. He held numerous offices aboutthe Yorkist court and was appointed keeper of the privy seal in 1483. At Wells

he was influenced by the current passion for building, remodelling the deaneryto incorporate an oriel window with a newly fashionable fan-vault above it. Asrector of Ditcheat, as we have seen in partnership with Stillington himself and theabbot of Glastonbury, he was responsible for alterations to the chancel and theintroduction of another fan vault over the crossing there. Like others in this group,

he was a man conversant with the new humanistic learning, the latest architectural

2' Scott, 'The decorated letters’, p. 103.22 BL Cotton MS Tiberius B. xii; BL Harley MS 861; BL Harley MS 4763; Bodleian

Library, Oxford, Ashmole MS 1114; James P. Carley, ‘John Leland at Somerset Libraries',

Somerset Archaeology and Natural History, Proceedings of the Somerset Archaeologicaland Natural History Society, vol. 129, (1987), pp. 141-54 (p. 150, entry 18).

19

styles and the artistic tastes of the court of Edward IV.23

The penwork initials of Stillington’s register are an indication of how

far these tastes were influencing the daily life of the Cathedral. The manner of

decorating administrative and legal documents with elaborate penwork had been

gaining ground for some time. Its origins have been traced to practice in France

and Burgundy round about 1400. The most famous early example is its use by

the librarian of the duke of Berry to indicate ownership of the manuscripts in

his care. The style, incorporating flourishes, strapworkand high-rising, looping

cadels, attached to or rising above the upstrokcsof the letters, was particularly

suited to the pen. It was soon incorporated into the working style of the scriveners,

who were the people usually employed in the writing of such documents, and

was often exercised with striking accomplishment. Sometimes figurative drawing

would be incorporated with shading provided by the pen or possibly with abrushor even smudging with the finger, which brings the work closer to that of the book

illuminator. However, Dr Anne Sutton has shown how the work of the scriveners,

whose craft was a separate one, should be distinguished fromthat of the book

artisans.“Beckington would have been aware of these developments. As the king’s

secretary, whose consecration as bishop of Bath and Wells took place at Eton

in 1443, just two years after Henry VI’s foundation of his colleges there and at

Cambridge, he may have known the elaborate decorations provided by William

Abel for the charters granted to both colleges in 1446.25 As we have seen, he was

himself involved in the commissioning and receipt of finely illustrated manuscript

books, some of which he gave to the Cathedral at Wells, and Sugar and possibly also

Stillington would have known these. Certainly a few years later in 1479 the exquisite

and elaborate strapwork initial on a document conferring secular membership of

the Franciscan convent at Bridgwater on the person and family of John Kendall,

a merchant of that town, is testimony that the practise of decorating documents

1‘ Cecil H. Clough, ‘John Gunthorpe’, ODNB; Weiss, Humanism, pp. 122-27; Pevsner,

North Somerset, pp. 317-19 and pl. 50a; Pevsner, South and West Somerset, p. 149.

2" Anne F. Sutton, ‘An unfinished celebration of the Yorkist accession by a clerk of

the Merchant Staplers of Calais’ in Linda Clark, ed., The Fifteenth Centmjy VIII: Rule,

Redemption and Representation in Late Medieval England and France, Woodbridge 2008,

pp. 135-61, esp. 145-51).’5 Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte and M.C.B. Dawes, eds., The Register of Thomas Bekynton,

Bishop of Bath and Wells 1443-1465, Somerset Record Society, vols. 49 and 50 (1934-1935), vol. 49, p. xii; J. Alexander, ‘William Abell "lymnour" and fifteenth century English

illumination’ in A. Rosenauer and Gerold Weber, eds., Kunstbistoriscbe Forscbungen Otto

Pa'icbtzu seinem 70 Geburtstug, Salzburg 1972, pp. 166-72; William Connor, ‘The Esholt

Priory charter of 1485and its decoration’, YorkshireArc/meological journal vol. 80, (2008),pp. 121-52, illustrates the Eton Charter (fig. 4). In this anicle I suggest that Stillington's

register may have been compiled in London but, in the light of further research set out

here, I no longer think this likely.

20

was by this time as accepted in Somerset as elsewhere.26 Dr Sutton has recentlydrawn attention to the celebratory aspects of penwork decoration as applied to

the register of the Merchant Staplers of Calais during the 14605 and has compared

it with that of Stiflington’s register.27 Maybe there were celebratory elements atplay here too. Before Stillington’s consecration there had been a lengthy vacancy

when the diocese was without a bishop for a year. Sugar was also in charge ofadministration during this period, along with Nicholas Carent, the dean of the

Cathedral, but the register which they kept was not embellished in the same way.23

Perhaps the sense of relief, even joy at the appointment of Stillington, who was

not only 21 Wells man but also a major political figure, inspired the introduction

of more elaborate decoration than had been usual before. There may have beenfurthercause for celebration on account of Sugar’s long association with the newbishop and the fact that he made no changes to the administrative arrangementson his appointment.29 Although it does not appear that Stillington gave a great dealof attention to his episcopal duties, he must have had occasional communication

with the staff in Wells, who may have attended on him in London or elsewhere

from time to time. It is tempting to thinkthat he may have inspected the register

on these occasions and approved, even encouraged its embellishment. Both heand Sugar were in touch with the artistic fashions of the Yorkist court and couldreflect some of this influence in the diocese, not only in fan-vaulting but even inthe scribal practices of Hugh Sugar’s office.

After his death Stillington was interred in his splendid chantry chapelat Wells as he had intended. Archaeological evidence has been found for a fine,

painted and gilded Bath stone monument. He also provided himself with anothermemorial, a college which he founded for the education of boys in his nativevillage of Acaster Selby near York. A.F. Leach describes it as ‘one of the mostinteresting and humanistic of the holleges modelled on Winchester and Eton’.It: was organised to teach the three separate disciplines of grammar, music and

song, and writing and ‘scrivener craft’. Although this too was a victim of theReformation and was largely suppressed under Edward VI, it does appear to have

2“ Somerset Record Office, D/D/bw 109, reproduced in Dunning, Bath and Wells, p.28. Dr Scott makes a similar observation in respect of a manuscript illustrated in York (BLEgerton MS 2572), Kathleen L. Scott, Tradition and Innovation in Later Medieval English

Manuscripts, London 2007, p. 146 and Later Gothic MSS, vol. 2, entry 139 and vol. 1, illus.

502, 503.27 Sutton, ‘An unfinished celebration’ pp. 145-46.

_ 2“ The sede vacante register, consisting of 15 folios, is bound with two later ones,

Somerset Record Office D/D/Breg. 29. It is calendared by Maxwell-Lyte along withStillington’s register in SRS 52.

2" R. L. Storey, Diocesan Administration in the Fifteenth Century, Borthwick Paper

16, York 1959, pp. 20-21.

21

survived on a reduced scale into the seventeenth century.30 Its site is now marked

by College_Farm. His buildings demolished, his burial place desecrated and his

charitable worksoverthrown, the ‘bad bishop’ is now commemorated only by the

register compiled by his servant Hugh Sugar and the splendid penwork decoration

with which it is provided.

3° Rodwell, Wells Cathedral, vol. 1, pp. 237-238; Hicks, ODNB; A.F. Leach, Early

Yorkshire Schools, vol. 2, Yorkshire Archaeological Society Record Series, vol. 33, (1903),

pp. 89-100; eodem, The Schools ofMedz'eual England, London 1915, pp. 274-75; WE. Tate,

A..F. Leach as a Historian of Yorkshire Education, Borthwick- Paper 23, York 1963, p. 15.

22