The Psychological Contract

Managing and developing professional groups

Christeen GeorgeOpen University Press McGraw-Hill Education McGraw-Hill House Shoppenhangers Road Maidenhead Berkshire England SL6 2QL

email: enquiries@openup.co.uk world wide web: www.openup.co.uk and Two Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121 -2289, USAFirst published 2009

Copyright © Christeen George 2009

All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher or a licence from the Copyright Licensing Agency Limited. Details of such licences (for reprographic reproduction) may be obtained from the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd of Saffron House, 6-10 Kirby Street, London, EC1 N 8TS.

A catalogue record of this book is available from the British Library

ISBN-10: 033521 61 29 (pb) 0335216137 (hb) ISBN-13: 9780335216123 (pb) 9780335216130 (hb)

Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Typeset by YHT Ltd, LondonPrinted in the UK by Bell and Bain Ltd, Glasgow

For Byron and Camilla George, Uella and David Amah, and Christeen Aboe

Contents

List of tables and figures ix

Acknowledgements xi

1 Introducing the psychological contract 1

1 Professional careers in the UK 32

2 Contract formation and development: early socialization 49

3 Transitions: from education to professional employment 70

4 From professional employment to the mature career 85

5 The psychological contract and critical career decisions 97

6 Managing the psychological contract 114

7 The future of the psychological contract and psychological

contracts of the future 123

References 135

Acknowledgements

This has been a long journey which has been at times a solitary one but there have beenmany people who have helped me along the way. The first person I would like to thank isDr Deirdie Kelley-Patterson who was originally going to be a co-atithor and who wasinvolved in the developmental stages. I would also like to thank Professor ChrisBrotherton, the series editor, for his patience and a long list of editors that I won't nameindividually for fear of offending one I may have missed out. Thanks also to all my MScstudents at the University of Hertfordshire. Thanks in addition to Andy Pedley whounwittingly gave me the motivation to perservere at a time when the task appearedinsurmountable. A special thanks to my family who have endured many inconveniencesover these last few years.

1 Introducing the psychological contract

This book is concerned with the psychological contract with particular reference

to the careers of professional workers. The aim of the book is to examine the

management and development of professional groups through an understanding of

how psychological contracts form and change over time.

The concept or construct of the psychological contract has been a popular one,

particularly over the past ten years or so. However, relatively few books have been

written about the psychological contract per se although there is a plethora of

journal articles, a great many of which, but by no means all, report empirical

research.

With the increasing numbers of university graduates, many people are working in

professional or proto-professional occupations. Thus the management and

development of these groups of workers has become an increasingly important

issue. The framework used throughout the book is predominantly that of the

psychological contract. Thus, in this chapter the psychological contract is defined

and there is a brief examination of the history of the concept. There is also some

discussion of the characteristics and content of the psychological contract. Different

types of contract are discussed with particular reference to the distinction made by

Rousseau (1995) between relational and transactional contracts. The concepts of

psychological contract breach and violation are outlined. This is followed by a

critique of the contract to date with reference to aspects such as the clarity of the

conceptualization and underlying assumptions.

In subsequent chapters the focus shifts to professional careers. In Chapter 2

there is a discussion concerning professional careers in the UK with regard to the

recruitment and retention of professional workers. Distinctions are made between

organizational and professional careers starting with organizational and professional

socialization and moving on to the possible tensions between organizational and

professional careers. The topic of early career socialization is then examined in some

detail in Chapter 3, focusing upon the portrayal of professional workers in the

media and the possible consequences of this portrayal. Factors impacting on the

decision to enter a profession are identified in connection with the career

development literature. The entrance to many professions requires a protracted

period of professional training and development. The expectations of those entering

this period of professional development will be considered and also the extent to

which the various professions actively shape these expectations.

Chapter 4 concentrates on the development of professional identities through

both formal education routes and intra-organizational mentoring schemes. There has

been some suggestion (e.g. Jenkins, 2001) that degree programmes may actually

produce disillusionment with career choices and paths. Issues surrounding the

changing perceptions of the professions are discussed. The differing psychological

contract expectations of graduates and managers are highlighted. The development

of professional identities is discussed with reference to social identity theory, which

provides an integrative framework.

The spotlight is then moved to the developing professional career beginning with

a consideration of the entry into professional life and career decisions made, such as

progression to managerial status. Many professional workers report significant role

strain when they move to their first supervisory role. In Chapter 5, cultural

transmission and the development of 'managerial' occupational role identities are

explored. Career development issues such as the growing importance of

collaborative working (in health and social care), partnership working and networking

are discussed. The leadership pressures associated with the demands of 'new

managerialism' are explored through the eyes of professionals operating in

managerial roles.

Chapter 6 is concerned with the impact of the psychological contract on the

career decisions of professional workers. The discussion of psychological contract

violation and breach is developed further with reference to the professional worker.

The consequences of violation and breach are examined, such as lowered

commitment and job satisfaction, and exit. Exit from the professions is discussed in

connection with career changes and the possibility of professional 'downshifting'. The

role of HR strategies in the retention of professional workers is investigated and a

number of characteristics important for the retention of professional workers are

identified.

The role of HR is further examined in Chapter 7, where the 'management' of the

psychological contract is considered. Socialization/induction, identity development

and contract change and violation will be discussed with reference to people

management strategies.

Finally, future trends in the development and change of the psychological

contract are explored in Chapter 8. Here the main issues are summarized and there

is a critical evaluation of the approach taken in the book as a whole.

Introduction

What is a psychological contract? On first acquaintance with the concept it

appears to be a relatively easy one to understand. However, on reading the

many papers written on the psychological contract, especially since 1995, the

concept of the psychological contract becomes more and more elusive. Is it

concerned with expectations, promises, obligations or all of these? Is the

psychological contract a mutual agreement between employees and their

organization or is it best seen entirely from the employees' viewpoint? Do

different groups of workers have different types of psychological contract? What

of professional workers? Do they hold psychological contracts with their

profession, the organization that they work in, or with both? If it is intended to

look at the careers of professional workers through the lens of the psychological

contract, it is important to examine definitions of the construct and also to

explore the history, the content, the characteristics and the formation of

psychological contracts, as well as the consequences of contract violation and

breach. In the next section an attempt is made to provide a definition of the

psychological contract taking into account conflicting approaches.

Definitions

Whilst the psychological contract may be difficult to define, as a concept it is

easily understood, on some level or another, by anyone who has ever worked in

any kind of organization. Ask any group of employees what they expect from

their organization and what their organization expects from them and they will

have no trouble in eliciting a list of items many of which are not found in the

conventional contract of employment. Definitions may vary but there is some

general agreement concerning the nature of the psychological contract. The

general consensus would appear to be that the psychological contract is

promissory, implicit, reciprocal, perceptual, and based on expectations.

• The psychological contract is promissory as it can be denned in relation to the

promises that employees believe were made to them by their employer

probably prior to them entering the organization.

• The psychological contract is implicit in that it is unspoken, unwritten and

often only becomes apparent when it is breached, causing feelings of

violation.

• Psychological contracts are reciprocal as they are embedded in beliefs of

mutual obligations (Rousseau, 1995) existing in the context of the

employee/employer relationship. They are concerned with exchange

agreements between individuals and their organizations.

• The psychological contract is seen as forming or as being formed by 'the

idiosyncratic perception of the employment agreement held by individuals'

(Blancero ctal., 1996).

• The psychological contract can be seen as 'a series of mutual expectations and

needs arising from an organization-individual relationship' (Kelley-Patterson and

George, 200L) or as the sum of mutual expectations between the organization

and the employee (Levinson etal., 1962; Schein, 1978).

• The psychological contract binds the employee and the employer. It is a form of

guarantee that if each does his or her part, the relationship will be mutually

beneficial (Robinson and Rousseau, 1994). This may be a fairly complex

relationship in the case of professional workers.

Problems arising with the definition of the psychological contract appear to

stem from the differing approaches occurring within the psychological contract

literature. According to Grant (1999) there would appear to be two broad

approaches to defining the psychological contract. The first approach has been

described by Herriot (1995) as the 'classic definition' and is derived from the

work of Argyris and Schein. This approach focuses on employer and employee

perceptions of the exchange implied by the employment relationship and

considers the social processes that shape these perceptions. The second

approach places the psychological contract firmly within the mind of the

employee (Herriot, 1995). This approach focuses on 'individual beliefs,

shaped by the organization, regarding the terms of an exchange agreement

between individuals and their organization' (Rousseau, 1995). It may be, as

Guest and Conway state, that the psychological contract is best seen as a

metaphor: a word or phrase borrowed from another context that helps to make

sense of our experience. The psychological contract is a way of interpreting the

state of the employment relationship and help to plot significant changes (Guest

and Conway, 1998: ix).

For some writers in the field there would appear to be little that can be

described as 'psychological' in the psychological contract as the term is used

merely as a description of the employment relationship. Used in this context the

psychological contract is a useful way to refer to employee/employer relations

and one that appears to fit neatly within the unitary perspective.

History of the concept

Relatively little has been written about the history of the psychological contract.

The most extensive review of the origins and early development of the

psychological contract construct is that of Roehling (1997). He notes that both

Argyris (1960) and Levinson et at. (1962) have been credited with introducing

the term.

Argyris (I960) used the term 'psychological work contract' to describe the implicit

understanding between a group of employees and their foreman that arose as a

result of a particular leadership style that Argyris referred to as 'passive' or

'understanding'. Foremen adopting this style of leadership influenced employees

to behave in the desired manner by maintaining the informal employee culture

and not behaving in a way that violated the culture's norms.

Levinson et al. (1962) derived the concept of the psychological contract from Karl

Menninger's discussion of the intangible aspects of contractual relationships and

a study carried out by the Menninger Foundation where employees spoke of their

expectations in relation to their work. They defined psychological contracts as 'a

series of mutual expectations of which the parties to the relationship may not

themselves be [but] dimly aware but which nonetheless govern their relationship

to each other' (p. 21).

A key writer in the early development of the psychological contract as a

construct was Edgar Schein. In 1965 he stated that 'The notion of a psychological

contract implies that the individual has a variety of expectations of the

organization and that the organization has a variety of expectations of him'

(1965: 11). By the 1980s he had broadened his conceptualization of the

psychological contract by claiming: 'Though it remains unwritten, the psy-

chological contract is a powerful determiner of behaviour in organizations'

(Schein, 1988: 24}. Schein envisaged the psychological contract as influencing

organizational roles, power relationships, motivation, performance, induction and

socialization, employee relations and career-related behaviour. Schein defines

organizational roles as 'a set of behavioural expectations' many of which are

'implicit and involve the person's sense of dignity and worth' (1988: 23). He also

states that a major element of the psychological contract is an expectation on

the part of the organization that a new worker will accept the authority system of

that organization.

Schein claims that the psychological contract is 'a major variable of analysis'

(1988: 99) underlying effective work performance, employee commitment,

loyalty, and enthusiasm for the organization and its goals. In later chapters the

pervasiveness of the construct will be examined with particular reference to the

careers of professional workers. According to Schein, the psychological contract

is based upon the inner needs of the employee and his/her manager as well as

on what they have learned from others, traditions and norms which may be

operating, their own past experiences and 'a host of other sources' (1988: 24).

Thus, as these needs and other external forces change so do expectations,

making the psychological contract, in Schein's words, 'a dynamic one which must

be constantly renegotiated' (1988: 24). Thus, for example, economic conditions

may lead to renegotiations of professional contracts amongst professional and

other workers.

Other research feeding into the early development of the concept includes

Gibson (1966), Kotter (1973), Portwood and Miller (1976), Weick (1979) and

Nicholson and Johns (1985). Gibson was concerned with absence behaviour and

the links between this and an individual's 'work contract' with his/her

organization. The work contract is seen to consist of a formal contract and a

'quasi-contract' involving an unwritten understanding of the rights and duties of

parties. Gibson refers to the term psychological contract as being a less formal

term alluding to the individual's perception of the quasi-contractual aspect of the

work contract. Expectations around absence or presence behaviour can clearly

be seen to be a reciprocal dimension of the psychological contract. For

professional workers this often relates to assumptions concerning off-site working

which may often be an aspect of the job for some.

In 1973, in a study of organization socialization, Kotter defined the

psychological contract as 'an implicit contract between an individual and his

organization which specifies what each expects to give and receive from each

other in their relationship' (p. 92). Kotter talks about matches and mismatches of

expectations, which he claims make up the psychological contract. He

emphasizes the importance of minimizing these mismatches in order to retain

workers and to create a successful organization. Thus Kotter appears to be

providing the foundation for the many empirical studies on breach and violation

of psychological contracts.

In 1976, Portwood and Miller were concerned with the specific ways in which

individual and organizational characteristics interact to influence observed work

attitudes and work behaviour. They sought to generate empirical evidence

concerning the psychological contract model (see Figure 1.1).

They concluded that individual employees related to the organization through

a process of comparing personal expectations with conditions as they exist in the

organization. They evaluated the links between the individuals' perceived job

integration and overall job satisfaction and the employer's evaluation of the

employee's 'satisfactoriness' to the organization. The term 'satisfactoriness' was

used to cover specific task performance, as well as individual commitment and

compatibility with the organizational environment. They concluded that the

psychological contract model demonstrated some validity as a description of the

employee-organizational relationship. This is one of the few studies that

attempts to examine both sides of the relationship comparing 'satisfactoriness'

of the employee as well as the perceived 'satisfactoriness' of the organization.

Weick (1979} describes the psychological contract in terms of individuals'

reasons for joining organizations, seeing it as playing a central role in orga-

nizational behaviour (Roehling, 1997), thus suggesting the importance of

psychological contract formation prior to entry into the employing organization.

However, this is an area that has received very little interest in the literature.

Figure 1.1 Psychological contract model Source: Portwood and Miller (1976)

In the 1980s, Nicholson and Johns (1985) saw the psychological contract as a

means of transmitting culture within organizations. They described it as

emerging from interaction and communication, as 'a psychological mechanism

by which collective influence is translated into individual behavior' (p. 398). They

also emphasized the importance of the more concrete factors such as the literal

contract provisions, pay arrangements and control systems. They claimed that

these factors 'provide grist for the emergent psychological contract' (p. 405) and

advised their consideration by researchers. This is advice that has been heeded

by few subsequent workers in the field due to the emphasis on the perceptual

aspects of the psychological contract. What are the links between actual

contracts of employment and perceived psychological contracts? Do more

general and flexible role descriptors mean that an increasing proportion of the

employment contract is implicit rather than explicit?

Denise Rousseau has become one of the main authorities on all aspects of the

psychological contract. Her paper (1989) has been described as 'seminal' by

several writers in the field (Roehling, 1997; Millward and Cropley, 2003; Conway

and Briner, 2005). In many ways her work can be seen as marking a transition

from the early work on the concept of the psychological contract to more recent

developments in the psychological contract literature. Nearly all research in the

area published after 1989 makes reference to Rousseau's work and she has

made a unique contribution in the area. The paper marked a fundamental shift in

understanding the meaning and functioning of the psychological contract and

how it could be investigated (Conway and Briner, 2005).

The key differences between Rousseau's conceptualization of the psy-

chological contract and previous research are outlined in Table 1.1.

Table 1.1 Differences between Rousseau's conceptualization of the

psychological contract and previous research

More detailed discussion of these differences may be found in Conway and

Briner (2005: 14). However, to outline them briefly here, much of the early work

focused on the expectations that employees had about their obligations to the

organization and the organization's obligations to them. This contrasts with

Rousseau's focus on the promissory aspects of the contract. What do employees

feel that their organization has promised them and what promises from them are

implicit in this arrangement? Earlier studies also emphasized the two-way nature

of the contract more strongly whereas for Rousseau the emphasis is on individual

idiosyncratic perceptions which exist 'in the eye of the beholder' (Rousseau,

1989: 123). Contract formation is discussed in some more detail later. However,

as Conway and Briner note, 'Rousseau believes that it is primarily an individual's

perceptions of observable behaviour that constitute psychological contracts'

(2005: 14). Finally, one of the major shifts in emphasis revolves around fulfilment

of the psychological contract. Early studies tended to focus on equity between

the inputs of the organization and those of the employee. Rousseau was

responsible for the shift of focus from comparative inputs to consideration of the

'violation' of psychological contracts and the consequent outcomes. Again, this is

a topic discussed later on in this chapter and also in Chapter 6 when the violation

of professional workers' contracts in particular is discussed.

Although critical in many ways of the psychological contract as

a concept, David Guest has been responsible for conceptualizing tire psycho-

logical contract in such a way as to make it more readily acceptable to human

resource management specialists. Guest (1998) turned the focus on to the 'state

of the psychological contract' and has subsequently carried out a number of

wide-ranging surveys for the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development

(CIPD) (e.g. Guest et al, 1996; Guest and Conway, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2002). He

also conceptualized the psychological contract as consisting of three

components: trust, fairness and delivery of the deal. Influences on the

psychological contract are seen to reside in the organization or in the individual,

although both will be influenced by wider societal norms and they may include

expectations (Guest, 1998: 660). In his model of the psychological contract

Guest also considers the possible consequences of the psychological contract for

both the individual and the organization. Guest's (1998) model is shown in Figure

1.2. It is possible that when focusing on professional workers some adaptation to

this model may be required.

Figure 1.2 Guest's model of the psychological contract Source: Guest (1998)

Guest has also been responsible for moving recent research on the psy-

chological contract to include an organizational as well as an individual employee

perspective. There has been some danger that in focusing on tire idiosyncratic

aspects of the psychological contract the reciprocal aspects have been forgotten.

Content and characteristics

Both before and after the contribution of Guest to the research area, the

characteristics of the psychological contract have been outlined by a number of

key writers in the field. One aspect on which there has been a high degree of

agreement in recent years is that the psychological contract is a subjective

perception which differs between individuals (Rousseau, 1995). It is described as

a self-construct whose terms maybe diversely interpreted (Rousseau, 1989,

1995). Each psychological contract is individual and unique (Anderson and

Schalk, 1998} and consists of the internal cognitions of individuals formed and

held individualistically (Morrison and Robinson, 1997). Does it then make sense

to look at the psychological contracts of specific groups of workers such as

doctors, nurses, or local government workers, or is it best to focus entirely on

individual-level analyses?

There is considerable agreement that the psychological contract is also a

dynamic construct which is likely to change during an employee's organizational

life (Hiltrop, 1996; Cassar, 2001) and throughout the relationship between the

employer and the employee. It may be argued that for the professional worker

the profession forms an important part of this dynamic relationship. Another

characteristic of the psychological contract relates to the emphasis on mutual

obligations. The psychological contract defines a form of belief that an exchange

relationship between two parties exists (Guest, 1998). This may be more

complex for professional workers as there may be a choice as to whether this

relationship should be with the organization or the profession. Psychological

contracts may also be seen to be founded upon a perceived promise where a

promise is defined as 'any communication of future intent' (Westwood et a., 2001).

For the professional worker these promises may come from a variety of sources.

The psychological contract is usually described in the context of a relationship

between workers and their employers but how can it be defined in relation to

professional workers who have relationships both with their profession and their

organization? According to Schalk and Freese (1993), individuals or organizations

cannot separately create psychological contracts, but they develop as an

inescapable result of the interaction between the parties. However, the

organizational agent with whom the worker holds a contract is not clear. This is a

particular issue for professional workers. Westwood et ai. (2001) claim that

psychological contracts are held by individuals with respect to the employing

organization in the abstract. That is to say that the psychological contract is not

formed with respect to any specific agent within the organization. However, it

can be employed to explain how relationships between employment parties

evolve, develop or degenerate (Shore and Tetrick, 1994) and as such may be

seen as an important determinant of the behaviour and attitudes of employees

(Anderson and Schalk, 1998). Despite this, the psychological contract is rarely

discussed explicitly.

Psychological contract types

Psychological contracts are usually described as being either transactional or

relational in nature. Relational contracts emphasize the degree of social

exchange and interdependence between workers and their employers.

Transactional contracts tend to focus on the concrete content of the

contract. The distinction between transactional and relational contracts can be

seen as central to both theory and empirical research in the field (Thompson and

Bunderson, 2003).

Rousseau (1995) distinguishes between transactional and relational contracts

in terms of focus, inclusion, time frame, formalization, stability, scope and

tangibility. The focus of transactional contracts is mainly economic, inclusion is

partial, the time frame is likely to be close-ended or specific, role information is

likely to be written, tasks, roles and duties are mainly static, the scope of its

influence is narrow, and the conditions are public and observable. On the other

hand, relational contracts have both an economic and an emotional focus, the

'whole person' is included, the time frame is open-ended and indefinite, terms

tend to be both written and unwritten, they are dynamic, their scope is

pervasive, and the conditions are difficult for a third party to understand.

Transactional and relational contracts have been conceptualized as being two

ends of a continuum. Millward and Hopkins (1998) developed measures of

transactional and relational contracts and factor analysis revealed support for a

two-factor model composed of transactional and relational dimensions. There

was a strong negative correlation between these two factors, suggesting that

transactional and relational contracts operate in a functionally antagonistic

fashion. However, for professional workers there may be a distinction between

the type of contract held with their profession and that held with their employer.

Transactional contracts

According to Rousseau (1995), transactional contract terms are exemplified by a

fair day's work for a fair day's pay, focusing on short-term and monetizable exchanges.

Typically transactional contracts are based on pay as a primary incentive with

employees working relatively few hours and/or having a low level of emotional

investment. Transactional contracts work within a close-ended time frame

involving seasonal employment or two to three years in a particular job at most.

Work duties and working conditions are well specified, with any change requiring

a renegotiation of contract. Transactional contracts tend to require use of

existing skills therefore not obligating the employer to provide extensive

development.

A transactional contract implies a purely instrumental exchange relationship

between employees and employers, i.e. services in exchange for compensation

(He mot and Pemberton, 1996), which serves short-term employer needs (Hallier

and James, 1997). Transactional contracts are self-interested, based on balanced

reciprocity norms, concrete and are often carefully monitored by both sides. As

part of the exchange, the organization provides adequate compensation, a safe

working environment, and reasonable short-term guarantees of employment in

exchange for the employee's fulfilment of narrow, specified role responsibilities

(Thompson and Bunder-son, 2003). It could be argued that professional workers

are expected to hold relational contracts both with their profession and their

employer.

Transactional contracts imply an egoistic or instrumental model of human

nature because employees are concerned about themselves as primary

beneficiaries of the exchange (Rousseau and McLean Parks, 1993). Individuals

who form a transactional contract with an organization often do so either

because they view the current job and organization as a stepping stone to

further their career aspirations or because the organization has indicated that

the employment relationship will be short-term in nature. Many professional

workers may take a series of short-term jobs at the start of their career. Indi-

viduals with a transactional contract have been found to have low levels of

affective commitment (Irving and Bobocel, 2002). Transactional contracting can

also be seen to reflect Kelman's (1958) concept of compliance where individual

behaviour is predicated on influence attempts that involve the promise of reward

or punishment. Compliance does not involve shared beliefs but rather consists of

a calculated desire to maximize personal utility. The transactional orientation has

also been likened to continuance commitment based on the notion that both

may bind an employee to the organization by instrumental interests (Millward

and Hopkins, 1998). Irving and Bobocel (2002) in a study of university graduates

found a positive association between continuance commitment and employee

perceptions of a transactional contract. This suggests that although individuals

with transactional contracts may be willing to leave the organization, they may

perceive themselves as being unable to do so. Professional workers may join an

organization at an early point in their career for relevant professional experience

but may stay if no other suitable position is available elsewhere. According to

Heniot and Pemberton (1996), transactional contracts can be continued,

renegotiated, adjusted unilaterally, or exited.

Contract breach is discussed in more detail later. However, the breach of a

transactional contract can be seen as relatively straightforward as it is usually

clear whether or not an organization has fulfilled its obligations with regard to

economic and other tangible inducements. It is generally agreed that violation of

economic obligations will tend to result in exit where this is a feasible option.

Relational contracts

Rousseau sees the relational contract at the other end of the continuum from the

transactional contract. The relational contract focuses on open-ended

relationships involving considerable investments by both employees and

employers. Employee investments include the acquisition of organization-

specific skills and long-term career development, with employers investing

in extensive employee development. Such investments can be seen to involve a

high degree of mutual interdependence and barriers to exit. However, for some

professional careers, progression may require the development of a series of

short-term relationships.

Relational contracts typically include emotional involvement as well as

economic exchange. Those with relational contracts have a personal

identification with their organization. They are concerned with the

involvement of the whole person in terms of growth and development. The

commitment to the organization is open-ended with respect to time frames. The

terms of the contract are both written and unwritten, with some of the terms

emerging over time. Relational contracts are dynamic and subject to change

during the life of the contract. The conditions are pervasive, affecting and

influencing personal and family life. Many of the conditions of a relational

contract are subjective and implicitly understood, making them difficult for a

third party to understand (Rousseau, 1995). In relational contracts the parties

pay attention to the fairness of the process rather than the fairness of the out-

comes (Heniot and Pemberton, 1996). This is a crucial factor in the retention of

key workers.

Relational contracts are more open-ended and relationship-oriented.

Employees who perceive their psychological contract to be relational develop an

identification with the values of the organization and internalize organizational

values because such contracts involve an emotional involvement with the

organization. Relational contracts are characterized by more generalized

agreements, which seek to create and sustain a long-term relationship involving

both monetizable and non-monetizable exchanges. In relational contracts

employees are encouraged to believe that they will be employed over the long

term and provided with training and career opportunities (Hallier and James,

1997). Some professional workers will work with employing organizations for long

periods of time; others, such as NHS workers, may have one umbrella employer

but several individual organizational employers.

The currency of the relational contract is socioemotional. Employees pledge

their loyalty to the organization in exchange for security, career development

and membership in an identity group. When their contract is perceived as

relational, employees contribute their commitment and involvement to the

organization, often in the form of organizational citizenship behaviours (Robinson

and Morrison, 1995), with the belief that the organization will provide loyalty, a

sense of community and opportunities for professional growth (Thompson and

Bunderson, 2003). Relational contracting relies on a collectivistic or socialized

model of human nature (Rousseau and McLean Parks, 1993} and entails a

relatively more pervasive, comprehensive and renegotiable set of obligations.

However, the identity group for professional workers may be their profession,

which may make the relationship between psychological contracts and

organizational citizenship behaviours a complex one.

If transactional contracts can be seen to reflect Kelman's (1958) concept of

compliance, relational contracting is consistent with Kelman's concept of

identification where individual behaviours are exhibited in response to influence

attempts based on loyalty obligations. Kelman's definition of identification

describes it as personal motivations to maintain long-term affiliation, flexibly

negotiated social relationships and membership within a desirable group, all of

which are consistent with relational contracting (Thompson and Bunderson,

2003). Individuals who form a relational contract with an organization have also

been found to have high levels of affective commitment (Irving and Bobocel,

2002). It has already been suggested that relational contracts involve

considerable investment on the part of both employees and employers. These

investments bring with them a high level of interdependence and barriers to exit.

These barriers to exit based on mutual investments make it less likely that these

employees will be seeking employment with other organizations, although

professional workers may need to seek employment elsewhere for their

subsequent career development. Irving and Bobocel found that employees who

believed that they were promised opportunities for skill development and

increased marketability were more likely to view their relationship with the

organization as one of mutual loyalty. This has been found to be particularly true

for professional workers.

Relational contracts on account of their characteristics are assumed to

provoke stronger emotional reactions. This is thought to be especially relevant in

situations where the contract is broken. Herriot and Pemberton suggest that

feelings of mutual loyalty, trust and commitment follow when relational contracts

are perceived to be equitable and honoured, with feelings of anger, grief and

mistrust ensuing when they are perceived as inequitable or dishonoured.

Honoured relational contracts may lead to closer relationship ties between

employees and employers with each offering benefits over and above the agreed

contract. When the employee reacts in this way it is referred to as citizenship

behaviour and may reflect the affiliative need for close relationships.

Dishonouring of relational contracts may provoke a renegotiation of the contract

in purely transactional terms (Organ, 1990) or, in some cases, exit and the end of

the relationship.

However, the picture may be slightly more complex than it at first appeared.

Transactional and relational contracts are not mutually exclusive. Rewards and

recognition may be important features of a relational contract just as they are

important features of a transactional contract (Irving and Bobocel, 2002). The

difference between transactional and relational contracts may revolve around

the individual's view of his or her work. This may be an important factor for the

psychological contracts of professional workers. Wrzesniewski et al. (1997) have

shown that individuals tend to view their work as a job, a career, or a calling.

Those individuals with a 'career' orientation focus on establishing connections,

pursuing opportunities for status advancement, and enjoying integration within

an occupational community. This occupational community may be at either the

organizational or the professional level. This can be seen as the essence of the

relational contract (Thompson and Bunderson, 2003). On the other hand, those

individuals with a 'job' orientation view work as an opportunity for economic

maintenance or advancement, which can be seen as consistent with the

transactional contract.

Differences between transactional and relational contracts

To summarize the differences between transactional and relational contracts

it might be useful to refer to Kelley-Patterson and George (2001) and their table

comparing transactional and relational contracts (see Table 1.2). In this table

transactional and relational contracts are compared with reference to

employment relationship characteristics, employee expectations, organizational

expectations, key outcomes with reference to both the employee and the

organization and associated HR strategies.

Transactional contracts are seen as part of the 'new deal', with relational

contracts associated with the 'old deal' and a promise of lifetime employment.

Employee expectations associated with transactional contracts focus on tangible

and quantitative aspects such as salary, development activities designed to

'improve' the employee's CV, status and financial perks. With relational contracts

employee expectations are focused more on intangible and qualitative aspects

such as job security, good workplace relationships, a broad range of

developmental experiences accompanied by interesting an challenging work.

Organizational expectations associated with transactional contracts include less

emphasis on specialist work, an increase in multifunctional team working and

employee investment of time, energy, knowledge and skills as and when needed.

In terms of relational contracts, organizational expectations Include high levels of

employee commitment, loyalty, the sharing of organizational values, the

production of quality work accompanied by specialization and use of professional

knowledge and expertise. Thus professional workers are expected to make use of

their professional training for the benefit of the organization in return for job

security, career development and interesting and demanding work.

Table 1.2. The nature of transactional and relational contracts

The advantages of transactional contracts for the employee centre around

immediate financial gain, flexibility, change and variety and for the organization

include high levels of employee flexibility. Relational contracts are associated

with reduced levels of workplace uncertainty for the employee accompanied by

feelings of self-efficacy and empowerment and possibly also reduced levels of

stress. The organizational advantages include a reduced requirement for direct

supervision of workers, worker commitment and a social capital base to assist

future organizational development.

Content of psychological contractsThe content of the psychological contract was outlined by Rousseau in 1990

based on studies of MBA students.

Exercise 1.1

Write a list of things that you expect from your employer and another list of

things that you think your employer expects of you.

Are the lists similar? Is there a balance between what you expect from your

employer and what you consider your employer's obligations to you to be?

If you are not working at the moment or are self-employed think of what

organizations might expect from their employees and what you as an individual

might want back in return.

Heniot ct al. (1997) carried out a study which aimed to explore the content of

the psychological contract in a representative sample of the UK workforce using

critical incident technique (Flanagan, 1954). The results of their study are found

in Table 1.3. Most groups of workers when asked come up with similar lists.

Contract formation

Most of the research concentrates on the period after psychological contract

formation. However, it is important to know how psychological contracts are

developed both with employing organizations and, in the case of professional

workers, with the profession and the occupation. Rousseau has also been a

pioneer in this area of psychological contract research.

Rousseau (2001) outlines the phases of psychological contract formation. The

first phase takes place pre-employment and is influenced by professional norms

and societal beliefs. Thus at this phase of organizational psychological contract

formation, professional learning and media portrayal of certain occupations may

have an influence on the type of schemata developed. In the next phase, which

takes place during the recruitment process, there is a process of active promise

exchange by both the employing organization and the prospective employee.

This is a two-way communication of and also perception of the promises made

by both sides of the employment relationship. Phase three of psychological

contract formation occurs during early organizational socialization where

according to Rousseau there is continuing promise exchange. This is also a

period in which both parties actively continue to seek information about each

other from a variety of information sources (e.g. co-workers, line managers,

customers/clients). In the next phase promise exchange is more intermittent;

information seeking is less active, as are the efforts of the organization to

socialize the no longer new employee. However changes may be incorporated

into the existing psychological contract. The final phase involves evaluation,

revision and possible violation of the psychological contract. Table 1.4 shows

these five phases.

Rousseau (1990, 1995, 2001) argues that the contracting process is one of

developing and refining mindsets or mental maps or schemata which emerge

through contact with the organization. Psychologically, the parties may begin to

formulate the contract prior to employment by seeking out information on

'trustworthiness' from sources such as the media, friends or tire organizational

network or professional bodies. In recent years this recruitment phase is often

centred around web-pages, and employing organization web-pages as well as

those of professional bodies may be important influencing features at this stage

of psychological contract formation. Organizational recruitment and socialization

processes then reinforce tire mental maps of employees. There is some evidence

to suggest that HR practices may have some influence here (George and Kelley-

Patterson, 2002). Influential HR practices include the adequacy of recruitment

practices (Nicholson and Arnold, 1991), the quality of work placements (Laycock

et a(., 1990), job previews (Wanous, 1991), degree sandwich programmes

(Arnold and Garland, 1990), work experience while on degree programmes,

systematic orientation training, focus on gaining management experience, job

coaching and mentoring, and the formation of positive work relationships

(Garavan, 1997). Work placements and work experience are often features of

professional training.

De Vos et at. (2003) investigate psychological contract formation as a sense-

making process taking place during organizational socialization. They propose a

model in which the adaptation of perceived promises to the interpretation of

experiences can occur both unilaterally and reciprocally. Unilateral adaptation

refers to changes in perceived promises conveyed by one party based on the

interpretation of that party's actions. Reciprocal adaptation refers to changes on

behalf of newcomers based upon their interpretations of the other party's actions

in the work setting. They found that newcomers changed their perceptions of

what their employer had promised them based on their perceptions of the

employer inducements actually received. They suggest that this implies that

newcomers use their experiences within the work environment as feedback

about their initial expectations and that they are flexible in adapting their initial

expectations based on this feedback (De Vos el a(., 2003: 553). In the case of

professional workers this sense-making will also take place with reference to the

profession.

Millward Purvis and Cropley (2003) explored the processes of psychological

contracting in an employment scenario in which the 'other' party to the

relationship was relatively unambiguous and in which 'the quality' of the

employment relationship really mattered to both employer and employee. They

found that expectations became clearer the more they were discussed and that

relational expectations were more likely to be discussed implicitly than

transactional expectations. To date there is still relatively little research on

psychological contract formation. This is particularly true of the pre-entry stage

although some writers examine anticipatory socialization (e.g. Scholarios et ai.,

2003) and there is a vast literature concerned with organizational and

professional socialization. Some recent research has looked at the role of

organizational web-pages in the development of psychological contracts. There

has been some research on the influence of educational establishments, Some

writers have found for example that degree programmes may produce

disillusionment with the selected degree path (Garavan and Morley, 1997: 153).

Others have found that for graduates the contracting process may be mediated

by expectations and experiences whilst still in higher education and further

influenced during the early stages of the relationship through recruitment and

socialization processes (Kelley-Patterson and George, 2001:316). This feature

may be particularly relevant in the development of professional workers'

psychological contracts.

Contract breach and violation

'Faith is null and the promise is void' [Romans 4.14]

Although in 1996 Morrison claimed that very little research had focused on

psychological contract breach, this topic appears to have overwhelmed psy-

chological contract research since that date. So much so that five years later in

2001 Kickul notes 'Most of the research on the psychological contract has

investigated the employees' reactions to unfulfilled organizational promises (i.e.

contract breach)' (2001: 290). Several writers have commented upon this

emphasis on violation and breach (see for example Hallier and James, 1997;

Turnley and Feldman, 1999; Cassar, 2001; Kickul, 2001; Kickul and Lester, 2001;

Aselage and Eisenberger, 2003; De Vos et a}., 2003; Lambert etai., 2003; Lo and

Aryee, 2003; Guest, 2004). The focus on violation appears to be due to the fact

that, as an influence on behaviour, the psychological contract usually only

becomes important when it becomes salient, that is to say broken or violated in

some way (Carbery et al., 2003). It is also due to Rousseau's repositioning of the

concept. Most writers agree that psychological contract breach is a subjective

experience based on a person's perception that another has failed to fulfil

adequately the promised obligations of the psychological contract (Rousseau,

1989), whereas a violation is the failure of one party to fulfil its obligations to the

other (Robinson et al, 1994). Training is an area often cited in relation to contract

violation, with employees complaining that they have either received no training

or that the training was not as promised when joining the organization. Training

is often a very salient feature of professional workers' psychological contracts as

most professional roles involve extensive periods of training. Other areas include

compensation, promotion, the nature of the job, job security, feedback,

management of change, responsibility, co-workers and benefits.

Morrison and Robinson's (1997) article is a key authority for definitions of

contract violation and breach judging by the number of times it is cited in other

articles. They define psychological contract violation as inherently perceptual,

referring to violation as experienced by the employee which does not necessarily

have to correspond to 'objective reality'. Use of this definition suggests that

violation is cognitive and reflects a mental calculation of what one has received

relative to what one was promised. Others such as Rousseau (1989) describe

violation as involving feelings of betrayal and deeper psychological distress

whereby the victim experiences anger, resentment, a sense of injustice and

wrongful harm.

Morrison and Robinson, however, make a distinction between feelings of

violation and the cognitive evaluations that underlie them, distinguishing

between violation and 'perceived breach'. They define perceived breach as 'the

cognition that one's organization has failed to meet one or more obligations within

one's psychological contract in a manner commensurate with one's

contributions' (p. 230). Violation is then the emotional and affective state that may

follow from the belief that one's organization has failed to adequately maintain

the psychological contract. Violation is often accompanied by feelings of anger,

resentment, bitterness, indignation and even outrage emanating from the

perception that one has been betrayed or mistreated. According to some, the

degree of experienced violation depends on the type of violation, the degree of

discrepancy, and whether the organization is held responsible for the violation

(see for example McFarlane et a)., 1994; Anderson and Schalk, 1998). However, is

it possible that professional workers may also hold their profession responsible

for psychological contract violation.

Not all unmet promises are therefore denned by employees as a contract

breach. Guest (1998) notes that there is a certain lack of clarity as to whether

violations of the psychological contract which are defined as unmet obligations

or promises differ from unmet expectations. There is also a tendency in the

psychological contract literature to use the terms 'breach' and 'violation'

interchangeably to signify any failure to meet contractual obligations. However,

some writers claim that contract breaches are fundamental to the employment

experience (e.g. Robinson, 1996; Johnson and O'Leary-Kelly, 2003).

There are also different types of violation. Rousseau (1995) talks about three

forms of violation:

• inadvertent violation;

• disruption;

• reneging or breach of contract.

Inadvertent violation occurs when both parties are able and willing to keep their

bargain but divergent interpretations lead one party to act in a manner at odds

with the understanding and interests of the other. For example, if I think we have

an appointment at 11 am on 10 June and you think the appointment is at 10 am

on 11 June we may inadvertently fail to honour our mutual commitment to meet

by turning up for our meeting on different days.

Disruption to the contract occurs when circumstances make it impossible for

one or both parties to fulfil their end of the contract even though they are willing

to do so. For example, a manager agrees to support an employee's request to

attend a conference but, unknown to either of them, the conference in question

is already fully booked.

Reneging or breach of contract occurs when one side refuses to honour the

contract despite being able to do so. An employee living some distance from his

workplace is told at interview that he may work from home two days a week.

However, he is subsequently told that his job is such that it requires attendance

at the workplace five days a week. The nature of the job has not changed since

interview but the attendance requirements have. The employee feels that had

this been made clear at interview he may not have accepted that particular job.

Morrison and Robinson (1997) refer to reneging and incongruence as the two

conditions that may give rise to violation. Their definition of reneging is similar to

that of Rousseau's, referring to situations when an agent or agents of the

organization knowingly break a promise to an employee, but differs due to the

fact that it is seen as something that is carried out by only one side of the

partnership, namely the employer. This one-sided view of reneging is also shared

by Coyle-Shapiro and Kessler (2000). Morrison and Robinson define incongruence

as occurring when the employee and agent(s) have different understandings

about a promise. Niehoff and Paul (2001), however, describe reneging as

occurring when either party to a psychological contract knowingly breaks a

promise to the other. A professional worker whose primary allegiance may be to

his or her profession may renege on his or her organizational contract. For

example, a professional worker who perceived her organization to be breaking a

promise made not to her personally but to her professional body reported her

employer to the said professional body. This was interpreted as contract violation

on behalf of this professional worker by the professional worker's line manager

acting in this case as the organization's representative.

Another example of contract breach caused by incongruence is provided by

Porter et at. (1998) in a study in which they assessed the extent to which

aerospace employees and company executives felt their organization was

obligated to provide inducements such as autonomy and recognition for a job

well done. They found that for seven of the nine inducements considered in their

study, there were perceptual gaps involving employees' perceptions that the

organization owed them more than the organization's managers believed was

owed to the employees. These perceptual gaps were found to be negatively

related to job satisfaction. However, it is suggested that employees who are

exposed to formal socialization practices and interact frequently with

organizational representatives are less likely to experience a contract breach due

to incongruence (Robinson and Morrison, 2000). In the previous example the

professional worker in question interacted more frequently with the professional

body representatives than with organizational representatives.

Causes of breach and violation

In recent years many forms of disruption have been experienced by employees,

such as mergers and acquisitions, restructuring and redundancies. Turnley and

Feldman (1998) found that employees who reported that their organization had

experienced significant downsizing or reorganization or had merged with

another organization were significantly more likely to report contract breaches,

thus suggesting that disruption is indeed a cause of contract breach.

In a study of 134 supervisor-subordinate dyads, Lester et ah (2002) found

differences in the ways in which supervisors and subordinates attributed

contract breach. Subordinates were more likely to attribute contract breach to

reneging and incongruence than their supervisors, who were more likely to

attribute it to disruption.

The most commonly cited causes of psychological contract breach and

violation in the literature are:

• organizational downsizing and restructuring (see for example Eby and Buch,

1998; Cortvriend and Sparrow, 2003; Edwards et at., 2003; Gakovic and

Tetrick, 2003);

• loss of job/redundancy (see for example Rousseau and Anton, 1991);

• organizational change, which may also incorporate restructuring,

downsizing and redundancy (see for example Robinson, 1996).

In recent years many employees including professional workers may have

experienced one or more of these.

It is difficult to assess the extent of psychological contract breach. It is

generally agreed that various organizational circumstances may create

changes in the employment relationship. These circumstances include a variety

of organizational changes such as downsizing, reorganizations, mergers and

acquisitions, restructuring, and compulsory redundancy. It is also likely that

these changes subsequently increase the likelihood that the psychological

contract between the employee and the employer will be violated (Kickul and

Lester, 2001). The majority of writers appear to assume that psychological

contract breach is rife. Several writers state that prior research has

demonstrated that breach and/or violation are relatively common (Turnley and

Feldman, 2000; Baccilli, 2003; Pate eta!., 2003). Robinson (1996: 574) noted 'the

apparent prevalence of perceived contract breach'.

Some studies have tried to quantify the extent of violation or breach.

Robinson and Rousseau (1994) found that approximately 55 per cent of

employees believed that their psychological contract had been breached or

violated by their organization during the past two years. Coyle-Shapiro and

Kessler (2000) reported that 78-89 per cent of UK public sector employees

experienced contract breach to varying degrees. Turnley and Feldman (2000) in

a study of over 800 managers found that the majority of respondents (52 per

cent) experienced some degree of psychological contract violation. In the same

study 81 per cent of respondents reported receiving less (or much less) than

they were promised. Conway and Briner (2002) demonstrated that breach

occurs on a day-to-day basis and is, according to Guest (2004), part of

organizational life. Psychological contract breach is experienced throughout the

organization (Hallier and James, 1997) even among highly skilled new entrants

into the workforce (Turnley and Feldman, 1999). In a study which took place in

British Telecom (BT), Newell and Dopson (1996) found evidence to suggest that

the psychological contracts of many of the managers who had been at BT for

more than five years had been breached. Contract breach is not only

experienced by workers in the West. Lo and Aryee (2003) found that Hong Kong

Chinese employees perceived their psychological contracts to have been

breached to a varying extent by their employers.

The extent to which contracts are violated would appear to depend to some

degree on employment status (i.e. whether employees are permanent or

temporary) and on the nature of the psychological contract (i.e. relational or

transactional). McDonald and Makin (2000) in a study of 797 customer service

staff found that 81.6 per cent of the permanent staff reported a contract

violation compared with only 36.6 per cent of non-permanent staff. Kidder and

Buchholtz (2002) note that relational contracts are violated most easily and

most often because the ambiguity inherent in relational contracts creates

differing interpretations of promissory obligations (Rousseau and McLean Parks,

1993).

However, not all of the research supports the premise that breach and

violation are both inevitable and widespread. Lester et al. (2002) found, in their

study of supervisor-subordinate dyads mentioned earlier, that most employees

claimed to receive at least as much as they were promised by their

organizations. They concluded that in general both subordinates and super-

visors perceived that their organization had done a relatively good job of

fulfilling the commitments that make up the psychological contract. Sutton and

Griffin (2004) found in a study of occupational therapists that the majority of

respondents (68 per cent) did not report psychological contract violation,

suggesting perhaps that professional workers are less prone to perceptions of

psychological contract violation and breach, which may be due to their dual

relationship with both the organization and the profession. Guest et al. (1996), in

a general assessment of the state of the psychological contract in

organizations, found that 55 per cent of employees believed that their

organizations have always or to a large extent kept their promises.

Consequences of breach and violationSupposing contract psychological breach and subsequent violation have

occurred, what are the likely consequences? The literature would appear to

indicate that there are five broad types of consequence:

• emotional reactions on behalf of the employees who perceive that

their contract has been violated;

• possible changes to the nature of the psychological contract (i.e.

from relational to transactional);

• changes in work attitudes;

• changes in work behaviour;

• effects on the organization.

Emotional reactionsPate et al. (2003) look at three levels of reaction to psychological contract

violation. The first level, probably experienced immediately after violation,

consists of feelings of disappointment, frustration and distress (Robinson and

Morrison, 1995; Pate and Malone, 2000). The second level consists of more

extreme emotional responses including anger, resentment, bitterness and

indignation (Rousseau, 1989; Pate and Malone, 2000}, with the third and final

level consisting of behavioural outcomes such as lower organizational citi-

zenship, reduced commitment, satisfaction and trust with an increase in cynicism

(Robinson and Rousseau, 1994; Robinson and Morrison, 1995; Robinson, 1996;

Herriot et al., 1998; Pate et al., 2003). Few writers talk about the first level of

responses but Robinson and Rousseau (1994) and Kickul (2001) mention a sense

or feelings of disappointment. More writers mention what have been described

as the more extreme emotional responses such as anger, hurt feelings, a sense

of betrayal, disillusionment, resentment, frustration, trauma, deception,

bitterness and hostility (see for example Robinson et al., 1994; Turnley and

Feldman, 2000; Kickul et al., 2002; Chrobot-Mason, 2003). Several researchers

also talk about the erosion of trust following psychological contract violation.

Changes in the nature of the psychological contract

There is also a suggestion that violation changes the nature of the psychological

contract, moving it from relational to transactional (Rousseau and McLean Parks,

1993; Robinson et al., 1994; Herriot and Pemberton, 1996; Anderson and Schalk,

1998; McDonald and Makin, 2000; Pate et al., 2003). In addition it would appear

that the violation of different types of psychological contract might have different

effects. Violations of transactional contracts may lead to a sense of economic

inequity (Robinson et al., 1994), which itself might lead to the performance of

negative organizational citizenship behaviours (OCBs) or to workers actually

leaving the organization (Blancero et al., 1996; Thompson and Bunderson, 2003).

On the other hand, violation of relational contracts may lead to a decrease in the

inherent value of the social relationship in which they are embedded, resulting in

reduced commitment and an increased emphasis on transactional components

of the contract. Thus someone who was at one time a committed member of an

organization begins to focus only on 'what's in it for me'. There may be mere

compliance with prescribed role behaviours and a withholding of positive OCBs.

Changes in work attitudes

Much of the research also suggests that psychological contract breaches or

violations can have a negative impact on employees' attitudes (see for example

Turnley et al., 2003). Those attitudes that have typically been associated with

psychological breach and violation include job satisfaction, commitment and

trust. Other negative attitudes associated with psychological contract violations

include increased cynicism, a careerist orientation to work, emotional

exhaustion, negative affect and intentions to quit. However, it might be expected

that many professional workers have a careerist orientation to work but is this

orientation necessarily predicated by contract violation?

Changes in work behavior

As well as affecting attitudes, breach has been found to have a direct and

negative influence on work behaviour. The behaviours which are most widely

associated with breach and violation are commonly categorized as employee

exit, voice, loyalty, and neglect behaviours (EVLN) (Rusbult ct al., 1988; Turnley

and Feldman, 1999; Thomas and Au, 2002). A brief review of tire literature in this

area would suggest the addition of a fifth category -aggression. Table 1.5 lists

examples of these five categories of behaviour,

Exit describes the actual departure of the employee from the organization or

an increase in job-searching behaviour. An employee exhibiting this response is

unlikely to leave the organization straight away but will leave at the first

available opportunity. A less extreme response is that of voice, where employees

either voice displeasure to management or develop a tendency to find fault with

many aspects of the organization. Following breach there may be a reluctance on

the part of the employee to 'go the extra mile'. The management of many groups

of professional workers is often referred to as 'herding cats', hinting at the

importance of autonomy in professional life.

Thus professional workers who perceive any breach or violation of their

organizational contract may be quick to voice their reactions to this situation.

Employees may be more likely to adhere strictly to specified tasks and con-

tracted hours of work. This may cause particular problems for employers of

professional workers who behave in this fashion as much professional work is

complex and thus requires flexible work behaviours. Some employees may even

become neglectful and fail to carry out their duties to the best of their ability.

Some may become aggressive towards the employing organization and indulge

in explicit acts of retaliation such as theft or sabotage which for professional

workers is likely to conflict with the values of their professional body.

Effects on the organization

The behaviours described above have negative organizational effects. There may

be problems with the retention of staff who perceive that their psychological

contract has been breached. Those who remain may be disengaged and

unwilling to fulfill anything but the tasks and duties outlined in their contract of

employment.

Ho et al. (2004) talk about three general categories into which responses to

breach can be grouped: emotive, cognitive and behavioural. The overemphasis

Table 1.5 Behavioural responses to contract breach____________________________________________________________________________________________

Exit • Employees attempt to or actually leave their organization• Employees' intent to remain with the organization is reduced

Voice • Employees voice their displeasure with organizational practicesto

upper management

• Employees find fault with what the organization is doing

Loyalty • Employees decrease the energy they put into performing extra-role

or organizational citizenship behaviours

• Employees show reduced willingness to engage in voluntary

behaviour supportive of their organization

• Reductions in civic virtue

Neglect • Employees engage in 'lax and disregardful' neglect behaviours• Employees intentionally neglect their in-role duties and

responsibilities

• Reductions in customer service

Aggression • Employees perform explicit acts of retaliation• Employees engage in anti-role behaviours such as negativism, theft.

harassment, sabotage and vandalism

• Direct interference with co-workers

• Disrespectful treatment of supervisors

on violation and breach whilst partly due to Rousseau's reconce-pualization of

the construct is also due to the fact that this is the point when the psychological

contract is seen as becoming critical for organizational behaviour.

Critique of the concept

The aim of this book is to look at the developing careers of professional groups

using the concept of the psychological contract as a framework. However, in

order to do this the reliability of the psychological contract as a construct needs

to be examined.

Rousseau (1989) talks about the psychological contract being in the eye of

the beholder; this is also true to a certain extent of the entire psychological

contract construct. Whilst it is possible to criticize the concept for not being

psychological enough in some conceptualizations (e.g. Boxall and Purcell, 2003),

others have criticized it for being too managerialist (Cullinane and Dundon,

2006). Guest (1998) criticizes the concept in eight key aspects:

• its definition;

• its development and scope;

• the appropriateness of using a legal metaphor;

• agency;

• its key dimensions;

• its content;

• the concept of the changing contract;

• contract violation.

The first area of criticism has already been partially discussed at tire

beginning of the chapter. Despite a substantial body of research on the psy-

chological contract there is no universal definition (Anderson and Schalk, 1998;

Cullinane and Dundon, 2006). There are issues about the development of the

psychological contract. However, several writers agree that organizational

socialization has an important part to play in its development (e.g. De Vos et al.,

2003). Others even suggest that the process may start earlier in tire case of

professional workers, for example during their professional training. This does

make it difficult to pinpoint precisely the moment when the psychological

contract was first formed. There is also a potential problem with the scope of the

concept. Arnold (1996) asks whether everyone in employment has a

psychological contract and Guest suggests that tire psychological contract might

'transcend the employment relationship' (1998: 652). There are for example

some professional groups for whom иt is difficult to assess whether or not they

have psychological contracts as there is no obvious employing organization.

Rousseau (1998) refutes the description of the psychological contract as a

legal metaphor although it is described as such by Conway (1996) and others.

Boxall and Purcell (2003) argue that if the contract is psychological then it cannot

be contractual but MacNeil (1985) argues that all legal contracts are

fundamentally psychological. The issue of who the contract is with is pro-

blematic. Writers talk about 'the organization' but as Rousseau and others have

pointed out this leads to reification and anthropomorphism. There is also the

issue of those professional workers who do not work in a recognizable

organization.

Key dimensions of the psychological contract are outlined earlier in relation to

transactional and relational contracts. These dimensions are listed by Rousseau

and McLean Parks (1993) and Guest (1998) raises the possibility that this list is

not complete and there is little evidence as to the origin of these five

dimensions. On the content of the contract Guest's main point here seems to be

that there has been undue focus on career issues, by which he appears to be

referring to studies on 'the old' and 'the new' psychological contract and the

apparent move from 'jobs for life'. However, this is also covered by what he

terms the 'problem' of the psychological contract where it is pointed out that

reports of the death of the 'old' psychological contract may have been

exaggerated (Guest, 1998: 654; see also statistics on job tenure provided by the

Office for National Statistics in Table 1.6). In support of Guest's argument, Table

1.6 provides statistics which appear to suggest that organizational tenure

changed little during the years in question.

Source: Labour Force Survey (Office for NationalStatistics)

Table 1.6 Length of service of UK employees 1986-

1986 1991 1996 2000

Less than 3 months 5 5 S 53 months but less than 6 months 4 4 5 56 months but less than 1 year 9 10 9 101 year but less than 2 years 11 1 3 12 1 32 years but less than 5 years 20 24 19 2 15 years but less than 10 years 2 1 IÖ 21 1 51 0 years but less than 20 years 20 19 19 2020 years or more 9 9 11 11Total number of employees (in millions) 21.0 22.0 22.0 24.0

Finally there is the issue of contract violation which has been found in some

studies to correlate highly with job dissatisfaction. The research has almost

universally focused on employee perceptions of contract violation. There has

been little research on violation of contracts by employees and on the over-

fulfilment of promises.

Cullinane and Dundon's main criticism of the psychological contract is

ideological. It is true that concentration on individual employees' perceptions of

the employment relationship hits more closely with a unitary rather than with a

pluralistic approach to employee relations. There is little room for example to

consider the role of trades unions, or 'class-based dimensions of social

relationships if the psychological contract becomes the focus of employment

relationships' (Cullinane and Dundon, 2006: 124). However, there are examples

of psychological breach even within unionized organizations as unions are

primarily concerned with breaches of the employment rather than with the

psychological contract.

Despite these deficiencies there is some agreement that the psychological

contract remains of interest in organizational research and that there are many

possible areas of future research within the field. One important area of research

is the role of HR in the development and maintenance of the psychological

contract of employees. Increasingly there is organizational interest in the

management of psychological contracts.

Thus whilst there are many problems with the overall concept of the

psychological contract, it remains a largely under-researched construct. This is

especially true in relation to professional groups whose intricate relationship with

their professions and their employing organizations makes the development and

maintenance of professional workers' psychological contracts particularly

complex.

Subsequent chapters examine the development of the psychological

contracts of professional workers, looking at the influences of society, education,

organizations and professional bodies.

2 Professional careers in the UK

In this chapter the process of becoming a professional worker in the UK is

outlined. The chapter opens with a discussion of the future of the professions and

professional work. Career patterns in the professions are discussed with

emphasis on socialization into the professions and the developing professional

psychological contract. The links and tensions between professional socialization

and organizational socialization are explored. The chapter concludes with a

discussion of organizational and professional careers.

In terms of the psychological contract professional workers present an

interesting case. With whom do professional workers have their psychological

contracts? Do they identify mainly with their profession or with their employing

organization? Is this distinction between the employing organization and the

profession a clear one or are the differences blurred? Does it depend partly on

the type of employing organization or on the type of profession? Some

professional workers are closely linked with a specific type of employing

organization (e.g. school teachers) but others may be found in a range of

organizational types (e.g. accountants).

Future of the professions

During the late 1990s and beyond there has been discussion amongst many

professional bodies about the future of professional life. Those who entered their

profession some time before emphasize changes in professional life, usually

citing a reduction in autonomy and job security. The perception of the professions

has changed over the last fifty years. In the 1950s they were characterized by

altruistic public service especially in the US (Devine et al., 2000). Parsons (1954)

talks of professionals performing their work according to high standards of

confidentiality and trust. However, looking at the professions in the 1960s,

writers such as Johnson (1972) and Parkin (1979) emphasize the self-interest of

the professions, challenging their ideology of public service.

There is a tendency in many if not all of the professions to look back to a

'golden age' characterized by job security, autonomy and respect from clients

(Devine et al., 2000; Dingwall and Allen, 2001). However, it appears unlikely that

this golden age ever existed or that things are quite so different now from how

they were ten, twenty or thirty years ago. Devine et al. note that the power and

autonomy enjoyed by professionals in the past should not be overstated 'since

the majority are employed in organizations and have long been subject to the

business objectives and ends of their employers (Abbott, 1991; Friedson, 1986,

1994; Whalley, 1990)' (p. 522). Burchell et al. (1999) note that perceptions of

change in the professions are often greater than the actual substance of change.

However, many of the senior managers and partners interviewed by Devine et

al. felt that job security had disappeared for professionals at all levels, claiming

'nothing is for life anymore' (p. 531).

Dingwall and Allen (2001) comment on the role of occupational myths in the

socialization of professional workers. Occupational myths are 'the stories that are

told to new recruits about the origin of the occupation, about its glorious

achievements, its gains and losses in struggles against competitors, its heroism

under difficult environmental conditions and its general worth to humankind'

(Dingwall and Allen, 2001: 66). For most professional groups the 'loss of the

golden age' has become one such occupational myth, its possible function being

the development of a professional self-identity by defining in-groups and out-

groups. An area where change has been perceived is in the relationship between

professionals and their clients, a relationship that is in many cases now seen as

more of a 'service encounter' rather than a client-professional relationship. The

major underlying difference in the relationship can be identified as a perceived

shift of power from the professional as expert to the client as customer.

The introduction of end-user charters in the 1990s illustrates this shift in the

balance of power between professional workers and their clients. Health

professionals are to a certain extent governed by patients' charters. For some

university lecturers and school teachers there are student charters with tire

possible addition of parent charters in schools. The purpose of these charters

was to delineate the rights of the client and the obligations of the requisite

professional workers. This can be interpreted as a loss of autonomy in pro-

fessional employment or an attempt on behalf of the wider society to manage

the psychological contract between the client and the professional by making the

implicit more explicit.

However, despite the apparently worsening conditions of the professional

worker, the number of jobs in the professions in the UK increased by 50 per cent

between 1981 and 1998 and was forecasted to expand by a further 20 per cent

in the years up to 2009 (Skills Task Force, 2000; Gold et al, 2003: 46). This

growth has been explained by the growth in the service sector and also by the

emergence of new professions (see for example Wheelwright, 2000). Professional

work has been affected by technological advances. Pearson (1999) suggests that

in instances where the potential of technology is used to provide access to

professional sources of knowledge or to replace professional expertise,

professional work will have to change or risk becoming obsolete.

Developments in technology, in particular information and communication

technology (ICT), are having and will continue to have a significant impact on the

work of professionals. On the one hand, developments in ICT have given rise to

the emergence of new areas of expertise and the potential for more professional

work. However, it could be argued that ICT is also threatening the status of some

professions through making expert information, which was previously part of the

professional's expertise, more widely available to clients.

In addition, increased use of the internet allows clients to bypass the need for

professional services in some instances (Pearson, 1999; Gold ctat., 2003). Medical

websites often based on expert systems allow patients to look up their

symptoms and provide a potential diagnosis prior to or instead of going to a

general practitioner. As well as the increased availability of information, new

areas of expertise have arisen, resulting in a new generation of knowledge

workers in knowledge networks making new claims for professional status, for

example in areas such as nanotechnology (Gold el at., 2003: 48).

In the past the professions in the UK have been very powerful institutions.

Gold et ah (2003) note that professionals and their 'institutional guardians', the

professional associations, have dominated UK society for much of the last

century. There are over 400 professional associations in the UK which have been

responsible for the strategic development of their profession and the continuing

professional development of their members. Entry to and continuance in

professions are controlled in various degrees by these professional associations.

Professional workers are increasingly organized and coordinated in new ways

(Gold etai., 2003: 48). In the private sector the trend is towards more business-like

formations (Brock ct ah, 1999) and new management structures. Within the

professional associations themselves there is a greater emphasis on strategy and

planning in an attempt to become more business-like (Cooper ct at., 1996}.

Changes in emphasis have been observed in the medical profession (Fitzgerald

and Ferlie, 2000}, the computing profession (Dahlbom and Mathiassen, 1997)

and in the area of financial services (Devine el ah, 2000). Many professionals,

particularly those working in the public sector, have complained about an

increase in 'managerialism' associated with a decrease in professional control

and discretion. In organizations where decisions are made by a management

team with the use of targets to monitor the performance of professional staff (for

example in the NHS) there is a danger of 'a deterioration of relationships

between professionals and their managers' (Gold el a!., 2003: 51). This

deterioration may take the form of sabotage on behalf of the professional

workers or may result in loss of trust and alienation, A lecturer who felt that

standards were being jeopardized by managerial decisions which sought to

restrict academic discretion reported the situation as he saw it to a local

newspaper. The subsequent bad publicity led to the resignation of senior

managerial staff including the Vice Chancellor, a drastic reduction in the

numbers of undergraduate students, and the first of many rounds of 'voluntary

severance' amongst the academic staff.

Another change noted by observers is the increasing distrust and suspicion of

authority figures including many of those working in the professions such as

senior police officers or senior medical professionals (Scase, 1999). In addition

the increased access to information means that the work of professionals is

increasingly subject to scrutiny. Gold et al. (2003), in a study of professional

associations in the UK, concluded that a more purposeful and strategic approach

is now required. They also predict that the possibility of the simplification of

professional knowledge so that it is easily understood and accessed by non-

professionals may lead to the deskilling of professional work, the possibility that

it can be carried out by less qualified professionals or even non-professionals, or

the replacement of professional workers by technology. Examples of the latter

can be found in accountancy in the area of auditing, in some medical diagnoses

or even in case work in law.

Devine et al. (2000) found that some employers were claiming that changes in

the nature of professional work meant that a different type of person was now

required in the professions. The type of person now being sought needed social

skills, charisma and the ability to maintain good relationships with clients as well

as being academically able, suggesting, as Brown (1995) noted, that graduate

employers are increasingly showing a preference for the charismatic personality

over the bureaucratic careerist. Other changes noted by Devine et al. (2000)

included a decrease in employee loyalty, an increase in employee mobility and

an intensification of work with most people working a relatively long day of

around nine or ten hours, generally without a lunch break. However, they also

comment on the importance of organizational culture in shaping the working life

of the professional.

It is inevitable that changes have occurred in the life of professional workers

over the past twenty or thirty years. However, the extent of some of these

changes may have been exaggerated and it would appear that the working life of

professional workers remains in many instances pretty much as it always was. As

Gold ct al. (2003) state at the conclusion of their study, 'the future of professionals

is partly in the hands of the professionals' (p. 52).

Career patterns in the professions

MacDonald (1995) defines the professions as 'occupations based on advanced, or

complex, or esoteric, or arcane knowledge'. Most of the major professions are

knowledge-based occupations. Professional practitioners have usually gained

control of their own training, regulating admission to practice and the evaluation

of standards of performance (Torstendahl, 1990). Most professions have

professional bodies with some degree of state regulation. Within the UK there is a

tradition of strong professional bodies which are directly responsible for providing

their own qualifications (Becher, 1990).

Entry into the professions is usually dependent upon a professionally

recognized university degree followed by a period of professionally supervised

practice. Professional bodies attempt to ensure that all future entrants have

passed through an appropriate system of selection, training and socialization

(MacDonald, 1995).

Patterns of recruitment and retention

The annual survey report of the CIPD on Recruitment and Retention for 2008

finds that 86 per cent of the organizations included in the survey were

experiencing recruitment difficulties. The health professions were highlighted as

having vacancies that remain particularly challenging to fill in an earlier survey in

2005. Across all organization types, the group of vacancies that organizations

were finding most difficult to fill were managerial and professional vacancies. The

average length of time taken to fill a managerial/ professional vacancy was 12.3

weeks. Organizations also reported difficulties in retaining

managerial/professional workers. The key reasons given by this group for leaving

were change of career, obtaining a promotion outside the organization, oi lack of

development or career opportunities. Employee development and career

progression are factors often cited in cases of psychological contract breach. It

could be that problems with the retention of professional workers are directly

related to perceptions of psychological violation and breach.

Characteristics of the professions

Professions typically determine their own standards of education and training

and professional practice is often legally recognized in some way. Boards or

committees concerned with entrance to the professions are usually serviced by

members of the profession. Most legislation concerned with the profession is

shaped by the profession and the professional practitioner is relatively free of lay

evaluation and control. Socialization into the professions tends to be a more

intense experience than socialization into other occupations or into an

organization, with the norms of practice enforced by the profession often found

to be more stringent than legal controls (Du Toit, 1995). This might result in a

situation where the professional worker develops a stronger psychological

contract with the profession than with the employing organization.

Professional socialization

The relatively lengthy training period associated with most professional jobs

enables professionals to become socialized into their profession. Professional

socialization is a complex process that can be seen as a developmental process

of adult socialization (Cohen, 1981; Du Toit, 1995). During professional

socialization individuals selectively acquire the values and attitudes, the

interests, skills and knowledge of their chosen profession - that is to say, they

accept the prevalent professional culture (Melia, 1987). Professional socialization

also involves the acquisition of a sense of occupational identity and the

internalization of the values and norms of the group into the professional

worker's own behaviour and self-conception. This forms the basis of the

professional worker's developing psychological contract.

Development of a professional identity

The consequence of professional socialization is the development and cultivation

of a professional identity. Professional identity may be developed through

mentoring (Kram, 1985} or through the exploration of multiple selves,

relationships, or organizations (Kram, 1996; Hall et al., 1997; Ibarra, 1999).

Professional identity development occurs over the course of time and may be

influenced by the various forms of assistance that individuals receive in their

careers (Dobrow and Higgins, 2005). It is defined as 'the relatively stable and

enduring constellation of attributes, beliefs, values, motives, and experiences in

terms of which people define themselves in a professional role' (Ibarra, 1999:

764-5). The concept of professional identity development fits in with the notion

of alternating stages and transitions proposed by traditional adult development

researchers such as Levinson (1978) and Super et at. (1996). Within the adult

development approach the development of professional identities occurs as a

natural by-product of a progression through each career phase (Dobrow and

Higgins, 2005).

According to some writers (e.g. Shuval, 1980) the process of professional

socialization consists of three main stages:

1. Pre-socialization stage

This is dependent on early experiences within the family and within

primary and secondary school. It is also influenced by the image of the chosen

profession in the surrounding culture. However, some writers see professionals

at this stage as 'naive newcomers' who go on to make sense of their strange

new environment (Louis, 1980; Weick, 1995; Thomas and Anderson, 1998).

2. Formal socialization stage

This takes place during professional training, for example at university, and

can be seen to consist of cognitive and interactional activities. Cognitive

activities involve the search for professionally relevant styles and means of

problem solving. Interactional activities involve learning to behave in an

appropriate professional manner, which may take place at a formal level as

part of a professional training course or informally via interaction with peers

and informal sanctions.

3. Post-socialization stage

This refers to the period after formal socialization until retirement. Some

individuals at this stage will display the characteristics of 'ideal professionals'

(Du Toit, 1995) i.e. those who have internalized the profession's culture

completely.

Others see professional socialization as a process of acculturation during which

the values, norms and symbols of the profession are internalized. Du Toit

(1995) suggests that acculturation can be so strong that it may cause

personality transformation. However, Guimond (1995) notes that 'the majority

of empirical studies carried out within the military, an organization having one

of the most sophisticated systems of socialization, reveal few psychological

effects due to socialization' (p. 253}.

In Figure 2.1 the three stages of professional socialization are outlined. At

stage one, on entry into professional work, the professionals are characterized as

naive newcomers attempting to make sense of this new environment. At stage

two the by now more experienced professionals have developed a repertoire of

solutions in order to solve problems. They have also learned how to reframe and

rename difficult problems. At this stage old values not in line with those of the

new profession are unfrozen and new values are developed. This transformation

may be a painful experience for many professional workers and is described in

the model as 'an intense period of suffering'. By stage three the professional

worker is able to rely on tacit knowledge and as a skilled performer in the

professional arena there is a degree of routilization of action.

Exercise 2.1

Think of a profession with which you are familiar. How would you describe people in thisprofession?How is this profession generally portrayed in the media?How far does the media's description match with your own description?

Professional socialization and the psychological contract

Do the psychological contracts of professionals differ from those of non-

professional workers? During the period of professional socialization to what

extent is a professional psychological contract developed? Limited research has

focused on professional development and the development of the contract. Many

vocational courses involve some aspect of work placement (e.g. health

professionals) and this may offer an important opportunity to shape the

psychological contracts of potential professional workers. It could be considered

that for professional graduates the contracting process begins before the

individual even joins the organization, mediated by expectations and

experiences whilst still in higher education and further influenced by the

recruitment and socialization practices (George and Kelley-Patterson, 2002).

On entry into the organization it is assumed that new professionals will further

elaborate the rudimentary psychological contract they hold at entry in line with

organizational reality (Levinson et al., 1962; Dunahee and Wangler, 1974; Nadlei

et al., 1983; Shore and Tetrick, 1994; Hiltrop, 1995; Anderson and Ostroff, 1997;

Thomas and Anderson, 1998). Then, as Thomas and Anderson (1998) note, it

seems likely that as newcomers become more knowledgeable, their

psychological contract will develop and change. This change could be fairly

fundamental if substantial new knowledge is gained during the socialization

process. Thomas and Anderson (1998) go on to state that the psychological

contracts of newcomers are likely to change to resemble those of experienced

insiders as they become accepted as an integral part of the organization (p.

751). This is suggesting a social-constructionist approach to organizational

knowledge and reality with the newly appointed professionals adjusting their

rudimentary psychological contracts according to their own understanding of the

organization and in line with the understanding held by experienced

organizational members.

Entry into the professions is thus a multi-stage process whereby individuals

are socialized both into their chosen profession and also eventually into an

employing organization. Thus an assumption might be that professional workers

hold a psychological contract with both their profession and with their employing

organization, and that the nature and the state of these psychological contracts

could differ.

Organizational socializationThe decision to enter a profession is followed at some stage by entry into an

organization as a newly qualified professional worker. Professional socialization is

a by-product of most professional training. However, on entry to their first or

even to subsequent organizations, professional workers will also be socialized

into their employing organizations.

According to Cooper-Thomas and Anderson (2005), organizational

socialization refers to the period of newcomer adjustment and learning to meet

organizational standards and norms that follows selection and assessment. Many

studies have investigated aspects of organizational socialization but it is difficult

to identify a clear theory of or a dominant approach to the area. As is the case

with professional socialization, there are several studies examining the stages of

organizational socialization (e.g. Van Maanen and Schein, 1979; Nicholson, 1987;

Wanous, 1992). However, perhaps the most common theoretical framework

behind much of the research into socialization has been uncertainty reduction

theoiy (URT) (see for example Lester, 1987; Falcione and Wilson, 1988).

Looking at three stages in the process of organizational socialization, a

gradual reduction in uncertainty on behalf of the newcomer can be assumed.

These three stages are:

• entry;

• adjustment;

• performance.

At the entry stage, newcomers are described as experiencing high levels of

uncertainty which they are motivated to reduce, making the work environment

more predictable, understandable and ultimately controllable (Saks and Ashforth,

1997). It has been suggested that newcomers' successful passage through this

entry stage is dependent on their ability to obtain sufficient information to

reduce uncertainty (Mignerey et al., 1995). This process of sense making can be

seen to coincide with the development of the professional workers' psychological

contract with their new organization. However, some of the features associated

with this psychological contract such as expectations, promises and obligations

may have developed as a result of their previous experience both during their

professional training and from other sources.

During adjustment uncertainty is reduced through information provided from

a variety of sources, particularly social interactions with colleagues and

superiors. Competence in performance comes as uncertainty decreases,

accompanied by increased job satisfaction and decreased intention to quit

(Morrison, 1993). The role of socialization or induction programmes in this

process is to reduce newcomers' high levels of uncertainty and anxiety.

Another influential approach to organizational socialization and one closely

connected to uncertainty reduction theory (URT) is that of Louis (1980). Louis

proposes a cognitive approach with an emphasis on the sense making of

newcomers. Sense making is defined as 'a thinking process in which newcomers

interpret and impute meanings to surprises through interactions with insiders,

attributional processes, and the alteration of cognitive scripts' (Saks and

Ashforth, 1997: 238). Newcomers are seen as coming to understand their

organization's culture by decoding certain 'critical incidents' (Gundry and

Rousseau, 1994), 'socialization turning points' (Bullis and Bach, 1989) or

'epiphanies' (Denzin, 1989). These socialization turning points or epiphanies

have also been found to have an effect on employees' psychological contracts.

Hindal (2007), in a study of IT professionals, found that the line manager was a

key influence on employees' psychological contracts. When asked about their

relationship with their employer, 43 per cent of respondents stated that the

relationship with their employing organization had improved over the last twelve

months with only 9 per cent stating that their relationship had 'got much worse'.

For more than half of all respondents (57 per cent) this change in the

employment relationship had been triggered by a particular event. For example,

a female member of staff stated 'A change of manager made a huge

improvement to my working day; makes a change to feel supported by my

manager rather than that he may as well not be there' (p. 33).

Case 2.1

Whilst working for a private American university as part of the Business Faculty I went in one day wearing

turquoise leggings and a jumper that matched the leggings in colour perfectly. I had been really pleased at

achieving the exact match. I was thus horrified when a student commented that he did not think that I was

suitably dressed for a business lecturer. At the lunch break I looked carefully around the staff room. I saw a

variety of dress styles. One person was wearing shabby looking shorts and an orange tee-shirt. However, all

the business lecturers, both male and female, were wearing pin-striped suits! I never wore my turquoise leg-

gings to work there again.

During organizational socialization newcomers need to acquire information

and knowledge in a number of content domains. Chao et al. (1994) identified six

such domains:

• Performance - consisting of performance proficiency in association with the

tasks and knowledge, skills and abilities necessary for the job.

• People - achievement of successful working relationships.

• Politics - information about the formal and informal work relationships and

power structures in the organization.

• Language - the technical language and jargon unique to both one's profession

and the organization.

• Organizational goal and values - the mission and means of the organization.

• History - the organization's traditions, customs and stories.

Chao et al. found that organizational goals and values were most strongly

related to career effectiveness and (low) organizational turnover. For professional

workers it may also be important that the organizational goals and values match

their professional goals and values acquired during earlier professional training

(Chatman, 1991}. It has been noted that organization-based values may take

much longer to acquire than apparent desired performance behaviours

(Morrison, 1993).

Several writers have suggested that, as organizations move towards the 'new

psychological contract' with a higher proportion of contingent workers and a

higher level of individual job change, the locus of commitment and identification

appears to be shifting from the organization to the occupation/ profession and

work group (e.g. Handy, 1994; Saks and Ashforth, 1997). Thus for professional

workers their key commitment and identification could be increasingly with their

profession rather than with their employing organization.

Van Maanen and Schein (1979) produced a typology of organizational

socialization consisting of six bipolar dimensions. These were:

• collective vs individual socialization;

• formal vs informal;

• sequential vs random;

• fixed vs variable;

• serial vs disjunctive;

• investiture vs divestiture.

Jones (1986) combined the polar ends of these six dimensions into two

'socialization tactics' - 'institutionalized' and 'individualized'. Individualized

socialization tactics consisted of collective socialization; formal socialization;

sequential socialization; fixed socialization; serial socialization; and investiture.

Individualized socialization tactics consisted of individual socialization; informal

socialization; random socialization; variable socialization; disjunctive

socialization; and divestiture. Institutionalized socialization reflects a more

structured and formalized socialization process. Individualized socialization tends

to reflect an absence of structure where newcomers are socialized more by

default than by design (Ashforth el ai., 1997; Gruman etal, 2006).

Table 2.1 combines Van Maanen and Schein's typology of organizational

socialization with Jones's (1986) socialization tactics. The table enables a

comparison to be made between institutionalized and individualized socialization

tactics. It can be seen that in organizations with institutionalized socialization

tactics newcomers have a specific identity and receive clear guidelines in

relation to the organization's expectations. With institutionalized socialization

tactics the organizational identity of the newcomer is gradually built up through

a variety of activities and experiences. In organizations with individualized

socialization newcomers are not given a distinct identity on arrival but are

immediately immersed into their workgroups. The experiences and activities that

they undergo are random and thus the newcomer struggles to impose structure

and to make sense of the new environment. With individualized socialization the

organizational identity of the newcomer is developed by stripping away any

former identity. However, institutionalized and individualized socialization tactics

are ideal types and most newcomers to organizations experience a combination

of both approaches with varying degrees of structure imposed.

In organizations using institutionalized socialization tactics newcomers are

more likely to exhibit information-seeking behaviours whereas individualized

socialization techniques 'result in an ambiguous and unstructured socialization

experience in which expectations and role requirements are unclear' (Gruman

eta}., 2006: 93).

Professional socialization according to this classification is mainly institutional.

The profession provides common learning experiences in the form of detailed

curriculum guidance (see for example professional bodies such as the

Association of Chartered Certified Accountants (ACCA), the British Psychological

Society (BPS) or the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD).

Newcomers to certain professions are given a formal status (e.g. student nurses)

Table 2.1 A typology of organizational

Source: Eased on Van Maanen and Schein (1979); Jones (1986); Gruman et al.(2006)

Socialization

Institutionalized IndividualizedCollective Individual

Newcomers go through common learning experiences designed to produce uniform responses to situations

Newcomers have idiosyncratic experiences that permit a variety of responses

Formal Informal

Newcomers are isolated from other organizational members while they learn their roles

Newcomers become part of work groupsimmediately and learn on the job

Sequential Random

Newcomers receive clear guidelines regarding the sequence of activities they will encounter

Newcomers experience an ambiguous sequence of activities and experiences

Fixed Variable

Newcomers receive detailed knowledge of the timetables associated with completing each stagein the socialization process

Newcomers receive no information about completion of a stage of learning

Serial Disjunctive

Veteran organizational members act as role models for newcomers

Newcomers are required to make sense of their experiences on their own

Investiture Divestiture

Confirming and reinforcing newcomers' self-identities and providing social support

Stripping away newcomers' self-identities through negative communication and rebuilding them in the form that the organization desires

which isolates them psychologically if not materially from more established

members of the profession. The training for professionals often involves a

number of graded activities which are delineated within a sequence. Stages of

the socialization process may be marked by some form of formal accreditation.

New professionals may embark upon a period of development where they are

supervised or mentored by senior members of their profession. Whether

professional bodies reinforce newcomers' self-identities or seek to strip them

away is debatable.

However, professional workers are usually faced with a series of organi-

zational as well as professional socialization tactics and could be described as

'experienced newcomers' who have acquired substantial knowledge and personal

know-how concerning the process and experience of being a newcomer in an

organization (Blenkinsopp and Zdunczyk, 2005). This is due to the

developmental stages imposed as part of professional socialization.

Organizational socialization occurs to some extent regardless of the formal

structures of socialization employed by the organization and, in situations where

there are no formal programmes, newcomers will be socialized by the informal

organization (Nelson, 1987; Garavan and Motley, 1997).

Organizational careers

The traditional concept of the organizational career consists of a sequence of

roles within an organization starting at a relatively junior level and moving

gradually through supervisory management, to functional management, to

general management and thence to senior executive positions. Expensive and

intensive management courses at prestige business schools such as London

Business School and Henley were designed to prepare successful functional

managers for more strategic general management roles. Success is measured by

how far up the hierarchy an individual has reached. Individuals also invest a

great deal of their working life into relatively few organizations and in some

cases remain in the same organization for the majority of their working life. Case

2.2 outlines the career progression of someone who has spent all her working life

within one organization.

Case 2.2

Joan left school at 18 with A levels but not with good enough grades to go to university. She managed to

obtain a junior job with a local authority and continued her education part-time. She was eventually awarded

a Master's degree and gradually rose up the organization, finally achieving a senior management position.

After several reorganizations and restructurings Joan feels that her position within the organization is not very

secure. However, after fifteen years in the same organization Joan's skills are very organizationally specific

and it may be difficult for her to find a similar job elsewhere. Joan has several options:

She can remain where she is possibly by emphasizing her tacit knowledge of the organization.

She can develop more general skills with a view to moving to another organization.She can retrain and pursue a totally different career.

In recent years a great deal has been written in the career and general orga-

nizational literature about the death of the organizational career. This is seen as

part of the new psychological contract. The old contract consisted of loyalty both

on behalf of the individual and the organization. The organizational hierarchy

provided the opportunity for career advancement within the organization and

development provided by the organization in preparation for senior roles. Career

development was the responsibility of both the individual and the organization.

The delayering that took place in many organizations in the 1980s and 1990s led

to a restriction of career opportunities as supervisory and middle management

roles were removed. There was a supposed movement to the new psychological

contract where responsibility for career development moved from the

organization or from a joint responsibility of both the organization and the

individual solely to the individual. In organizations where there was a continuing

threat of redundancy the onus moved to individuals to keep themselves

employable.

The new psychological contract demands from employees long hours, the

assumption of added responsibility, the provision of broader skills, a toleration of

change and ambiguity, and flexibility. In return the employers are obligated to

provide high levels of pay, reward for performance, and a job. The old

psychological contract provided employees with job security, career prospects,

training and development, care and trust in exchange for loyalty, conformity,

commitment and trust. Perhaps for the individual employee the old and new

psychological contracts as delineated in the literature are also ideal types with

many workers, professional and otherwise, experiencing a combination of the

two within their organizations.

Individuals enter organizations to fulfil a particular role. Their selection for this

role may be in part due to their membership of a particular professional group, to

their employment history and to their individual characteristics. Individuals with

the same professional background and ostensibly fulfilling the same role may

actually be performing very different jobs. They may 'craft' their jobs to suit their

individual preferences. This individual crafting of jobs may lead to different

organizational experiences and may open different organizational opportunities

(Wrzesniewski and Button, 2001).

As part of the 'old contract' many professionals would spend the bulk of their

professional life within one organization, perhaps starting in a role that was

entirely dependent upon their professional background and gradually moving to

more senior managerial roles where the emphasis was more on 'people

management' than on professional expertise. Modern matrons were introduced

to the NHS in 2002. The role of the modern matron is to provide strong

leadership on wards and to be highly visible and accessible to patients (DoH,

2003: foreword). A study of matrons in one particular trust revealed that

individual matrons tended to pursue their role very differently depending on their

previous employment experience, their educational experience and the context

within which they were working (George, 2007).

Professional careersFor many professionals, their organizational career is intertwined with their professional career.

After a period of basic professional training, often consisting of an undergraduate degree course,

professionals begin entry to their professional career. In professions such as accountancy and law,

further professional training is acquired by entry into relevant organizations. Thus the newly

qualified professional has to learn not only more applied professionally relevant information but

also organizationally relevant information.

For some professionals there may he a conflict between behaviour expected by the

organization and behaviour expected by their profession. For example, a trainee occupational

psychologist was asked to provide names of interviewees - information that was supposed to be

confidential - to senior management as part of an employee satisfaction survey. Refusal to do this

caused problems with the trainee's immediate manager but the trainee felt that this request went

against the professional body's ethical code. Professionals often believe that they have a right to

ignore management decisions when these conflict with their professional standards. A

consequence of this is that many professionals 'co-exist' within an organization and may behave as

if they are freelancers (Vermaak and Weggeman, 1999). Some organizations try to impose

organization-specific controls on their professional workers with varying degrees of success

dependent on the organization-profession fit.

The profession forms a key part of their self-identity for some professionals whereas their

position within a particular organization is seen as transitory. Thus there is sometimes a resistance

on behalf of the professional to embrace a managerial career or to proceed too far along the

management path to the extent that they become distanced from their area of professional

specialism. For example, academic managers in universities may submit themselves to high

workloads by combining professional academic duties such as research and teaching with

administrative/managerial tasks.

The new entrant to a profession has the dual experience of being socialized into a profession

and being socialized into an organization. At times it may be difficult for the new professional to

discern the differences between the requirements of the profession and the requirements of the

organization. In terms of the psychological contract, the professional worker has to decide whether

to develop a psychological contract with the employing organization, with the profession or with

both.

During socialization in terms of the knowledge base, the professional is developing tacit

knowledge of both the organization and the profession. In terms of career development models

(e.g. Super, 1980; Levinson, 1986), trainee professionals who have entered their first organization

should have as a main focus the process of mastering the technical aspects of their jobs and

learning the norms, rules and values of their employing organizations (Blau, 1999). According to

this view the development of professional identities occurs as a natural by-product of steady

progression through each career phase (Dobrow and Higgins, 2005). However, the stage of

professional development and organizational development may not concur. Blenkinsopp and

Zdunczyk (2005) cite the example of an experienced accountant making a lateral move between

organizations who is likely to have reached the stabilization stage in terms of occupation but will be

moving through the preparation/encounter stage in terms of the organization.

As the world of employment has changed so has the career of the professional worker. The

introduction of new technology and other changes has seen a rise of new professions and changes

in the old professions. On entering their profession, professional workers have to be socialized into

their chosen profession and their first employing organization. It may be that, with the apparent

changes in the psychological contract, for professional workers socialization into their profession

has become more important than socialization into their employing organization(s). Thus the

professional psychological contract may prove an important influence on the working lives of

professional workers. The nature of that psychological contract with the profession may differ

substantially from that with the employing organization. The next chapter looks at the developing

professional identity of the professional worker and the emerging professional psychological

contract.

3 Contract formation and development: early socialization

This chapter examines early influences on the development of professional

identities and the emerging psychological contracts of professional workers. It

begins by looking at the portrayal of the professions in the media and per-

ceptions of the professions. It then examines models of career development with

reference to the careers of professional workers. The chapter ends with a

discussion of career development models which focus specifically on professional

workers.

Portrayal of the professionsEarly decisions to enter the professions are influenced by many social factors

such as family influences/expectations/pressures, educational experiences and

media influences from film, television, literature, newspapers, etc. To some

extent these early influences may be seen to have an impact upon the

development of professional workers' psychological contracts.

Most professions appear dissatisfied with their portrayal in the media. Some

professional bodies are concerned that negative or stereotypical portrayal in the

media will deter people from entering their professions (see for example

Goldacre et al., 2003). Professions popular in the media vary according to times

and fashions. For example, since the 1990s, there appears to have been an

increase in the portrayal of psychologists on the television, usually forensic

psychologists (e.g. Cracker) but also psychology lecturers (e.g. Afterlife).

Psychologists also regularly appear in 'reality programmes' such as Supemarmy

and Big Brother. Other professions appearing regularly on television include the

police, various medical professionals, lawyers, clerics, firefighters and 'scientists'

(see for example Gibelman, 2004).

If media portrayal of professions has an impact on people entering those

professions, another important source of influence could be the portrayal of the

professions in children's literature. However, many of the most popular children's

books are largely profession-free zones. The Harry Potter series, for example,

portrays teachers, who are also wizards, mainly in a positive light. There is also a

matron, Madam Pomfrey, who is described as 'a nice woman, but very strict'

(Rowling, 1997: 218) and some rather unpleasant goblins who work in the bank.

Hany Potter's uncle, the nasty Mr Dursley, is the director of a firm called

Grunnings which makes drills. Another popular children's author, Jacqueline

Wilson, mentions teachers, social workers and a very unfriendly and somewhat

unprofessional hotel manager (Wilson, 1995). In Tiie Story of Tracy Beaker, Elaine, the

social worker, is described by Tracy as 'a right pain' who talks to Tracy about 'all

sorts of boring things' (Wilson, 1991). Teachers are also described by Tracy

Beaker as 'all boring' (p. 20).

The medical profession has always attracted a great deal of media attention.

Both nurses and doctors appear regularly in all forms of the media. The portrayal

of nurses has often tended to be stereotypical or iconic (Dar-byshire and Gordon,

2005). Muff (1982) suggested six major nursing stereotypes:

• Angel of mercy

• Handmaiden to the physician

• Woman in white

• Sex symbol/idiot

• Battleaxe

• Torturer

Focusing on tabloid newspapers, Dunn (1985) came up with three prominent

images of nurses, namely the 'Angel', the 'Battleaxe' and the 'Nymphomaniac'.

Darbyshire and Gordon (2005) note that 'The persistence of old, hackneyed

stereotypes does nothing to enhance the attractiveness of nursing as an

occupational option and hampers nurses' ability to make nursing a long-term

satisfying career' (p. 74). Stereotypical representation of nurses can be traced

back to Victorian times with predominantly female nurses in the role of servants

of the male doctors (Brook and Crouch, 2004; Ferns and Chojnacka, 2005). In an

article concerned with the television programme Casualty, Jacques Perretti

describes Charlie as 'that creased-up old doctor who's seen 'em come and seen

'em go' (Perretti, 2007). However, Charlie is in fact a nurse. As the usual

stereotype of a nurse is female perhaps the writer assumed that any male

character must be a doctor. Nursing, like HR, is a female-dominated profession

where males are the exception. However, it is interesting to note that in both of

these professions men are often found in the more senior roles.

Ferns and Chojnacka (2005) note the role of the media in the prevalence of

nursing stereotypes. Table 3.1 outlines some of the prevailing stereotypical

portrayals of nurses from the 18ti0s onwards. The early stereotype comes from

the Florence Nightingale era with the nurse seen as the 'Doctor's handmaiden'.

The female nurse was portrayed as assisting the male doctor dressed like a

parlour maid and thus emphasizing the apparent master/servant relationship.

During the period of the Second World War the dominant image is seen to shift to

the more ethereal 'Ministering Angel'. This was reinforced by films such as the

'Nurse Edith Cavell' (1939) mentioned by Kalisch and Kalisch (1982). In the

1950s and 1960s, the era of the 'Cany On' films, the stereotype is seen to shift to

that of the 'Battle-axe matron' based on Hattie Jacques' iconic portrayal. In the

21st century the focus has moved to the media portrayal of nurses as 'hard-

working professionals'.

This could be seen to be illustrated by 'Tess' a senior nurse in the television

programme 'Casualty'. However some stereotypes seem to be stronger than

others. For example in a series of interviews concerned with the perception of

the role of the 'modern matron' all interviewees referred to Hattie Jacques and

the 'Carry On' films at some stage in the interview, including the modern

matrons themselves (George, 2007).

In a newspaper search of images of various professional people, nurses were

found to be most often described in a sexual manner, followed by 'dedicated',

'professional' and 'caring'. In contrast lawyers and doctors were more likely to be

described as 'professional'. Table 3.2 compares the newspaper representation of

a range of professional workers based on the Ferns and Chojnacka (2005) study.

According to the newspapers surveyed, nurses and actresses are more likely to

be associated with sexual imagery and text than other professionals such as

doctors, physiotherapists and social workers. The adjective 'professional' is most

likely to be associated with doctors and actresses. Medical doctors are also more

likely to be described as 'caring' than are other professionals. However, nurses

and doctors are both often described as 'dedicated' and 'hardworking'.

Ferns and Chojnacka are concerned that the perception of the nursing

profession in wider society 'will be an important factor in relation to how it can

attract, recruit and retain quality individuals of the future' (2005: 1038).

Doctors are also dissatisfied with their portrayal in the media. Recently

qualified doctors make comments such as 'Getting a bit disillusioned with

.

Source: Based on Ferns and Chojnacka (2005)

Table 3.2 Representation of the professions in national

Profession Sexual Professional Caring Dedicated Hardworking

Nurse 462 I87 129 256 82Medical doctor 46 355 237 207 84Physiotherapist 3 47 2 9 iSocial worker 1 I 31 12 41 6Lawyer 19 227 1 3 16 1 1Architect 2 125 2 S 1Actress 533 320 S 16 36

Table 3.1 Media stereotypes of the nursing profession through

Period Prevailing stereotype1 860s onwards Doctor's handmaiden

(Brook and Crouch, 2004)

1940s Ministering angel(Jinks and Bradley, 2004)

1950s and 1960s Battle-axe matron(O'Dowd, 1998)

Twenty-first century Hard-working professionals(Payne, 2000)

constant negative press coverage' or 'I often feel very guilty about being a

doctor, or sometimes ashamed, as we have such a bad press' (Goldacre et ai,

2003: 630). These doctors also feel that this portrayal has led to a loss of respect

for the medical profession as a whole on behalf of the general public. One

respondent to Goldacre et ai.'s survey states: 'Respect has gone, media medic

bashing has done its job' (p. 630), relating back perhaps to another aspect of the

'golden age' myth mentioned in the previous chapter.

Other professions also complain of their media portrayal. Teachers are aware

of their stereotypical portrayal in the media. As early as 1958, Foff commented:

'... to succeed as a teacher, one must fail as a man or woman'. However, as

noted earlier, teachers appear more frequently than other professionals in

popular children's books, although their portrayal is not always positive. It is

interesting to note that Ken Barlow, one of the most established characters in the

television soap Coronation Street, was at one time a teacher and is often seen by the

other characters as pompous and boring.

Librarians as a profession are also acutely aware of their portrayal in the

popular media. Brewerton (1992) concluded that librarians tend to have a

negative image in the media with the apparent exception of two television

programmes: Inspector Morse and Lovejoy. Brewerton found that the common media

perception of librarians was that either they were 'dragon-like', 'shrinking violets'

or just plain 'boring'. Brewerton cites as an example a report in the Daily Express

which stated that people with brown cars are 'downright boring ... probably

working as librarians'! Another profession commonly described as 'boring' is that

of accountancy (see Byrne and Willis, 2005 later).

In addition, Gibelman (2004) complains that television conveys an anti-

professional, disrespectful image of social workers. She is also concerned that

this negative portrayal of the profession may deter potential recruits. Even if a

profession is not seen as boring this does not mean that media coverage is

positive. More recently established professions such as public relations also

complain about negative portrayal in the media; there have been fairly recent

negative portrayals of aspects of public relations in films such as The Devil Wears

Prada.

Perceptions of professional people

Some of the studies mentioned earlier indicate that there is an assumption, and

perhaps some supporting evidence, that the perceptions that people hold of

potential career destinations are an important influence on their career

decisions. Perceptions of the professions attract some to professional careers and

deter others. In a study of perceptions of the work of an accountant and the

accounting profession amongst Irish secondary school students, it was found that

students held traditional views of the profession, considering it to be boring,

definite, precise, and compliance-driven (Byrne and Willis, 2005). Experience of

studying accounting made students' perceptions less negative. Male students

were found to have a more positive perception of accountancy than female

students. Byrne and Willis suggest that these students' perceptions were

influenced by the study of the subject at school, the factual media and teachers.

This might suggest that expectations of the characteristics of some professional

work are developed either prior to the start of secondary school education or in

the early stages of that educational experience. These expectations and

experiences may form the basis of the pioto-psychological contracts of

professional workers.

A study of pre-registration house officers and general practitioner registrars

found that 48 per cent expressed regrets about choosing a career in medicine

due to working conditions and stress (Blades et ai., 2000). Both groups felt that

they had not learned enough about career options in medical school. Both of

these studies emphasize the importance of career-related information and also

the influence of tutors and role models. A further study to investigate negative

perceptions regarding surgery found that negative perceptions were developed

and reinforced by the media, particularly television where it was felt that

surgeons were often portrayed as 'jerks' and that there must be some truth to

the stereotype portrayed (Kozar et ai., 2004). Preceptors such as 'You're too nice

to be a surgeon' and the perceived characteristics of fellow students who wished

to become surgeons, who were seen as arrogant and aggressive (Kozar et ai.,

2004), deterred some students from seeking a career in surgery. Kozar et ai.

concluded that the career choices of these medical students had been made

prior to entering medical school. Amongst professional workers medical

practitioners in particular have had a history of making their career decisions and

career plans at a relatively young stage in life (Doherty, 2004). This early

decision making may be seen to influence the type of professional and

organizational psychological contract that is developed. The longer term aspects

of the attachment to the profession can be seen to enhance the likelihood of the

development of a more relational professional psychological contract.

Contracting into the professions

There would appear to be an underlying assumption that the psychological contract of professional

workers is essentially relational. However, there is some evidence to suggest that in the early

stages of professional socialization, the focus of the new professional's psychological contract may

actually be more transactional than relational. Kelley-Patterson and George (2001), for example,

found important differences between new entrants to the hospitality, leisure and tourism sector

and more established professionals in the sector in terms of contract expectations. They found that

whereas the established professionals perceived the newcomers' psychological contracts as mainly

relational in nature, the perception of the contract on behalf of the newcomers themselves was

mainly transactional with a focus on a number of fundamental hygiene factors such as health and

safety, pleasant working conditions, payment of expenses, holiday flexibility and fair pay (as

indicated by regular performance reviews, performance-related pay and overtime pay) (p. 319).

This may be a feature both of their time in the profession and also in the organization, as other

studies have found that employees who have been with an employer for less than three years are

more likely to perceive their psychological contract as transactional (Rousseau, 1995; George and

Gaffney, 2006).

One way of outlining the development of professional psychological contracts is to look at the

various stage theories of career development and align them with stages in professional

development. Levinson (1978), for example, outlines four career development stages:

• Early adult stage

• Midlife transition

• Middle adulthood

• Late adulthood

The experiences of the new professional correspond to Levinson's (1978) 'early adulthood stage'

and as such it would be expected that professionals at this stage should be establishing a direction

and trying to gain a certain degree of stability (Baruch, 2004). In most professions this early

adulthood stage would combine with the achievement of professional status through a combination

of qualifications and experience. HR professionals, for example, might start off as an HR assistant

with no professional qualifications but would often be encouraged by their employer to obtain

professional status. Many middle-range and senior HR jobs in the UK require qualifications from the

Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD).

At the end of the early adult stage comes the midlife transition, sometimes referred to as the

'midlife crisis'. For some professionals this is a time to reflect on their career to date within their

chosen profession. Some may decide that this is an appropriate time to change their career focus

and perhaps also their professional identity. Many women's magazines contain articles about

women who have changed professional direction at around tire age of 40. As a director of an MSc

Occupational Psychology course, I have observed that a percentage of students each year will be

coming on to the course in order to change their career direction completely from one profession to

another.

Case 3.1

A successful sales director in a large multinational organization changed career direction in her early forties,

leaving an extremely well-paid job to study organizational psychology. She went on to run a successful

business psychology consultancy.

Levinson's next stage of 'middle adulthood' is proposed to be when people

come to terms with their career. For professionals this should be when they have

achieved their main professional goals. This is followed by a final stage of Tate

adulthood', which at the time that Levinson was writing would have

corresponded to the retirement phase. In the late 1980s and the 1990s,

managers from the professions were often able to take early retirement. Many

head teachers, for example, took early retirement during this period. However,

current professional workers in their fifties will now probably only have the option

of early retirement in the case of organizational change which involves some

degree of downsizing. How might these changes have affected the psychological

contract of the older worker? If the literature on psychological contract breach is

to be believed, these older workers will have experienced a series of

psychological breaches and violations which might lead one to expect that their

psychological contracts may be more transactional. Instead of a series of neat

stages there may be a collection of different careers throughout the professional

worker's working life. For example, an individual could move from a management

career in the hospitality industry to midwifery and then on to social work,

retraining in the new profession as he or she goes along.

There are several other well-known models of career stages including Schein

(1978) and Super (195 7, 1980). Schein's model consists of eight stages:

• (up to 21) growth and search;

• (16-25) entry to the world of work;

• (17-30) starting full-time career;

• (25+) mid-career;

• (40+); late career;

• (40+) decline;

• retirement.

Although ages are specified in the model there is considerable overlap at the

various stages. In terms of the professional career, the growth and search stage

often takes place during early professional qualification. In most professions this

would correspond with the stage of selecting examination subjects at school and

studying for the first part of a professional qualification, which is increasingly a

specified degree usually accredited by a professional body. Entry to the world of

work corresponds with the first professional job, which may take the form of a

placement year or an internship. At the start of the full-time career, professional

workers will have completed their membership into their profession. Por

example, teachers may have acquired their first job as a newly qualified teacher

(NQT). By the mid-career stage some professionals may have moved into a

managerial position. A nurse may have become a Senior Sister, a Ward Manager

or a Modern Matron. The late career brings for some professionals a move into

more senior management positions and at times a move away from their original

professional base. Decline may take the form of 'downshifting', where a

professional makes the decision to move from a managerial position back to the

professional 'front line' or away from the profession altogether. The career is

seen to come to an end at retirement. However, it is difficult to see how the

model can be continued to be applied in the era of the protean career (Briscoe et

al., 2006) and the proposed new psychological contract.

Super's model contains five stages which are also age-related and where

there is also some chronological overlap in the stages:

• (0-14) childhood and growth;

• (0-25) search and inquiry;

• (25^5) establishment;

• (45-56) continuity or maintenance;

• (56+) decline or disengagement.

Putting this model into the context of professional careers, during childhood

and growth one is obtaining information about possible careers from the media,

one's family and role models. In a study of career choice, one respondent talked

about her early career aspirations to become a teacher: I think that when I was

very young I wanted to be a teacher, I think. I think that from my age group,

traditionally females, I think in very female worlds anyway, teaching was a

possibility. Then of course I've got that [role] model right in front of me every

day. (George, 2009a)

The search and inquiry stage may be problematic for some professional groups

where the decision to enter the profession is traditionally taken very early, for

example medical practitioners or members of the armed forces (see for example

Bachman et at., 2000). As in the Schein model, the establishment stage may

correspond with the professional worker's first experience of the management of

others. During the continuity or maintenance stage professionals establish

themselves within their professional field. This may involve commitment to the

profession at the expense of commitment to their current organization or a move

away from their profession to become more organizationally focused (Aranya and

Ferris, 1984). The decline and disengagement stage is a particularly important

one for some professions, for example the clergy who will often also have to

make alternative living arrangements prior to their retirement from the church.

Table 3.3 outlines the career stage theories of Levinson, Schein and Super in

relation to professional career development. The professional career can be seen

as a series of transitional stages. The first stage, entry into the career, involves a

range of activities beginning with the obtaining of relevant careers information

followed by the gaining of relevant qualifications and experience and the

eventual achievement of professional status.

The next stage could be seen as the early transition stage where the recently

qualified professional reflects on his or her career to date. This may lead to a

possible change in career focus. For example, a promising young musician enters

the extremely competitive field of fashion PR after graduation. This involves

obtaining a number of paid and unpaid internships before getting accepted as a

trainee in a small fashion PR company. However, after a year's experience of

working in this professional role the trainee decides to pursue a career in music.

It is at this stage that the developing professional and organizational

psychological contracts may diverge.

The mid-transitional stage marks the stage in the professional worker's career

where he or she may have achieved some of his or her main professional goals.

This is also the point in the career where professional workers may move into

management roles usually in charge of fellow professionals. There is the

increasing possibility of a conflict in interests between the profession and the

organization. This may lead to changes in both professional and organizational

psychological contracts due to the level of commitment to the organization and

the profession. It can also be seen as a contributor to the 'silo' style of

management found in many large organizations, with each

professional group led by their manager seeking to pursue the interests of their

profession within the wider organization.

The late transitional stage may coincide with the end of the professional

career and retirement. However, increasingly we are led to believe that rather

than a step-wise organized number of career transitions, it is more in the form of

a spiral with each transitional stage leading to a possible change in orga-

nizational or professional identity. Thus having pursued a successful career in

one profession, the professional worker may retrain and restart the transitional

cycle in another profession. Alternatively, at any time within tire professional

career the professional worker may decide to seek less or different

responsibilities. In recent years many professional workers have sought early

retirement and moved to countries like France and Spain.

Whilst the previous works outlined have dealt with careers in general, Dalton

ct ai. (1977) concentrate on the developmental stages of professional careers in

particular. Their findings were based on interviews with 550 professionals

employed within four organizations. On the basis of these interviews they

postulated four career stages:

• Stage 1 - helping, learning, following directions

• Stage 2 - contributing independently

• Stage 3 - training, interfacing

• Stage 4 - shaping the direction of the organization

Table 3.4 depicts Dalton ctal.'s (1977) four stages of professional careers. The

table looks at the key learning at each stage, the key characteristics, main

activities, important relationships and psychological issues. Not all professionals

will go through all four stages. Many will reach stage 2 and remain there for the

bulk of their career. In stage 1, professionals have to learn to perform at least

some of the main organizational tasks competently and get things done using

both formal and informal channels of communication. In stage 2 professionals

need to develop their technical competence and in stage 3 they need to be able

to take responsibility for the development of others. The key learning in stage 4

revolves around influence.

Professionals in stage 1 typically lack expertise whereas in stage 2 they are

beginning to develop independence. By stage 3 they have broader interests and

capabilities which lead to influence over the direction of the organization in stage

4. The duties performed in stage 1 are fairly routine. By stage 2 the professional

has developed an area of specialization or a number of specialist skills. This

enables the professional to become a mentor, innovator or manager by stage 3

and a policy formulator by stage 4.

The key relationships across the four stages involve the mentor at stage 1,

peers at stage 2, relationships across the organizational hierarchy at stage 3 and

with possible successors at stage 4. Psychological issues that have to be dealt

with include adjusting to dependency and routine work at stage 1, developing

one's own standards of performance at stage 2, taking responsibility for another

person's output at stage 3 and learning to influence others through indirect

means.

Rather than look at stages of career development other researchers have

looked at the different approaches taken by professionals to their careers. In one

study (Smith, 2006} women teachers were found, for example, to fit into three

main categories:

• those who perceived their career paths as largely self-defined;

• those who perceived their career paths as largely contextually

defined;

• those who perceived their career paths as largely serendipitous.

Those teachers who perceived their career paths as largely self-defined

were further subdivided into:

• planners - who take a strategic approach to their career

progression;

• values-led teachers - who display a strong sense of dedication to

classroom teaching;

• values-led managers - who aim for positions of influence.

Those teachers who perceived their career paths as largely contextually

defined can also be subdivided into:

• mentees - who depend on professional sources for support with

career development and/or professional self-esteem;

• pragmatic opportunists - who tend to fit their career around other

priorities such as family responsibility;

• thwarted aspirants - who perceive that their career development

has been blocked by factors largely external to themselves e.g.

discrimination or lack of support.

The final group of women teachers who perceive their career paths as

largely serendipitous are divided into:

• passive drifters - who avoid making conscious career decisions or

planning career moves;

• dissociated achievers - who have pursued opportunities and

successfully attained them but who take no credit for their own

part in this.

Table 3.5 depicts this categorization, which emerged from a

qualitative study of women teachers but which has been generalized to

apply to other professions. Planners are professionals who seek power in

their profession and also in their organizations. The effect on their

psychological contract is likely to be that at certain stages in their career

they may seek a fairly transactional relationship both with their

profession and with their organization.

Values-led professionals put their clients at the centre of their career

and are unlikely to respect the values as they perceive them of senior

managers in their organizations. These professionals are likely to hold a

largely relational psychological contract with their profession but a more

transactional one with their organization,