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DOI: 10.1177/0032885511429275 2012 92: 125The Prison Journal

Bitna Kim, Jurg Gerber, Craig Henderson and Yeonghee KimAntisocial Risk-Taking Behaviors Among Women in South KoreaApplicability of General Power-Control Theory to Prosocial and

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1Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA, USA2Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, USA3Chungbuk National University, Cheongju, South Korea

Corresponding Author:Bitna Kim, Department of Criminology, Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Wilson Hall, Indiana, PA 15705, USA Email: [email protected]

Applicability of General Power-Control Theory to Prosocial and Antisocial Risk-Taking Behaviors Among Women in South Korea

Bitna Kim1, Jurg Gerber2, Craig Henderson2, and Yeonghee Kim3

Abstract

Grasmick and colleagues expanded general power-control theory to include both pro-and antisocial risky behaviors more than 10 years ago; however, to date, there have been no empirical tests of their theoretical modifications. The current study tested the comprehensive model of general power-control theory using three different samples from South Korea: women who enter traditionally male-dominated occupations, female prison inmates, and women incarcerated for intimate partner killing. Results related to womens patriar-chal attitudes and preference for general risks supported our expectations and confirmed the tenets of general power-control theory that focus on both pro- and antisocial risky behaviors. In addition, the ones related to patriarchy of the family of origin supported Hagans original power-control theory focus-ing on only antisocial risky behaviors.


126 The Prison Journal 92(1)

Keywords

power-control theory, womens risk-taking behavior, South Korea

Introduction

Increasing rapid social change is postulated to have significant ramifications for criminal behavior and delinquency, especially with regard to differences between male and female patterns of offending. Hagans (1989) power-con-trol theory is one prominent theoretical explanation of gender differences in criminal behavior. Specifically, power-control theory proposes that changes occurred over time in womens workplace experiences, the consequential rise in their control of work and home-based resources, and their increased power in family relationships represent significant transformations in family life (McCarthy, Hagan, & Woodward, 1999). The effects of these transforma-tions are heightened in less patriarchal, egalitarian households (McCarthy et al., 1999; Morash & Chesney-Lind, 1991).

Proponents of power-control theory suggest that as families become decreasingly patriarchal and increasingly egalitarian, daughters will, in turn, experience greater latitude in their behavior as compared with daughters from patriarchal families. The increase in latitude is the direct result of a decrease in informal social control previously imposed by their families. Ultimately, this shift in monitoring will result in the daughters engaging in more risk-taking behaviors, including delinquent behaviors, thereby contributing to a reduction of gender differences in delinquency rates (Blackwell, 2000; McCarthy et al., 1999). In contrast to theoretical expectations, empirical studies have found that despite the growing labor force participation of mothers and their enhanced occupational power, female rates of offending have not shown a large increase (Chesney-Lind, 1989; Hagan, Boehnke, & Merkens, 2004; Karstedt, 2000). However, some degree of convergence in male and female property crime involvement has been observed (Grasmick, Hagan, Blackwell, & Arneklev, 1996; Hagan et al., 2004; Heimer & De Coster, 2001).

Grasmick et al. (1996) proposed a modification of the base theory, naming it general power-control theory. Speculating power-control theory is not merely a theory of gender differences in delinquency, but it, in fact, explains a broader range of risk preferences, both prosocial and antisocial in nature. In other words, general power-control theory can explain a wide variety of con-sequences of a risk preference. Given that crime is relatively rare in adulthood, Grasmick et al. suggested that it is also important to consider that risk prefer-ences among adults raised in egalitarian families may lead them to engage in


Kim et al. 127

other kinds of risky, but legal, behaviors. However, to date, there have been no empirical studies testing the theoretical propositions of general power-control theory.

Since Hagan (1989) formulated power-control theory using a Canadian sam-ple (Blackwell, 2003), the theory has been tested primarily in Canadian and U.S. settings. Recently, researchers have begun to test the theory with samples from Europe (Hadjar, Baier, & Boehnke, 2003; Hadjar, Baier, Boehnke, & Hagan, 2007) and Russia (Finckenauer, Weidner, & Terrill, 1998). The major-ity of these studies have demonstrated that the cultural context in which the research is performed significantly influences the results.

In spite of the strong cultural support for patriarchy, South Korea (abbrevi-ated as Korea) has experienced change toward less patriarchal families. Tsuya and Bumpass (2004) have shown Korea has surprising similarities to the United States in several trends since World War II: the growing labor force participa-tion of women, [the increasing delay in marriage], a sharp decline in fertility, a similarly sharp rise in divorce, some increase in non-marital cohabiting rela-tionships, and, most importantly for our purpose, a large increase in the labor force participation of married women (Hagan, 1989, p. 163).

With self-report data from three different groups of Korean women105 incarcerated women for intimate partner killing, 238 female offenders, and 296 policewomenthe current study addresses the question of whether gen-eral power-control theory can explain not only womens criminal behav-ior, representing antisocial risky behavior, but also womens selection of highly stereotyped male occupations as careers, representing prosocial risky behaviors.

Literature ReviewAntisocial and Prosocial Risky Behaviors Among Women

The central goal of power-control theory (Hagan, Gillis, & Simpson, 1979; Hagan, Simpson, & Gillis, 1987) was to explain the gender gap in delinquency (Hadjar et al., 2007). Therefore, previous tests of the theory only focused on only explaining gender differences. Only Simpson (1991) addressed the poten-tial of the power-control model to explain ethnic differences in female group variation in violent crime. Uggens (2000) study, although designed to address the gender difference, found that girls with mothers having workplace author-ity were more likely to violate the law than girls whose mothers lacked such authority. Based on this result, he suggested that the theory may be extended to explain womens illegal behaviors. In addition, Blackwells (2000) study



indicated that females reared in less patriarchal families perceived signifi-cantly lower levels of embarrassment than even males.

Morash and Chesney-Lind (1991) explained that it has long been under-stood that girls who deviate from conventional definitions of femininity, or who support feminism, do not necessarily become more delinquent even in the face of opportunities for delinquency (p. 373). Grasmick et al. (1996) sug-gested that the adult world, compared to adolescence, offers a more extended menu for those with a taste for risk, and many of the options are legitimate (p. 195). Therefore, it is expected that the high-risk preference of women from less patriarchal families does not necessarily result in engaging in illegal behaviors. Because the negative impact of committing crimes, particularly on social relationships and reputations, are much stronger for women than for men (Blackwell, 2000; Richards & Tittle, 1981), even women with high-risk preference may not commit crime. Rather, Grasmick et al.s revised version implies that recent parallel increases in the involvement of women in pro-social areas, including, for example, athletic competition and risky leisure activity, occupational decisions to pursue non-traditional jobs and risky career moves, and financial planning and investments that involve a penchant for risk (p. 181) can be explained by power-control theory. Grasmick and his colleagues (1996) proposed that a fruitful area for future study on the out-comes of high-risk preference among women raised in less patriarchal fami-lies is risk-taking behavior in labor forces traditionally reserved for men. Nontraditional occupations often involve barriers against women such as gender discrimination, and thus, women would have to take risks to enter these occupations.

Women Killing Intimate PartnersThe relationship between gender and violence is well known (Simpson, 1991). Violent crimes account for a very small proportion of female crimes, and, on rare instances when females are violent, the victims tend to be their intimate partners, children, or other family members (Browker, 1981; Norland & Shover, 1977; Ogle, Maier-Katkin, & Bernard, 1995; Simpson, 1991). This is especially true in homicide cases (Browne & Williams, 1993; Bunch, Foley, & Urbina, 1983; Choi, 1996; dOrban, 1990; Goetting, 1988; Mann, 1990; Ogle et al., 1995; Wolfgang, 1958).

Feminists view the killing of an abusive partner as a womans last attempt to protect herself or her children from further physical and mental harm (Ogle et al., 1995; OKeefe, 1997; Walker, 1989; Wells & DeLeon-Granados, 2004). Studies comparing women who killed their intimate partners to other female


Kim et al. 129

offenders (Browne, 1987; Leonard, 2002; Mann, 1996; OKeefe, 1997) or to women staying in shelters (Grant & Curry, 1993) conclude that women using lethal violence in intimate or marital relationships are similar in many ways to nonoffending women except for their severe abusive experience (Walker, 1989). In other words, these studies found that the women who killed their intimate partners or husbands tended to be socially conforming in other ways (Ogle et al., 1995).

In societies with gender inequality, leaving abusive marital relationships often requires women to take social and economic risks (Grasmick et al., 1996). For example, if they choose to divorce, women may face blame and biases from family members and society because they have violated traditional gender roles. For women, the opportunities of employment are much more lim-ited and wages are much lower than men in most societies. In addition, previ-ous studies have shown that women in abusive relationships have had limited access to financial resources. This has held true even among upper-class women (Ogle et al., 1995). Women who stayed at home without outside employment may be discouraged to choose divorce because they will face economic risks after divorce (Grasmick et al., 1996). In contrast, womens enhanced willing-ness to take risks can be a resource for ending a bad marriage (Ford, 1991; Grasmick et al., 1996; Kim & Titterington, 2009).

Based on these previous studies, it is expected that strong patriarchal atti-tudes and the subsequent consequence of low-risk preference leads abused women to stay in abusive marital relationships. However, there may be a tip-ping point. In some cases, the abuse may become so severe that it has esca-lated to the point that women feel their well-being and even their lives are in immediate danger (Jensen, 2001, pp. 11-12). In these cases, women may react with lethal violence against their abusive partners. In fact, previous stud-ies found that women who killed their intimate partners have a tendency to support conventional sex roles (Ogle et al., 1995). Kim and Titterington (2009) found that women incarcerated for the deaths of their male partners are more supportive of traditional patriarchal norms than battered women staying in domestic violence shelters.

Women in South KoreaSince the mid-1960s, Korea has experienced dramatic macro social-structural changes, including unprecedented economic growth, urbanization, and rapid industrialization (Moon, McCluskey, & Lee, 2005). These changes have had a major impact on womens educational attainment and overall status in Korean society (Hong, 2005; Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004). Although gender differences



in education still exist, there has been a remarkable increase in the proportion of women with higher education (Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004). However, Choe, Bumpass, and Tsuya (2004) found that the educational level of married women has a negative relationship with their employment. They suggested that female education may improve womens life prospects through marrying higher status partners rather than through employment.

Several researchers (Lee, 1978; Smith, 1987; Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004; Tsuya & Choe, 1991) have noted that Korea has one of the most patriarchal family and gender role systems found in modern history (Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004, p. 2). Historically, the most important obligation for women has been marriage and procreation; thus, Korean women have been excluded from opportunities of paid employment outside the home (Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004).

Bumpass and Choe (2004), using national data from South Korea, Japan, and the United States, examined attitudes regarding gender roles. According to their study, the proportions supporting traditional gender division of labor and opposing married women working were highest in Korea and the lowest in the United States. Even the youngest age group in Korea agreed with traditional values more than the oldest one in the United States. Choe et al. (2004) stated that having undergone industrialization most recently, Korea remains the most traditional with respect to attitudes toward appropriate gender roles (p. 99).

Crime trends in Korea are consistent with other published studies in that women commit fewer crimes and their crimes tend to be less serious than those committed by men. Nonetheless, crimes committed by women are increasing and becoming more severe in nature (Choi, 1996; Hong, 2005; Radosh, 2002). Women constituted only 5.3% of the whole Korean incarcerated population in 2006 (International Centre for Prison Studies, 2006). The 2,431 women incar-cerated in all correctional institutions comprised only 0.015% of the Korean female population (23,961,000) in 2006.

A large proportion of incarcerated women in Korea were incarcerated for intimate partner homicide (Kim, Park, & Lee, 2004; U.S. Department of State, 2004). Jensen (2001) suggested that traditional social expectations may be related to womens rates of intimate partner killing. That is, women living in societies with strong traditional norms may stay in abusive marital relation-ships as they respond to traditional social expectations, and these women may kill the abusers in self-defense. Although the Korean government and some public and private organizations have recently provided shelters for battered women, most of the shelters have not been well used, and some shelters remain empty as the abused women intentionally have avoided seeking help from outsiders (Lee, 2006; Song, Eo, Yang, & Suh, 2005). Practitioners working in


Kim et al. 131

shelters for abused women report that the main reason for Korean womens reluctance to seek shelters is that they do not want to expose their problems to outsiders (Lee, 2006).

Although there has been a rapid increase in South Korean divorce in recent years, it is still much lower than that of other societies (National Statistical Office, 1998; Tsuya & Bumpass, 2004). In contrast to the United States where marriage and divorce are seen as primarily a matter of individual choice for the happiness and well-being of couples and their children (Bumpass & Choe, 2004, p. 20), South Korean families and relatives continue to be deeply involved in the processes of partner selection, marriage, and divorce. As a result, divorce in South Korea might be much more difficult than in the United States. In addi-tion, previous studies have found that many Korean women are reluctant to divorce because they do not want their children to suffer the stigma of having divorced parents (U.S. Department of State, 2004).

The Current StudyPrevious tests of power-control theory have focused on gender differences in delinquency. To date, researchers have not explored the theorys potential to explain differences among adult women and whether variation in womens risk preference is related to risk-taking behaviors (Blackwell, 2000; Simpson, 1991; Uggen, 2000). The present study is a preliminary test of the general power-control theory, focusing on mean differences in the latent construct between prosocial and antisocial risk-taking groups. In the present study, choosing a male-dominated job represents prosocial risky behavior (Grasmick et al., 1996), whereas committing crime represents antisocial risky behavior. This study separates women incarcerated for intimate partner homicide from other female offenders. Unlike other female criminals, women who killed their partners are expected to have strong patriarchal attitudes and lower affin-ity for risk, which may inhibit them from leaving abusive relationships.

Specifically, by analyzing a confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) measure-ment model with a mean structure across multiple samples (Kline, 2005), this study tests the following hypotheses: Compared with female perpetrators of intimate partner homicide, risk-taking groups of women (policewomen, female physicians, and female offenders) are predicted to (a) have been raised in less patriarchal families where the parents were more likely to challenge gender roles and gendered activities and were less likely to exercise instrumental as well as relational controls of their daughters, (b) have been more likely to reject beliefs consistent with conventional patriarchy, and (c) have a higher preference for risk taking.



MethodParticipantsThe data were drawn from self-report questionnaires administered to female inmates, policewomen, and female medical doctors in South Korea. IRB approval was granted from the senior authors academic institution. All research was conducted in accordance with ethical practices.

In the fall of 2004, female inmates were recruited from Cheng-Ju Womens Correctional Institution, the only womens prison in South Korea. Local researchers intended to distribute the questionnaires to all 531 women who served prison sentences in 2004. Women who were at work or in the hospital were excluded by the prison administration. After respondents were assured that their participation was voluntary, 352 agreed to participate. There were no differences in demographic characteristics between the study participants and those who could not participate. An additional 9 participants were deleted from the current study because they provided no information on their parents, leaving a total sample of 343 female offenders. These women were convicted of a range of offenses, with homicide (55%) and fraud (14%) being the most common. Of these 343 women, 133 of them were incarcerated for killing their partners/husbands.

Although the feminist view of killing an abusive partner as a womans last attempt to protect herself and her children from further physical and mental harm has been dominant, some scholars suggest that not all women killing their husbands are in reaction to abuse or in self-defense (Browne & Williams, 1989, p. 79; Dutton, Nicholls, & Spidel, 2005; Kim & Titterington, 2009; Scott & Davies, 2002). For the purpose of the present study, reaction to abuse should be the primary reason for their crimes. According to the study respondents official criminal justice records, 78.9% (n = 105) of those who killed their inti-mate partners reported histories of physical abuse by their male intimate part-ners and, thus, 105 women were included in the analysis.

South Korea had 91,660 police officers in 2004. The total number of police-women was 3,524, and they constituted 3.8% of the police population in April 2004 (Oh, 2004). The Korean police are a highly centralized national police (Moon et al., 2005). Under the supervision of national police headquarters, 14 provincial police headquarters administer police stations in each geographi-cal district (Moon et al., 2005). The group of police officers surveyed consisted of women located in five provincial Korean police headquarters. In 2005, with the assistance of each provincial headquarter, the questionnaire was distrib-uted to the total uniform police population of 298 female officers working in these five provincial headquarters, of which 296 (99%) completed the survey.


Kim et al. 133

Anonymous and voluntary participation was emphasized (Moon et al., 2005). The sample of 296 officers is demographically similar to respondents in other studies on policewomen in South Korea (Hong, 2005).

MeasuresConsistent with the tenets of power-control theory, this study examines paren-tal preferences for patriarchal gender roles, parental relational and instrumen-tal controls, patriarchal gender-role preference, and risk-taking preference (Blackwell, 2000, 2003). Sample-specific means, standard deviations, and reliabilities are provided in Table 1. As illustrated in Table 1, some of the Cronbachs alpha coefficients of Parental Reference of Patriarchal Gender Roles and Patriarchal Gender-Role Preferences are below .7. Pallant (2001) explains that with short scales with less than 10 items, it is common to find quite low Cronbachs values (e.g., .5). In the present study, all of the scales have less than 10 items, ranging from 4 to 9. As Pallant (2001) and Briggs and Cheek (1986) suggest, we checked the mean interitem correlation for the items with low Cronbachs alpha coefficients, and we found every item satis-fies an optimal range for the interitem correlation of .2 to .4.

Structural Patriarchy in the Family of OriginTo measure structural patriarchy in the family of origin, the present study employs retrospective questions that are consistent with the original measures used in Hagans own studies (Blackwell, 2000, 2003). Each respondent was asked to report whether their parents main jobs involved supervision of oth-ers. Those in supervisory positions were considered to hold authority, whereas those who did not, or who were unemployed, were designated as having no authority (Bates, Bader, & Mencken, 2003). Following Hagans original strat-egy, families with fathers in occupational power positions greater than that of mothers are classified as more patriarchal and are coded as 1. Families in which fathers work without occupational power and mothers did not work were also included in the category of being more patriarchal. Conversely, families with mothers having occupational power greater than that of fathers and families in which both parents held equal powers or no power in the work-place were categorized as less patriarchal (coded as 0). In this study, there are also 33 cases that involve respondents who had lived with only their mothers during their childhoods, whereas 7 respondents had lived with only their fathers. Based on Bates et al.s (2003) revised model of multiple types of family struc-ture, this study included these single-parent families in the analysis.1



Preferences for Patriarchal Gender Roles

Grasmick et al. (1996) extended the theory by introducing an attitudinal mea-sure of patriarchy. Their findings indicated that a patriarchal measure using both occupational and attitudinal dimensions is the best fit with other theoretically relevant constructs (Bates et al., 2003). To measure patriarchal attitudes of the

Table 1. Inventory of Measured Variables, Frequencies (Percentage), Mean Scores (Standard Deviations), and Consistencies

Variables

Police women

(N = 296)

General offenders (N = 238)

Partner killers

(N = 105)

y1: Occupational patriarchy More patriarchal 191 (64.5%) 122 (51.3%) 56 (53.3%) Less patriarchal 105 (35.5%) 116 (48.7%) 49 (46.7%)y3~y11: Paternal references

of patriarchal gender-rolesa20.70 (3.893) 25.41 (4.990) 24.85 (4.230)

Cronbachs .790 .756 .662y12~y20: Maternal references

of patriarchal gender-rolesa18.87 (3.615) 25.76 (4.289) 25.38 (4.053)

Cronbachs .774 .658 .646y30~y38: Patriarchal gender-

role preferencesa17.13 (3.391) 26.24 (4.308) 27.45 (3.500)

Cronbachs .757 .677 .471y23~y24: Paternal

instrumental controlb5.42 (1.174) 4.98 (1.928) 5.47 (1.689)

Cronbachs .837 .906 .868y27~y28: Maternal

instrumental controlb6.19 (1.150) 5.78 (1.890) 5.95 (1.451)

Cronbachs .879 .948 .942y21~y22: Paternal relational

controlb4.94 (1.292) 4.62 (1.766) 4.95 (1.668)

Cronbachs .677 .622 .629y25~y26: Maternal relational

controlb5.83 (1.245) 5.50 (1.889) 5.45 (1.576)

Cronbachs .662 .729 .625y39~y42: Risk-taking

preferencesb7.32 (1.931) 5.93 (2.55) 5.30 (2.028)

Cronbachs .774 .868 .789

aResponses were coded strongly disagree (1), disagree (2), agree (3), strongly agree (4), with 1st, 4th, 5th, 7th, and 8th measures reverse coded.bResponses were coded strongly disagree (1), disagree (2), agree (3), strongly agree (4).


Kim et al. 135

respondents fathers, each respondent was asked if her father would strongly disagree, disagree, agree, or strongly agree, with nine statements concerning sex-role attitudes on child rearing, housework, and authority in the family. The respondents were then asked how their mother would have responded to the same nine statements2 (Bates et al., 2003). Items were reverse-coded if necessary, so that higher scores indicated more patriarchal attitudes. Separate attitudinal patriarchy scores were made for fathers and mothers by adding together their respective responses. For respondents who were raised in single-parent families, their final patriarchal attitude score was the total score for their single parent (Bates et al., 2003). To examine participants own gender role preferences, they responded to same nine attitudinal statements employed to gauge the parental patriarchal attitudes but asking about their own opinions (Grasmick et al., 1996; Hagan et al., 2004; McCarthy et al., 1999).

Maternal and Paternal ControlWe used retrospective measures of parental control consistent with Hagans (1989) original measures to assess parents instrumental and relational con-trol. Instrumental control was measured with a two-item scale tapping par-ents supervision over the participants behavior and whereabouts when they were growing up (Blackwell & Reed, 2003). The higher scores indicate higher instrumental control. Relational parental control refers to the attachment chil-dren feel to each parent and was measured by the scores to two questions.

Risk-Taking PreferenceIn the current study, risk-taking preferences were measured using four ques-tions from Grasmick et al. (1996): (a) I like to test myself every now and then by doing something a little risky; (b) Sometimes I will take a risk just for the fun of it; (c) I sometimes find it exciting to do things for which I might get into trouble; and (d) Excitement and adventure are more important to me than security. Reponses were coded as strongly disagree (1), somewhat disagree (2), somewhat agree (3), and strongly agree (4). The higher scores show a higher risk preference.

FindingsData Analysis

The variables of interest in power-control theory are best conceptualized as latent constructs that cannot be measured directly (Hadjar et al., 2007; Hagan



et al., 2004; Hagan, Gillis, & Simpson, 1990; Heimer & De Coster, 2001; McCarthy et al., 1999). A CFA measurement model with a mean structure across multiple samples allows researchers to examine both measurement invariance and mean differences on latent constructs using multiple group comparisons (Kline, 2005; Marsh & Grayson, 1990). To analyze differ-ences on the extent to which the groups differed on the mean of the latent power-control theory constructs, we conducted a latent mean analysis (LMA) using a multigroup CFA approach available in the software AMOS 7 (Arbuckle, 2006; Byrne, 2001; Hong, Malik, & Lee, 2003; Kline, 2005; Marsh & Grayson, 1990).

Although considered a large-sample analytic method, Kline (2005) sug-gests that sample sizes between 100 and 200 cases are an acceptable minimum for conducting structural equation modeling (SEM) analysis. We also simpli-fied the models by creating item parcels rather than using the items as indica-tors of the latent constructs. Item parcels are combinations of items that are treated as continuous indicators of a latent construct (Kline, 2005; Vazsonyi & Belliston, 2007). Using a random item allocation strategy advocated by Gibbs, Giever, and Higgins (2003), three parcels were generated for each latent con-struct of paternal, maternal, and respondents own patriarchal attitude, as nine items constituting the respective scales were randomly assigned into three par-cels (Figure 1). Internal consistency reliabilities of the three parcels for each scale were as follows: .810 for paternal reference of patriarchal gender-role, .803 for maternal reference of patriarchal gender-role, and .840 for patriarchal gender-role preference.

As suggested by Kline (2005) and Sabatelli and Bartle-Haring (2003), the multiple-group CFA measurement model with a mean structure (Figure 1) was analyzed in two steps. In the first step, the measurement model without the mean structure is simultaneously estimated across groups to determine whether the measurement model is invariant across groups. Establishing fac-torial invariance is a critical first step in multiple group tests because a lack of measurement invariance suggests that the construct may have different meanings for the different groups (Marsh & Grayson, 1990).

Given reasonable evidence for at least partial measurement invariance (Byrne & Watkins, 2003; Stein, Lee, & Jones, 2006), the mean structure was added to the CFA model in the second step (Kline, 2005). In order for multi-ple group models incorporating mean structures to be identified, typically researchers specify a reference group (in this case, the women who killed their intimate partner) and set the means of the latent constructs of that group to be zero. The mean estimates of other groups then represent the relative differences from the reference group (Srbom, 1974).


137

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Examination of Factorial Invariance

Results revealed that each individual item (or parcel) loaded significantly on its associated latent construct with the entire standardized factor loadings exceeding .50. This pattern was replicated in each of the three samples. Next, a baseline structural model was tested separately in each sample (Vazsonyi & Belliston, 2007). The findings were consistent across groups in revealing exceptionally large correlated errors between y21 and y22 (father-parental control), and between y25 and y26 (mother-parental control), as well as residu-als of father- and mother-parental controls (see Figure 1), and we, therefore, allowed the residuals of these items to correlate.

The invariance of the factor loadings of the observed indicators or parcels of latent constructs across groups was examined in a multiple-sample CFA. Table 2 presents the results of chi-square tests for the invariance tests we con-ducted. The initial model considered here (Model 1 in Table 2) incorporated the assumption that all factor loadings varied freely across the four groups. This baseline model yielded the 2 value of 1748.447, with 822 degree of free-dom. The ratio of 2 to the degrees of freedom of this model was 2.127, which is acceptable by Carmines and McIvers (1981) standard. The RMSEA value of .032 indicated a very good fit of the model.

The comparison of 2 values between the model in which the factor load-ings were freely estimated and the one with the factor loadings constrained to equality across the three groups was statistically significant, 2(15) = 49.57, p < .001. To more specifically locate the source of variance, we conducted a series of models depicted in Table 2. The final model (M13 in Table 2) was a model in which the factor loadings of parcel 1 and parcel 2 on Paternal Patriarchal Attitude, factor loadings on Maternal Patriarchal Attitude, fac-tor loadings on Paternal Control, factor loadings on Maternal Control, factor loadings of parcel 7 and parcel 8, and factor loadings of y1 and y2 on Risk-Taking Preference were invariant across groups, and the remainder of the parameters were free to vary.

Examination of Latent Variable Mean ComparisonsTable 3 presents latent mean parameter estimates for the pairwise compari-sons for LV means using the group of women who had killed their partners as the reference group.

For structural patriarchy, it was predicted that compared with perpetrators of intimate partner killing, criminals and police officers were more likely to have been raised in less patriarchal families. In contrast to the hypothesis, the


Kim et al. 139

Table 2. Goodness-of-Fit Statistics for Tests of Invariance: Summary

Model descriptionComparative

model 2 df 2 dfStatistical

significance

M1. Baseline model 1748.447 822 M2. Factor loadings

constrained equalModel 1 1798.021 837 49.574 15 p < .001

M3. Factor loadings on PPA constrained equal

Model 1 1759.122 824 10.675 2 p < .001

M4. Factor loading of Parcel 2 on PPA constrained equal

Model 1 1750.678 823 2.231 1 ns

M5. Model 4 with factor loadings on MPA constrained equal

Model 4 1756.524 825 5.846 2 ns

M6. Model 5 with factor loadings on PC constrained equal

Model 5 1764.210 828 7.686 3 ns

M7. Model 6 with factor loadings on MC constrained equal

Model 6 1767.795 831 3.585 3 ns

M8. Model 7 with factor loadings on PA constrained equal

Model 7 1775.172 833 7.377 2 p < .05

M9. Model 7 with factor loading of Parcel 8 on PA constrained equal

Model 7 1769.104 832 1.309 1 ns

M10. Model 9 with factor loadings on RP constrained equal

Model 9 1783.590 835 14.486 3 p < .01

M11. Model 9 with factor loading of Y39 on RP constrained equal

Model 9 1777.995 833 8.891 1 p < .01


Model 9 1774.143 833 5.039 1 p < .05


Model 9 1769.341 833 0.237 1 ns

Note: 2 = Difference in 2 values between models; df = difference in number of degrees of freedom between models. PPA = paternal patriarchal attitude; MPA = maternal patriarchal attitude; PC = paternal control; MC = maternal control; PA = respondents patriarchal attitude; RP = risk-taking preference.



results implied that prosocial risky taking groups of women (police officers) were more likely to be raised in more patriarchal families, while no significant group difference was found between antisocial risky taking group of women (criminals) and incarcerated women who killed their intimate partner. Second, it was hypothesized that the parents of risk-taking groups of women (general offenders and police officers) would be less likely to support patriarchal atti-tudes than the parents of perpetrators of intimate partner killing. However, we found no significant differences for either paternal or maternal patriarchal attitudes. As expected, fathers of general offenders exercised significantly less instrumental control over their daughters than fathers of women who killed their intimate partners. Finally, although the differences were not statis-tically significant, the parameter value of .083 for police officers on the latent construct of paternal control suggests that prosocial risk-taking group of women (police officers) were less likely to be the objects of paternal control than female perpetrators of intimate partner killing. For the latent construct of maternal control, no statistically significant mean difference across groups was found.

As shown in Table 3, results showed prosocial risk-taking groups of women (female police officers) to have significant lower scores than women who killed their intimate partners on their own patriarchal attitudes. Although the difference is not statistically significant, the negative value of latent mean parameter for general female offenders indicates that compared with women who killed their intimate partner, female offenders rejected beliefs con-sistent with conventional patriarchy. Finally, we found support for expected

Table 3. Group Differences on Latent Constructs

Latent constructs

Partner killers

General offenders Police officers

M M SE M SE

Structural patriarchy 0.000 -0.018 0.059 0.116* 0.056Paternal patriarchal attitude 0.000 0.124 1.162 5.096 15.909Maternal patriarchal attitude 0.000 -0.391 2.601 5.916 35.506Paternal control 0.000 -0.141* 0.061 -0.083 0.053Maternal control 0.000 -0.095 0.095 -0.035 0.088Respondents patriarchal attitude 0.000 -0.175 0.175 -1.294*** 0.169Risk-taking preference 0.000 0.169** 0.057 0.640*** 0.080

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.


Kim et al. 141

group differences on the latent construct of risk-taking preference. That is, risk-taking groups of women (criminals and police officers) reported significantly higher levels of risk-taking preference than female perpetrators of intimate partner killing.

DiscussionThe present study tested tenets of Grasmick et al.s (1996) general power-control theorys global implications by explaining the variation in Korean womens preference for both prosocial and antisocial risk-taking behaviors. Several key findings emerged from the current investigation. This study found that women who violated the law (female inmates, women who killed their intimate partners) were more likely to have been raised in less patriarchal families, whereas noncriminal women regardless of their preference for risk (policewomen) were more likely to have been raised in more patriarchal fami-lies. This finding regarding structural patriarchy is consistent with the notion of Hagans (1989) original power-control theory and is inconsistent with Grasmick et al.s (1996) general power-control theory.

The present findings imply that general power-control theory has rele-vance for preference for general risks as well as prosocial and antisocial risky behavior among women, helping to account for both the frequency of female crime and the increase of womens involvement in prosocial areas which require risk taking. It is important, however, that the results of the present investigation only support the part of general power-control theory focusing on the role of risk preference but not the most central hypothesis of the the-ory; that the variations in preference for risk and eventually in risk-taking behaviors are produced in children in patriarchal families but not in less patri-archal families (Grasmick et al., 1996). Therefore, this study provides no answers as to how lower patriarchal attitudes and high-risk preference among high-risk-taking groups of women (policewomen and female offenders) are produced. In fact, without help of power-control theory, it was expected that esteemed entrepreneurs (Grasmick et al., 1996), successful business people (Veblen, 1934), and police officers (Skolnick, 1966) are very similar with crimi-nals in that they have high-risk preferences (Douglas & Wildavsky, 1982; Grasmick et al., 1996; Heimer, 1995).

The partial support of the present investigation for general power-control theory may indicate that the theory is not fully generalizable to prosocial and antisocial risk-taking behaviors of Korean women. Confucianism has influ-enced all facets of Korean society (Kim, Park, Kwon, & Koo, 2005; Kwon & Roy, 2007; Park & Cho, 1995). Korean men have inherited a tradition of



paternal authority from Confucian norms, whereas the rights of women were virtually nonexistent (Kim et al., 2005; Kwon & Roy, 2007). Despite the inte-gration of Western values with the rapid modernization over the past 50 years, Confucianism still remains influential in modern Korea (Kim et al., 2005; Kwon & Roy, 2007). Compared with their counterparts in Western societies, South Korean women have historically had considerably less control at home under Confucianism. In South Korea, mothers occupational power may not be translated into the familial power at home.

Despite the richness and novelty of the data set, the methodological limita-tions of this study caution against drawing firm conclusions regarding the abil-ity of general power-control theory to explain variations in both prosocial and antisocial risk-taking behaviors among Korean women. The data on respondents own information supported the theory whereas the data on parents-related information (parents occupational authority, parents patriarchal attitudes, and parental control) provided no or little support for the predictions. Previous studies using nonadult samples (Hagan et al., 1985, 1990; Hagan et al., 2004) used parents reports of employment. In contrast, as in Grasmick et al.s (1996) study using adult samples, the current study used female adults proxy reports of parents-related information. However, the average age of the sam-ple used in the present study is much older than previous studies. In addition, the data on parents-related information may just represent the participants percep-tion of their parents. Therefore, the accuracy and validity of retrospective recol-lection on parents-related information may be questioned (Blackwell, Sellers, & Schlaupitz, 2002).

The hypotheses developed for this study were only concerned with group mean differences on latent variables to be tested. In other words, the present study did not test the differences in the varied trajectories across groups. This decision was made because the identification of multiple-group CFA was, in fact, impossible due to the fairly small sample sizes for some groups (e.g., the group of women incarcerated for partner killing; N = 105). However, the find-ing of potentially important variation in structural patriarchy and patriarchal attitudes, but limited variation in paternal and maternal control implies the need of the extension of the SEM approach to test the group differences in sizes of relationships depicted in the structural model (Choi, Harachi, Gillmore, & Catalano, 2005).

Future study focusing on Korean women may benefit from testing Hagans (1989) own simplified power-control model of gender and delinquency in which the causal link between maternal relational control and maternal instru-mental control is included, but latent constructs of paternal controls are omitted.


Kim et al. 143

In Korea, as a reflection of Confucian tradition, fathers participation in child care or child-rearing activities is considered to be culturally inappropriate (Kwon & Roy, 2007), and the relationship with mothers have great impor-tance for daughters. Evidence exists in both Korea and the United States that mothers are the most important influence in their daughters socialization and career orientation (Song, 2001). Furthermore, the results of previous studies demonstrate that the internalized image of women as subservient or second class is passed down from mothers to daughters because of their shared gender (Song, 2001). Researchers also have reported maternal education and employ-ment to be related to daughters sex-role attitudes (Baruch, 1972; Broverman, Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1970; Meier, 1972; Song, 2001; Vanfossen, 1977). In fact, Hagan (1989) stressed the crucial role of the mother as a model who socializes daughters.

Second, future studies need to employ measures of patriarchy reflecting specific social, cultural, and historical contexts especially in industrialized non-Western societies. For example, in Korea, the extended family was considered the basic family unit in traditional agrarian communities (Kim et al., 2005). The proportion of three- or four-generation households in the population was 23.2% in 1970 (Yoo, 2006). With modernization, urbanization, and industrialization, the nuclear family structure has replaced the traditional extended families; however, many of the women in the present study have likely lived in extended families (Kim et al., 2005). Other family members living under one roof, especially grandparents, have played an important role in childrens gender role socialization in Confucian countries like Korea, China, Taiwan, and Japan (Yoo, 2006). Therefore, future studies conducted in these Asian countries may benefit by addressing other family members influence on children.

Authors Note

This article was presented at the annual meeting of the American Society of Criminology in St. Louis in November, 2008.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Gaylene Armstrong, Brian Lawton, and Mike Vaughn for comments on earlier versions.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.



Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or pub-lication of this article.

Notes

1. Separate statistical estimates in measurement and structural models were made of only those women who were recorded as having both parents. We obtained substan-tively similar conclusions to those using the data of all women which are reported in the text. This study included women from single-parent family into the analysis because small sample size would have increased the likelihood that CFA analyses would not converge to a solution in four-sample multigroup analyses (Vazsonyi & Belliston, 2007).

2. (a) It is acceptable for a mother to work full-time when their youngest child is below age 5; (b) Preschool children are likely to suffer if their mother is employed; (c) It is difficult for young children when their mother is employed full-time; (d) Parents should encourage just as much independence in their daughters as in their sons; (e) Mothers should encourage their daughters to seek a career just as their sons; (f) It is much better for everyone if the man earns the main living and the woman takes care of the home and family; (g) If a husband and a wife both work full-time, they should share household tasks equally; (h) If a woman is offered a promotion, her husband should be willing to move for the sake of her career; (i) Men are by nature better leaders for the family than are women (1st, 4th, 5th, 7th, and 8th mea-sures reverse coded).

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Bios

Bitna Kim, PhD, is assistant professor of criminology at Indiana University of Pennsylvania (IUP). Specific areas of interest include meta-analysis, gender issues in CJ systems, and international criminal justice issues. Recent publications have appeared in Journal of Criminal Justice, Violence and Victims, and Crime and Delinquency.

Jurg Gerber, PhD, is professor of criminal justice and director of international initia-tives in the College of Criminal Justice at Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, Texas. He has coedited two books on drug policy, one on white-collar crime, and has published extensively in all of the above areas.

Craig Henderson, PhD, is assistant professor of psychology at Sam Houston State University and voluntary research assistant professor at the University of Miami School of Medicine, Center for Treatment Research on Adolescent Drug Abuse. His research focuses on family psychology and addictive behaviors, particularly the treat-ment of adolescent substance use.

Yeonghee Kim, PhD, is a professor in the Department of Child Welfare at Chungbuk National University in Cheongju, South Korea. She also serves as director of the Cheongju Healthy Family-Support Center in South Korea. Her interests include family counseling and intimate partner homicide.


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