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8/10/2019 the political role of the university in latin america.pdf
1/15
The Political Role of the University in Latin America
Author(s): Margaret Ann GoodmanSource: Comparative Politics, Vol. 5, No. 2 (Jan., 1973), pp. 279-292Published by: Ph.D. Program in Political Science of the City University of New YorkStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/421244.
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2/15
Research
Note
esearch
Note
esearch
Note
The Political Role of the
University
in Latin
America
Margaret
Ann
Goodman
Scholars are
quick
to
call the
Latin
American
university
a
highly
politi-
cal
institution because
student
protests
are
frequent
and
virulent,
and
government
reaction
often swift and
violent.
This
judgment,
however,
takes a
myopic
view of
the
political
process.
It labels an
institution
political
simply
because it is
acted
upon
by
politicians.
It
ignores
the
fact that an
institution
may
be
properly
thought political only
if it
plays
an active role in policy formulation, decision execution, appraisal, and
termination. This article
will
demonstrate that the
Latin American uni-
versity
has
played
an
essentially passive
role in
politics.
It has been the
target
of
policy
execution,
but
has
not
been
a
major
participant
in
any
of
the
key phases
of
the
political process.
It
is the author's contention
that
both the
university
and Latin
American societies in
general
have
suffered as a
result of the
university's
lack of
political
power.
It
may
be
that the
university
has no
business
being
in
politics
in the
first
place;
its
job
is
that
of
exploring
new
fields
of
knowledge
and
teaching, not political parleying. Whether this argument is cogent in the
abstract or
not,
the
reality is
that the Latin
American university
is in-
volved in the
political
scene as a
natural
outcome of its
source of in-
come. All
universities in
Latin
America are
subsidized wholly or in
part
by
the state.
Even
those which call
themselves
private
universities
(which means, in
the
great majority
of
cases,
Catholic),
receive
funds
from the
state
and must
subordinate
themselves to
the
educational law
of the
land.
Furthermore, the
whole legal
structure
of Latin
American
education
is
centralized,
under
the
jurisdiction of a central
Ministry
of
Education.
University
regulations are
extensively
codified
and subject
to
national
legislation.
In
Brazil, for
example,
even the
university
pro-
fessorships
are
designated
in the national
constitution.'
This
often means that
the
university becomes
just
another
government
1
Rudolph
P.
Atcon,
La Universidad
Latino
Americana
(Bogota,
1966), pp.
54-60.
279
The Political Role of the
University
in Latin
America
Margaret
Ann
Goodman
Scholars are
quick
to
call the
Latin
American
university
a
highly
politi-
cal
institution because
student
protests
are
frequent
and
virulent,
and
government
reaction
often swift and
violent.
This
judgment,
however,
takes a
myopic
view of
the
political
process.
It labels an
institution
political
simply
because it is
acted
upon
by
politicians.
It
ignores
the
fact that an
institution
may
be
properly
thought political only
if it
plays
an active role in policy formulation, decision execution, appraisal, and
termination. This article
will
demonstrate that the
Latin American uni-
versity
has
played
an
essentially passive
role in
politics.
It has been the
target
of
policy
execution,
but
has
not
been
a
major
participant
in
any
of
the
key phases
of
the
political process.
It
is the author's contention
that
both the
university
and Latin
American societies in
general
have
suffered as a
result of the
university's
lack of
political
power.
It
may
be
that the
university
has no
business
being
in
politics
in the
first
place;
its
job
is
that
of
exploring
new
fields
of
knowledge
and
teaching, not political parleying. Whether this argument is cogent in the
abstract or
not,
the
reality is
that the Latin
American university
is in-
volved in the
political
scene as a
natural
outcome of its
source of in-
come. All
universities in
Latin
America are
subsidized wholly or in
part
by
the state.
Even
those which call
themselves
private
universities
(which means, in
the
great majority
of
cases,
Catholic),
receive
funds
from the
state
and must
subordinate
themselves to
the
educational law
of the
land.
Furthermore, the
whole legal
structure
of Latin
American
education
is
centralized,
under
the
jurisdiction of a central
Ministry
of
Education.
University
regulations are
extensively
codified
and subject
to
national
legislation.
In
Brazil, for
example,
even the
university
pro-
fessorships
are
designated
in the national
constitution.'
This
often means that
the
university becomes
just
another
government
1
Rudolph
P.
Atcon,
La Universidad
Latino
Americana
(Bogota,
1966), pp.
54-60.
279
The Political Role of the
University
in Latin
America
Margaret
Ann
Goodman
Scholars are
quick
to
call the
Latin
American
university
a
highly
politi-
cal
institution because
student
protests
are
frequent
and
virulent,
and
government
reaction
often swift and
violent.
This
judgment,
however,
takes a
myopic
view of
the
political
process.
It labels an
institution
political
simply
because it is
acted
upon
by
politicians.
It
ignores
the
fact that an
institution
may
be
properly
thought political only
if it
plays
an active role in policy formulation, decision execution, appraisal, and
termination. This article
will
demonstrate that the
Latin American uni-
versity
has
played
an
essentially passive
role in
politics.
It has been the
target
of
policy
execution,
but
has
not
been
a
major
participant
in
any
of
the
key phases
of
the
political process.
It
is the author's contention
that
both the
university
and Latin
American societies in
general
have
suffered as a
result of the
university's
lack of
political
power.
It
may
be
that the
university
has no
business
being
in
politics
in the
first
place;
its
job
is
that
of
exploring
new
fields
of
knowledge
and
teaching, not political parleying. Whether this argument is cogent in the
abstract or
not,
the
reality is
that the Latin
American university
is in-
volved in the
political
scene as a
natural
outcome of its
source of in-
come. All
universities in
Latin
America are
subsidized wholly or in
part
by
the state.
Even
those which call
themselves
private
universities
(which means, in
the
great majority
of
cases,
Catholic),
receive
funds
from the
state
and must
subordinate
themselves to
the
educational law
of the
land.
Furthermore, the
whole legal
structure
of Latin
American
education
is
centralized,
under
the
jurisdiction of a central
Ministry
of
Education.
University
regulations are
extensively
codified
and subject
to
national
legislation.
In
Brazil, for
example,
even the
university
pro-
fessorships
are
designated
in the national
constitution.'
This
often means that
the
university becomes
just
another
government
1
Rudolph
P.
Atcon,
La Universidad
Latino
Americana
(Bogota,
1966), pp.
54-60.
279
This content downloaded from 157.92.4.4 on Thu, 10 Oct 201315:50:53 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp8/10/2019 the political role of the university in latin america.pdf
3/15
Comparative
Politics
January
1973
omparative
Politics
January
1973
omparative
Politics
January
1973
agency
in the
eyes
of
the
politicians
who must vote on its
funding
re-
quirements.
Like other
government employees, university personnel
become
embroiled
in
the
political
fortunes
of
party
politics. Incoming
regimes may
try
to
alter the
political complexion
of a
university
by
changing
the
university
rector.
Such is
the
case
with President
Salvador
Allende
Gossens
of
Chile,
who
is
currently
prosecuting
Dr.
Edgardo
Boeninger,
rector
of the
University
of Chile and a
group
of
opposition
legislators
who are
against
Marxist
control
of the
university.2
The
threat
of
government
intervention
may
cause
university personnel
to take
official
positions
which
they
might
otherwise
reject
and which
may
even
place them in opposition to university students. In the case of the mili-
tary
takeover in
Argentina
in
1966,
for
example,
the
National
Univer-
sity
of Buenos
Aires
issued,
through
its
Superior
Council,
a
formal
collective
protest
against
the
assumption
of
power
by
the
generals.
Immediately
thereafter,
however,
the
University,
under
the
leadership
of
its
Rector,
Dr.
Hilario Fernandez
Long, prudently
disassociated itself
from
any
overt
movement
of
resistance and avoided
any gestures
that
might
offer incitement to the
regime.
3
These
cases
exemplify
the
government's
encroachment
upon
univer-
sity territory. It is much more difficult to find instances where the
universityhas led
government
officials
to take important
steps.
Individual
professors
or administrators
may have
influence
in important
circles;
indeed,
such may
be
the prerequisite
for having
their
jobs. Student
or-
ganizations
may
have high
visibility
and
nuisance
value
at times.
Thus,
the
Mexican
student uprising
of
1968 was
a great embarrassment
to a
government
confidently
awaiting
the
first
Latin American
Olympic
Games in
Mexico's new
and
expensive
stadium.
The Venezuelan
and
Colombian
student groups
have contributed
more than
their
share to
the
guerrilla
movements
that have
fought
against
establishment
governments
in their
respective
countries.
But the university
as a whole has
been
unable
to go
beyond
a self-imposed
role
of gadfly
or
supporterof
various
governments,
and has
failed
to achieve
a meaningful
position
for
itself
as a leader
and
innovator
in its
country's
development
process.
Basi-
cally,
the Latin
American
University
has no
university
policy
.
. .
Personal
relationships and
institutional
structure
prevent
the formation
of staff work and group action,
thus blocking
the
birth,
maintenance
and
pursuits of common objectives.
4
It
is time that
the
Latin American
university
made a realistic
ap-
praisal
of both
its
potential position
and its
actual
role within
these
2
New York Times, 20
November
1971,
p. 9.
3
Ronald Newton, Students
and the Political
Systemof the
University
of Buenos
Aires,
Journal
of
Inter-American
Studies,
VIII (October
1966), 633.
4
Atcon,
p. 47.
280
agency
in the
eyes
of
the
politicians
who must vote on its
funding
re-
quirements.
Like other
government employees, university personnel
become
embroiled
in
the
political
fortunes
of
party
politics. Incoming
regimes may
try
to
alter the
political complexion
of a
university
by
changing
the
university
rector.
Such is
the
case
with President
Salvador
Allende
Gossens
of
Chile,
who
is
currently
prosecuting
Dr.
Edgardo
Boeninger,
rector
of the
University
of Chile and a
group
of
opposition
legislators
who are
against
Marxist
control
of the
university.2
The
threat
of
government
intervention
may
cause
university personnel
to take
official
positions
which
they
might
otherwise
reject
and which
may
even
place them in opposition to university students. In the case of the mili-
tary
takeover in
Argentina
in
1966,
for
example,
the
National
Univer-
sity
of Buenos
Aires
issued,
through
its
Superior
Council,
a
formal
collective
protest
against
the
assumption
of
power
by
the
generals.
Immediately
thereafter,
however,
the
University,
under
the
leadership
of
its
Rector,
Dr.
Hilario Fernandez
Long, prudently
disassociated itself
from
any
overt
movement
of
resistance and avoided
any gestures
that
might
offer incitement to the
regime.
3
These
cases
exemplify
the
government's
encroachment
upon
univer-
sity territory. It is much more difficult to find instances where the
universityhas led
government
officials
to take important
steps.
Individual
professors
or administrators
may have
influence
in important
circles;
indeed,
such may
be
the prerequisite
for having
their
jobs. Student
or-
ganizations
may
have high
visibility
and
nuisance
value
at times.
Thus,
the
Mexican
student uprising
of
1968 was
a great embarrassment
to a
government
confidently
awaiting
the
first
Latin American
Olympic
Games in
Mexico's new
and
expensive
stadium.
The Venezuelan
and
Colombian
student groups
have contributed
more than
their
share to
the
guerrilla
movements
that have
fought
against
establishment
governments
in their
respective
countries.
But the university
as a whole has
been
unable
to go
beyond
a self-imposed
role
of gadfly
or
supporterof
various
governments,
and has
failed
to achieve
a meaningful
position
for
itself
as a leader
and
innovator
in its
country's
development
process.
Basi-
cally,
the Latin
American
University
has no
university
policy
.
. .
Personal
relationships and
institutional
structure
prevent
the formation
of staff work and group action,
thus blocking
the
birth,
maintenance
and
pursuits of common objectives.
4
It
is time that
the
Latin American
university
made a realistic
ap-
praisal
of both
its
potential position
and its
actual
role within
these
2
New York Times, 20
November
1971,
p. 9.
3
Ronald Newton, Students
and the Political
Systemof the
University
of Buenos
Aires,
Journal
of
Inter-American
Studies,
VIII (October
1966), 633.
4
Atcon,
p. 47.
280
agency
in the
eyes
of
the
politicians
who must vote on its
funding
re-
quirements.
Like other
government employees, university personnel
become
embroiled
in
the
political
fortunes
of
party
politics. Incoming
regimes may
try
to
alter the
political complexion
of a
university
by
changing
the
university
rector.
Such is
the
case
with President
Salvador
Allende
Gossens
of
Chile,
who
is
currently
prosecuting
Dr.
Edgardo
Boeninger,
rector
of the
University
of Chile and a
group
of
opposition
legislators
who are
against
Marxist
control
of the
university.2
The
threat
of
government
intervention
may
cause
university personnel
to take
official
positions
which
they
might
otherwise
reject
and which
may
even
place them in opposition to university students. In the case of the mili-
tary
takeover in
Argentina
in
1966,
for
example,
the
National
Univer-
sity
of Buenos
Aires
issued,
through
its
Superior
Council,
a
formal
collective
protest
against
the
assumption
of
power
by
the
generals.
Immediately
thereafter,
however,
the
University,
under
the
leadership
of
its
Rector,
Dr.
Hilario Fernandez
Long, prudently
disassociated itself
from
any
overt
movement
of
resistance and avoided
any gestures
that
might
offer incitement to the
regime.
3
These
cases
exemplify
the
government's
encroachment
upon
univer-
sity territory. It is much more difficult to find instances where the
universityhas led
government
officials
to take important
steps.
Individual
professors
or administrators
may have
influence
in important
circles;
indeed,
such may
be
the prerequisite
for having
their
jobs. Student
or-
ganizations
may
have high
visibility
and
nuisance
value
at times.
Thus,
the
Mexican
student uprising
of
1968 was
a great embarrassment
to a
government
confidently
awaiting
the
first
Latin American
Olympic
Games in
Mexico's new
and
expensive
stadium.
The Venezuelan
and
Colombian
student groups
have contributed
more than
their
share to
the
guerrilla
movements
that have
fought
against
establishment
governments
in their
respective
countries.
But the university
as a whole has
been
unable
to go
beyond
a self-imposed
role
of gadfly
or
supporterof
various
governments,
and has
failed
to achieve
a meaningful
position
for
itself
as a leader
and
innovator
in its
country's
development
process.
Basi-
cally,
the Latin
American
University
has no
university
policy
.
. .
Personal
relationships and
institutional
structure
prevent
the formation
of staff work and group action,
thus blocking
the
birth,
maintenance
and
pursuits of common objectives.
4
It
is time that
the
Latin American
university
made a realistic
ap-
praisal
of both
its
potential position
and its
actual
role within
these
2
New York Times, 20
November
1971,
p. 9.
3
Ronald Newton, Students
and the Political
Systemof the
University
of Buenos
Aires,
Journal
of
Inter-American
Studies,
VIII (October
1966), 633.
4
Atcon,
p. 47.
280
This content downloaded from 157.92.4.4 on Thu, 10 Oct 201315:50:53 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp8/10/2019 the political role of the university in latin america.pdf
4/15
Margaret
Ann
Goodman
argaret
Ann
Goodman
argaret
Ann
Goodman
societies.
Then,
it
can
begin
to
adjust
its collective behavior
in
order to
maximize
its influence.
Four
aspects
of
the
role
of
modern
higher
education
within
the
frame-
work of
development planning
were cited
at
a conference
of the
Inter-
American
Development
Bank. These
were:
1.
The
teaching
role:
providing manpower
for the
higher
echelon
jobs
of the
nation;
2.
The research role:
creating
new
knowledge
to further industrial
and
agricultural
development;
3.
The
public
service
role:
contributing
o
a
deeper
and
clearer
under-
standingof the nation'sdevelopmentneeds;
4.
The
educational
eadership
role:
providing eadership
o
strengthen
the
educational
system.5
The
Latin
American
university
has
generally
failed
to
perform any
of
these roles
well.
In
regard
to
providing
manpower
for
the
society,
university
faculties have been more concerned
about
holding
on to tra-
ditional
budgetary
allocations than in
adjusting
curriculum and
enroll-
ment
policies
to meet the demands of
transitional
societies.
For
instance,
although enrollment has increased rapidly in most of these countries-
more
than
doubling
in
Colombia between
1950 and 1960 and
more
than
trebling
in
Venezuela in
only
five
years,
for
example-the
distribution
patterns
in
the
major
faculties have
remained
largely
static.
The
great
majority
of
students are still enrolled
in the
faculty of
philosophy,
while
the faculties of
medicine, science,
and engineering
have received
rela-
tively
small
increases.
Brazil
offers
a good example of this
trend. University
enrollment
nearly
doubled there between
1953 and
1963-from 45,000 to
80,000
students.
A
breakdown of these
figures indicates that
the students
in
the
faculties
of
philosophy
tripled
during that time, from
8,000 in 1953 to
24,000
in
1963.
The engineering and dentistry
school
enrollments did
not
multiply so
rapidly: engineering students
increased from 6,000
in
1953 to
12,000 in
1963; the corresponding
figures
for dentistry were
3,000
and
5,000.
The
increase
in
the
faculties
for medical students was
much
smaller.
In 1953 Brazil
had 20 medical schools
with room
for
1,500
first-year students. By
1963,
36 medical
schools could accommo-
date 2,000 first-year students.6
These
figures
indicate the serious imbalance in the
educational sys-
tems of
these
countries. On the one hand,
scientists
and doctors are not
6
Philip
H.
Coombs, Programming
Higher Education within
the Framework
of
National
Development
Plans,
in Inter-AmericanDevelopment
Bank, ed. Higher
Education
and
Latin
American Development (Asuncion,
1965),
p. 16.
e
Paulo de
Goes,
The
Significance
of University
Reform in Brazil, bid.,
p. 37.
281
societies.
Then,
it
can
begin
to
adjust
its collective behavior
in
order to
maximize
its influence.
Four
aspects
of
the
role
of
modern
higher
education
within
the
frame-
work of
development planning
were cited
at
a conference
of the
Inter-
American
Development
Bank. These
were:
1.
The
teaching
role:
providing manpower
for the
higher
echelon
jobs
of the
nation;
2.
The research role:
creating
new
knowledge
to further industrial
and
agricultural
development;
3.
The
public
service
role:
contributing
o
a
deeper
and
clearer
under-
standingof the nation'sdevelopmentneeds;
4.
The
educational
eadership
role:
providing eadership
o
strengthen
the
educational
system.5
The
Latin
American
university
has
generally
failed
to
perform any
of
these roles
well.
In
regard
to
providing
manpower
for
the
society,
university
faculties have been more concerned
about
holding
on to tra-
ditional
budgetary
allocations than in
adjusting
curriculum and
enroll-
ment
policies
to meet the demands of
transitional
societies.
For
instance,
although enrollment has increased rapidly in most of these countries-
more
than
doubling
in
Colombia between
1950 and 1960 and
more
than
trebling
in
Venezuela in
only
five
years,
for
example-the
distribution
patterns
in
the
major
faculties have
remained
largely
static.
The
great
majority
of
students are still enrolled
in the
faculty of
philosophy,
while
the faculties of
medicine, science,
and engineering
have received
rela-
tively
small
increases.
Brazil
offers
a good example of this
trend. University
enrollment
nearly
doubled there between
1953 and
1963-from 45,000 to
80,000
students.
A
breakdown of these
figures indicates that
the students
in
the
faculties
of
philosophy
tripled
during that time, from
8,000 in 1953 to
24,000
in
1963.
The engineering and dentistry
school
enrollments did
not
multiply so
rapidly: engineering students
increased from 6,000
in
1953 to
12,000 in
1963; the corresponding
figures
for dentistry were
3,000
and
5,000.
The
increase
in
the
faculties
for medical students was
much
smaller.
In 1953 Brazil
had 20 medical schools
with room
for
1,500
first-year students. By
1963,
36 medical
schools could accommo-
date 2,000 first-year students.6
These
figures
indicate the serious imbalance in the
educational sys-
tems of
these
countries. On the one hand,
scientists
and doctors are not
6
Philip
H.
Coombs, Programming
Higher Education within
the Framework
of
National
Development
Plans,
in Inter-AmericanDevelopment
Bank, ed. Higher
Education
and
Latin
American Development (Asuncion,
1965),
p. 16.
e
Paulo de
Goes,
The
Significance
of University
Reform in Brazil, bid.,
p. 37.
281
societies.
Then,
it
can
begin
to
adjust
its collective behavior
in
order to
maximize
its influence.
Four
aspects
of
the
role
of
modern
higher
education
within
the
frame-
work of
development planning
were cited
at
a conference
of the
Inter-
American
Development
Bank. These
were:
1.
The
teaching
role:
providing manpower
for the
higher
echelon
jobs
of the
nation;
2.
The research role:
creating
new
knowledge
to further industrial
and
agricultural
development;
3.
The
public
service
role:
contributing
o
a
deeper
and
clearer
under-
standingof the nation'sdevelopmentneeds;
4.
The
educational
eadership
role:
providing eadership
o
strengthen
the
educational
system.5
The
Latin
American
university
has
generally
failed
to
perform any
of
these roles
well.
In
regard
to
providing
manpower
for
the
society,
university
faculties have been more concerned
about
holding
on to tra-
ditional
budgetary
allocations than in
adjusting
curriculum and
enroll-
ment
policies
to meet the demands of
transitional
societies.
For
instance,
although enrollment has increased rapidly in most of these countries-
more
than
doubling
in
Colombia between
1950 and 1960 and
more
than
trebling
in
Venezuela in
only
five
years,
for
example-the
distribution
patterns
in
the
major
faculties have
remained
largely
static.
The
great
majority
of
students are still enrolled
in the
faculty of
philosophy,
while
the faculties of
medicine, science,
and engineering
have received
rela-
tively
small
increases.
Brazil
offers
a good example of this
trend. University
enrollment
nearly
doubled there between
1953 and
1963-from 45,000 to
80,000
students.
A
breakdown of these
figures indicates that
the students
in
the
faculties
of
philosophy
tripled
during that time, from
8,000 in 1953 to
24,000
in
1963.
The engineering and dentistry
school
enrollments did
not
multiply so
rapidly: engineering students
increased from 6,000
in
1953 to
12,000 in
1963; the corresponding
figures
for dentistry were
3,000
and
5,000.
The
increase
in
the
faculties
for medical students was
much
smaller.
In 1953 Brazil
had 20 medical schools
with room
for
1,500
first-year students. By
1963,
36 medical
schools could accommo-
date 2,000 first-year students.6
These
figures
indicate the serious imbalance in the
educational sys-
tems of
these
countries. On the one hand,
scientists
and doctors are not
6
Philip
H.
Coombs, Programming
Higher Education within
the Framework
of
National
Development
Plans,
in Inter-AmericanDevelopment
Bank, ed. Higher
Education
and
Latin
American Development (Asuncion,
1965),
p. 16.
e
Paulo de
Goes,
The
Significance
of University
Reform in Brazil, bid.,
p. 37.
281
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http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp8/10/2019 the political role of the university in latin america.pdf
5/15
Comparative
Politics
January
1973
omparative
Politics
January
1973
omparative
Politics
January
1973
being
trained in
sufficient
numbers
to
further
either the
technological
advancement
or the
physical
health
of these nations.
On
the
other
hand,
the universities are
turning
out a
large
number of
expectant
graduates
who can
only
look to an
expanding
and often
venal
public
bureaucracy
for
monetary
support.
Rather than
benefitting
the
country
as
a whole
by
producing
personnel
who can
speed
development along,
the
university
is
actually forcing
the
government
to
expend
scarce
resources as the
latter
turns
into an
employment
agency
for the
middle
class.
The
university
displays
similar
dysfunctions
in
performing
its
research
and
public
service roles.
There have
been
a few
projects
in
which the
Latin American universities have ventured to solve national and regional
development
problems.
Both
the
University
of Chile
and Oriente
Uni-
versity
in Venezuela
are
attempting
to set
up
regional
development
projects
through
the establishment
of
regional
colleges.
The
Colombian
government
has also
adopted
measures to
permit
the
initiation
of uni-
versity
institutes
in an effort
to
satisfy
regional
aspirations.
But
in
the
majority
of
cases,
special
institutes
clash
with their
parent
universities
and
many
research
projects
are
lost in a
morass
of
jealous
protectionism
and
bickering.
Furthermore,
university
faculties
are
so
separate
in the
major universities that specialists in one field are often inexperienced in
working with those
from another-a
necessity
in most regional
develop-
ment
projects.
The
universities have failed
to utilize
their
most obvious
source
of
manpower
for urban
and
rural projects:
the students.
Even those
stu-
dents
who are
not in
scientific or agricultural
programs
could
well teach
new agricultural
techniques
and
give instruction
in the
basic
rules of
hygiene
and
birth control.
By
requiring
students
to participate
in such
projects
the university
would
demonstrate
that it is
geared
toward the
special
problems
of its society,
and
consequently
is training
its
graduates
to be aware
of
them. Today,
for
lack of
university
leadership
and
pro-
grams,
some of
the
most activist
students
are
instrumental
in
guerrilla
groups
specializing
in terror,
while
the
majority
of students
remain
passive.
The
fourth role of the university,
that
of
providing
top
leadership
for
the
improvement
of national
education,
is
also
not being
well performed.
Although certain
countries,
such
as
Mexico,
specify
that their
teachers
must locate at rural schools during the early part of their careers, there
are
still
shortages
of teachers
in
the
more
isolated
areas
throughout
Latin
America.
Improper
teaching and
supervision
of
the normal
schools
also
mean
that the teachers
are often only
a few
steps
ahead of their
stu-
dents.
In
Colombia,
for example,
the constitutional
reform
of 1957
in-
cluded
a
ten-year
educational
development
project.
Since
only
an
estimated
25
[percent]
of teachers
in
Colombian primary
schools
had
282
being
trained in
sufficient
numbers
to
further
either the
technological
advancement
or the
physical
health
of these nations.
On
the
other
hand,
the universities are
turning
out a
large
number of
expectant
graduates
who can
only
look to an
expanding
and often
venal
public
bureaucracy
for
monetary
support.
Rather than
benefitting
the
country
as
a whole
by
producing
personnel
who can
speed
development along,
the
university
is
actually forcing
the
government
to
expend
scarce
resources as the
latter
turns
into an
employment
agency
for the
middle
class.
The
university
displays
similar
dysfunctions
in
performing
its
research
and
public
service roles.
There have
been
a few
projects
in
which the
Latin American universities have ventured to solve national and regional
development
problems.
Both
the
University
of Chile
and Oriente
Uni-
versity
in Venezuela
are
attempting
to set
up
regional
development
projects
through
the establishment
of
regional
colleges.
The
Colombian
government
has also
adopted
measures to
permit
the
initiation
of uni-
versity
institutes
in an effort
to
satisfy
regional
aspirations.
But
in
the
majority
of
cases,
special
institutes
clash
with their
parent
universities
and
many
research
projects
are
lost in a
morass
of
jealous
protectionism
and
bickering.
Furthermore,
university
faculties
are
so
separate
in the
major universities that specialists in one field are often inexperienced in
working with those
from another-a
necessity
in most regional
develop-
ment
projects.
The
universities have failed
to utilize
their
most obvious
source
of
manpower
for urban
and
rural projects:
the students.
Even those
stu-
dents
who are
not in
scientific or agricultural
programs
could
well teach
new agricultural
techniques
and
give instruction
in the
basic
rules of
hygiene
and
birth control.
By
requiring
students
to participate
in such
projects
the university
would
demonstrate
that it is
geared
toward the
special
problems
of its society,
and
consequently
is training
its
graduates
to be aware
of
them. Today,
for
lack of
university
leadership
and
pro-
grams,
some of
the
most activist
students
are
instrumental
in
guerrilla
groups
specializing
in terror,
while
the
majority
of students
remain
passive.
The
fourth role of the university,
that
of
providing
top
leadership
for
the
improvement
of national
education,
is
also
not being
well performed.
Although certain
countries,
such
as
Mexico,
specify
that their
teachers
must locate at rural schools during the early part of their careers, there
are
still
shortages
of teachers
in
the
more
isolated
areas
throughout
Latin
America.
Improper
teaching and
supervision
of
the normal
schools
also
mean
that the teachers
are often only
a few
steps
ahead of their
stu-
dents.
In
Colombia,
for example,
the constitutional
reform
of 1957
in-
cluded
a
ten-year
educational
development
project.
Since
only
an
estimated
25
[percent]
of teachers
in
Colombian primary
schools
had
282
being
trained in
sufficient
numbers
to
further
either the
technological
advancement
or the
physical
health
of these nations.
On
the
other
hand,
the universities are
turning
out a
large
number of
expectant
graduates
who can
only
look to an
expanding
and often
venal
public
bureaucracy
for
monetary
support.
Rather than
benefitting
the
country
as
a whole
by
producing
personnel
who can
speed
development along,
the
university
is
actually forcing
the
government
to
expend
scarce
resources as the
latter
turns
into an
employment
agency
for the
middle
class.
The
university
displays
similar
dysfunctions
in
performing
its
research
and
public
service roles.
There have
been
a few
projects
in
which the
Latin American universities have ventured to solve national and regional
development
problems.
Both
the
University
of Chile
and Oriente
Uni-
versity
in Venezuela
are
attempting
to set
up
regional
development
projects
through
the establishment
of
regional
colleges.
The
Colombian
government
has also
adopted
measures to
permit
the
initiation
of uni-
versity
institutes
in an effort
to
satisfy
regional
aspirations.
But
in
the
majority
of
cases,
special
institutes
clash
with their
parent
universities
and
many
research
projects
are
lost in a
morass
of
jealous
protectionism
and
bickering.
Furthermore,
university
faculties
are
so
separate
in the
major universities that specialists in one field are often inexperienced in
working with those
from another-a
necessity
in most regional
develop-
ment
projects.
The
universities have failed
to utilize
their
most obvious
source
of
manpower
for urban
and
rural projects:
the students.
Even those
stu-
dents
who are
not in
scientific or agricultural
programs
could
well teach
new agricultural
techniques
and
give instruction
in the
basic
rules of
hygiene
and
birth control.
By
requiring
students
to participate
in such
projects
the university
would
demonstrate
that it is
geared
toward the
special
problems
of its society,
and
consequently
is training
its
graduates
to be aware
of
them. Today,
for
lack of
university
leadership
and
pro-
grams,
some of
the
most activist
students
are
instrumental
in
guerrilla
groups
specializing
in terror,
while
the
majority
of students
remain
passive.
The
fourth role of the university,
that
of
providing
top
leadership
for
the
improvement
of national
education,
is
also
not being
well performed.
Although certain
countries,
such
as
Mexico,
specify
that their
teachers
must locate at rural schools during the early part of their careers, there
are
still
shortages
of teachers
in
the
more
isolated
areas
throughout
Latin
America.
Improper
teaching and
supervision
of
the normal
schools
also
mean
that the teachers
are often only
a few
steps
ahead of their
stu-
dents.
In
Colombia,
for example,
the constitutional
reform
of 1957
in-
cluded
a
ten-year
educational
development
project.
Since
only
an
estimated
25
[percent]
of teachers
in
Colombian primary
schools
had
282
This content downloaded from 157.92.4.4 on Thu, 10 Oct 201315:50:53 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp8/10/2019 the political role of the university in latin america.pdf
6/15
Margaret
Ann
Goodman
argaret
Ann
Goodman
argaret
Ann
Goodman
had
professional
teacher
training,
facilities
were
to be
provided
for
the
training
of
9,500
teachers
as well as
of
2,900
administrators.
he
training
of some
11,000
teachers
already
on the
job
was also
contem-
plated.
7
At the
end
of
the
ten
years
much of the
project
remained
o
be
completed,
however.
If
the
university
s
performing
ts functionsso
ineffectually,
he
ques-
tion arises
as to whether
his institution s
actuallycosting
these societies
more than
it is
worth. Political
ideologists
may
argue
that,
in the
ma-
jority
of
cases,
the
Latin
American
university
unctions n
highly
corrupt,
undemocratic
ocieties
anyway,
and should do
nothing
to halt
the
in-
evitabledestruction f those societies.Attemptsat establishing esearch
institutes
or
public
service
programs
an be
viewed as
selling
out
to
the forces of
reaction.
There are
several
responses
o
this
argument.
Historicaldeterminism
aside,
there
is
no
reasonto
believe
that
revolution s
inevitable n
most
of
these
nations.
Mexico,
Brazil,
Venezuela,
Colombia,
and
Argentina,
to
name the
larger
countries,
have
demonstrated
onsiderable
esistance
to
movements
which would
substantially
lter either
the
ownership
of
production
r the
social
distancebetween
classes.
Whether
he
university
maintains ts traditional ole or moves to a moreactivistposition,there
is little
reason o
believe
that
the
elites
will
stand
by quietly
as
People's
Republics
are
proclaimed.
The
military
regimes
n
many Latin Ameri-
can
countries
oday
are
clear
evidence
of
the national
and
international
pressures
o retain the
status
quo.
Therefore t
seems
unreasonable o
deny any
social
progress
hat
can
be
helped along
by universityprojects.
More
importantly,
ducatingpeople
and
improving
he
conditionsof
their
lives
does not
necessarily
make them
less
revolutionary.
Discon-
tentedmembersof the middle and upperclasseshave been the leaders
of
contemporary
ocial
movements.At
this time
some of
the most active
guerrillasare
of
upper-class
origins.8 t is not the
hopeless
who make
revolutions.9
The
university,
hen,
does have
certain
functions in the
developing
nations
of
Latin
America.
However,
t is
not
performing
hese
functions
at
an
acceptable
evel, and therefore t is
not fully
servicing he societies
that
pay
its
way.
Since
few
people either
within or
outside the univer-
sity seriouslyconsiderabolishing he institutionas an answer o its dys-
7
Robert
H.
Dix,
Colombia:
The
Political
Dimensions
of
Change (New
Haven,
1967),
p.
151.
8James
Petras,
Revolution
and
Guerrilla
Movements in
Latin
America: Vene-
zuela, Guatemala,
Colombia,
and
Peru,
in
James
Petras
and Maurice Zeitlin, eds.
Latin
America, Reform
or
Revolution?
(Greenwich [Conn.],
1968), pp. 329-69.
9
Dix,
p.
190:
Sunk
in
poverty
and
illiteracy, many
Colombians are too apa-
thetic
or
unaware
even
to
vote.
283
had
professional
teacher
training,
facilities
were
to be
provided
for
the
training
of
9,500
teachers
as well as
of
2,900
administrators.
he
training
of some
11,000
teachers
already
on the
job
was also
contem-
plated.
7
At the
end
of
the
ten
years
much of the
project
remained
o
be
completed,
however.
If
the
university
s
performing
ts functionsso
ineffectually,
he
ques-
tion arises
as to whether
his institution s
actuallycosting
these societies
more than
it is
worth. Political
ideologists
may
argue
that,
in the
ma-
jority
of
cases,
the
Latin
American
university
unctions n
highly
corrupt,
undemocratic
ocieties
anyway,
and should do
nothing
to halt
the
in-
evitabledestruction f those societies.Attemptsat establishing esearch
institutes
or
public
service
programs
an be
viewed as
selling
out
to
the forces of
reaction.
There are
several
responses
o
this
argument.
Historicaldeterminism
aside,
there
is
no
reasonto
believe
that
revolution s
inevitable n
most
of
these
nations.
Mexico,
Brazil,
Venezuela,
Colombia,
and
Argentina,
to
name the
larger
countries,
have
demonstrated
onsiderable
esistance
to
movements
which would
substantially
lter either
the
ownership
of
production
r the
social
distancebetween
classes.
Whether
he
university
maintains ts traditional ole or moves to a moreactivistposition,there
is little
reason o
believe
that
the
elites
will
stand
by quietly
as
People's
Republics
are
proclaimed.
The
military
regimes
n
many Latin Ameri-
can
countries
oday
are
clear
evidence
of
the national
and
international
pressures
o retain the
status
quo.
Therefore t
seems
unreasonable o
deny any
social
progress
hat
can
be
helped along
by universityprojects.
More
importantly,
ducatingpeople
and
improving
he
conditionsof
their
lives
does not
necessarily
make them
less
revolutionary.
Discon-
tentedmembersof the middle and upperclasseshave been the leaders
of
contemporary
ocial
movements.At
this time
some of
the most active
guerrillasare
of
upper-class
origins.8 t is not the
hopeless
who make
revolutions.9
The
university,
hen,
does have
certain
functions in the
developing
nations
of
Latin
America.
However,
t is
not
performing
hese
functions
at
an
acceptable
evel, and therefore t is
not fully
servicing he societies
that
pay
its
way.
Since
few
people either
within or
outside the univer-
sity seriouslyconsiderabolishing he institutionas an answer o its dys-
7
Robert
H.
Dix,
Colombia:
The
Political
Dimensions
of
Change (New
Haven,
1967),
p.
151.
8James
Petras,
Revolution
and
Guerrilla
Movements in
Latin
America: Vene-
zuela, Guatemala,
Colombia,
and
Peru,
in
James
Petras
and Maurice Zeitlin, eds.
Latin
America, Reform
or
Revolution?
(Greenwich [Conn.],
1968), pp. 329-69.
9
Dix,
p.
190:
Sunk
in
poverty
and
illiteracy, many
Colombians are too apa-
thetic
or
unaware
even
to
vote.
283
had
professional
teacher
training,
facilities
were
to be
provided
for
the
training
of
9,500
teachers
as well as
of
2,900
administrators.
he
training
of some
11,000
teachers
already
on the
job
was also
contem-
plated.
7
At the
end
of
the
ten
years
much of the
project
remained
o
be
completed,
however.
If
the
university
s
performing
ts functionsso
ineffectually,
he
ques-
tion arises
as to whether
his institution s
actuallycosting
these societies
more than
it is
worth. Political
ideologists
may
argue
that,
in the
ma-
jority
of
cases,
the
Latin
American
university
unctions n
highly
corrupt,
undemocratic
ocieties
anyway,
and should do
nothing
to halt
the
in-
evitabledestruction f those societies.Attemptsat establishing esearch
institutes
or
public
service
programs
an be
viewed as
selling
out
to
the forces of
reaction.
There are
several
responses
o
this
argument.
Historicaldeterminism
aside,
there
is
no
reasonto
believe
that
revolution s
inevitable n
most
of
these
nations.
Mexico,
Brazil,
Venezuela,
Colombia,
and
Argentina,
to
name the
larger
countries,
have
demonstrated
onsiderable
esistance
to
movements
which would
substantially
lter either
the
ownership
of
production
r the
social
distancebetween
classes.
Whether
he
university
maintains ts traditional ole or moves to a moreactivistposition,there
is little
reason o
believe
that
the
elites
will
stand
by quietly
as
People's
Republics
are
proclaimed.
The
military
regimes
n
many Latin Ameri-
can
countries
oday
are
clear
evidence
of
the national
and
international
pressures
o retain the
status
quo.
Therefore t
seems
unreasonable o
deny any
social
progress
hat
can
be
helped along
by universityprojects.
More
importantly,
ducatingpeople
and
improving
he
conditionsof
their
lives
does not
necessarily
make them
less
revolutionary.
Discon-
tentedmembersof the middle and upperclasseshave been the leaders
of
contemporary
ocial
movements.At
this time
some of
the most active
guerrillasare
of
upper-class
origins.8 t is not the
hopeless
who make
revolutions.9
The
university,
hen,
does have
certain
functions in the
developing
nations
of
Latin
America.
However,
t is
not
performing
hese
functions
at
an
acceptable
evel, and therefore t is
not fully
servicing he societies
that
pay
its
way.
Since
few
people either
within or
outside the univer-
sity seriouslyconsiderabolishing he institutionas an answer o its dys-
7
Robert
H.
Dix,
Colombia:
The
Political
Dimensions
of
Change (New
Haven,
1967),
p.
151.
8James
Petras,
Revolution
and
Guerrilla
Movements in
Latin
America: Vene-
zuela, Guatemala,
Colombia,
and
Peru,
in
James
Petras
and Maurice Zeitlin, eds.
Latin
America, Reform
or
Revolution?
(Greenwich [Conn.],
1968), pp. 329-69.
9
Dix,
p.
190:
Sunk
in
poverty
and
illiteracy, many
Colombians are too apa-
thetic
or
unaware
even
to
vote.
283
This content downloaded from 157.92.4.4 on Thu, 10 Oct 201315:50:53 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp8/10/2019 the political role of the university in latin america.pdf
7/15
Comparative
Politics
January
1973
omparative
Politics
January
1973
omparative
Politics
January
1973
functions,
the
question
then becomes
how
to
restructure the
university
so
it
can
reach an
optimum
level of
performance.
It
is
necessary
to locate the causes
of
dysfunction
before
proceeding
to recommend remedies. The two
main
factors which
prevent
the uni-
versity
from
rendering
top
performance
are:
(1)
its
essentially
middle-
class
character,
which
leads
to
alienation
among
its
members;
and
(2)
an intellectual commitment to
university
autonomy,
which
leads
to
isolation of the
university
from
the
rest of the
polity.
The
university
has
only
become
a middle-class
institution
in this
century.
Before the
University
Reform
Movement
began
in
Argentina
in 1918, the universities were bastions of the upper classes. By limiting
enrollment
and
controlling
the
granting
of
diplomas
to matriculated
students
only,
in a
society
where a
university degree
held social as well
as
professional
rewards,
the
university played
an
integral part
in main-
taining
the old elite.
It
is not
surprising
that the
University
Reform Movement started in
Argentina,
where
there
was a
larger
middle class
than in the other
countries of Latin America. But the
movement
spread rapidly
through-
out
the
continent.
The
strongest support
for
university
reform came
from the secondary schools where the curriculum-then as now-was
oriented strictly toward
entry into a university.
The students
in the
secondary schools
were anxious
to break
down the
next barrier
to their
own upward mobility.
Essentially,
the students
tried to open
the uni-
versities to
the middle classes
by
making the only
entrance requirement
the completion of
secondary
school, by
having
the students
graded
solely
on examination
performance,
and
by having professors
chosen
by open
competition.
Included, too,
were provisions
for
the right of
a
student to repeat a
course
many times until
he passed
the final examina-
tion, for direct participation
by the
students
in university
administration,
and
for an increased
emphasis
on the autonomy
of the university.
The
upgrading
of
standards
was not
primary on the
list since
the students
were more concerned with
democratic
methods
than
with intellectual
performance.10
Except in
smaller,
less
developed
countries of
Latin America,
such as
Haiti and
Nicaragua,
the
students
and their families
achieved
what they
set
out to
do. The twentieth
century brought
forth
political parties
which
represented middle-class interests in many of the larger countries-the
Partido Revolucionario
Institucional
in
Mexico,
the
Union
Civica in
Argentina,
the
Radicals in Chile,
and Accion
Democratica
in Venezuela,
among
others. These parties gained
electoral
power
and,
along
with it,
concessions
from
the
upper
classes.
Since the largest
universities of these
10
John
P.
Harrison, Learning
and
Politics in
Latin
American Universities,
Academy
of
Political
Science, Proceedings,
XXVII
(May
1964), p.
331.
284
functions,
the
question
then becomes
how
to
restructure the
university
so
it
can
reach an
optimum
level of
performance.
It
is
necessary
to locate the causes
of
dysfunction
before
proceeding
to recommend remedies. The two
main
factors which
prevent
the uni-
versity
from
rendering
top
performance
are:
(1)
its
essentially
middle-
class
character,
which
leads
to
alienation
among
its
members;
and
(2)
an intellectual commitment to
university
autonomy,
which
leads
to
isolation of the
university
from
the
rest of the
polity.
The
university
has
only
become
a middle-class
institution
in this
century.
Before the
University
Reform
Movement
began
in
Argentina
in 1918, the universities were bastions of the upper classes. By limiting
enrollment
and
controlling
the
granting
of
diplomas
to matriculated
students
only,
in a
society
where a
university degree
held social as well
as
professional
rewards,
the
university played
an
integral part
in main-
taining
the old elite.
It
is not
surprising
that the
University
Reform Movement started in
Argentina,
where
there
was a
larger
middle class
than in the other
countries of Latin America. But the
movement
spread rapidly
through-
out
the
continent.
The
strongest support
for
university
reform came
from the secondary schools where the curriculum-then as now-was
oriented strictly toward
entry into a university.
The students
in the
secondary schools
were anxious
to break
down the
next barrier
to their
own upward mobility.
Essentially,
the students
tried to open
the uni-
versities to
the middle classes
by
making the only
entrance requirement
the completion of
secondary
school, by
having
the students
graded
solely
on examination
performance,
and
by having professors
chosen
by open
competition.
Included, too,
were provisions
for
the right of
a
student to repeat a
course
many times until
he passed
the final examina-
tion, for direct participation
by the
students
in university
administration,
and
for an increased
emphasis
on the autonomy
of the university.
The
upgrading
of
standards
was not
primary on the
list since
the students
were more concerned with
democratic
methods
than
with intellectual
performance.10
Except in
smaller,
less
developed
countries of
Latin America,
such as
Haiti and
Nicaragua,
the
students
and their families
achieved
what they
set
out to
do. The twentieth
century brought
forth
political parties
which
represented middle-class interests in many of the larger countries-the
Partido Revolucionario
Institucional
in
Mexico,
the
Union
Civica in
Argentina,
the
Radicals in Chile,
and Accion
Democratica
in Venezuela,
among
others. These parties gained
electoral
power
and,
along
with it,
concessions
from
the
upper
classes.
Since the largest
universities of these
10
John
P.
Harrison, Learning
and
Politics in
Latin
American Universities,
Academy
of
Political
Science, Proceedings,
XXVII
(May
1964), p.
331.
284
functions,
the
question
then becomes
how
to
restructure the
university
so
it
can
reach an
optimum
level of
performance.
It
is
necessary
to locate the causes
of
dysfunction
before
proceeding
to recommend remedies. The two
main
factors which
prevent
the uni-
versity
from
rendering
top
performance
are:
(1)
its
essentially
middle-
class
character,
which
leads
to
alienation
among
its
members;
and
(2)
an intellectual commitment to
university
autonomy,
which
leads
to
isolation of the
university
from
the
rest of the
polity.
The
university
has
only
become
a middle-class
institution
in this
century.
Before the
University
Reform
Movement
began
in
Argentina
in 1918, the universities were bastions of the upper classes. By limiting
enrollment
and
controlling
the
granting
of
diplomas
to matriculated
students
only,
in a
society
where a
university degree
held social as well
as
professional
rewards,
the
university played
an
integral part
in main-
taining
the old elite.
It
is not
surprising
that the
University
Reform Movement started in
Argentina,
where
there
was a
larger
middle class
than in the other
countries of Latin America. But the
movement
spread rapidly
through-
out
the
continent.
The
strongest support
for
university
reform came
from the secondary schools where the curriculum-then as now-was
oriented strictly toward
entry into a university.
The students
in the
secondary schools
were anxious
to break
down the
next barrier
to their
own upward mobility.
Essentially,
the students
tried to open
the uni-
versities to
the middle classes
by
making the only
entrance requirement
the completion of
secondary
school, by
having
the students
graded
solely
on examination
performance,
and
by having professors
chosen
by open
competition.
Included, too,
were provisions
for
the right of
a
student to repeat a
course
many times until
he passed
the final examina-
tion, for direct participation
by the
students
in university
administration,
and
for an increased
emphasis
on the autonomy
of the university.
The
upgrading
of
standards
was not
primary on the
list since
the students
were more concerned with
democratic
methods
than
with intellectual
performance.10
Except in
smaller,
less
developed
countries of
Latin America,
such as
Haiti and
Nicaragua,
the
students
and their families
achieved
what they
set
out to
do. The twentieth
century brought
forth
political parties
which
represented middle-class interests in many of the larger countries-the
Partido Revolucionario
Institucional
in
Mexico,
the
Union
Civica in
Argentina,
the
Radicals in Chile,
and Accion
Democratica
in Venezuela,
among
others. These parties gained
electoral
power
and,
along
with it,
concessions
from
the
upper
classes.
Since the largest
universities of these
10
John
P.
Harrison, Learning
and
Politics in
Latin
American Universities,
Academy
of
Political
Science, Proceedings,
XXVII
(May
1964), p.
331.
284
This content downloaded from 157.92.4.4 on Thu, 10 Oct 201315:50:53 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp8/10/2019 the political role of the university in latin america.pdf
8/15
Margaret
Ann
Goodman
argaret
Ann
Goodman
argaret
Ann
Goodman
countrieshave
always
been state
supported,university
admissions
pro-
cedures
changed
as the
profiles
of the
politicians
and voters
changed.
Although
the
percentage
of
secondary
school
age
children
actually
at-
tending
school
remains
ow,
and the
percentage oing
on
and
graduating
from the
university
even
lower,
it is safe to
say
that
today
the Latin
American
university
s
essentially
a middle-classnstitution.
Within
that
university
are
reflected
all
the weaknessesof
the
middle
classes in Latin America.
Certainhistorical
occurrenceshave inhibited
the rise of an
independent
middle
class.
Among
them are: the
growth
of
the state
apparatus
efore,
and not
after,
industrial
development;
con-
gruencein personalitiesbetweenthe landownersand the commercial
class;
and a
traditional
xpectation
of a
hierarchical
ociety
as
experi-
enced
in
the
early
elite
institutions
of
hacienda,
church,
and
military.
Although
a
stronger
middle-class ulture
may
now be
developing,1l
here
still
exists a
tendency
or the
middleclasses
to emulate he
upper
classes
in
dress,
spending
habits,
and life
style.
More
importantly,
he
middle
classes of Latin America have
steadfastly
accepted
the
legitimacy
of
oligarchical authority,
whether
it
expressed
itself in conservative
or
liberal,
clericalor
anti-clerical,
onstitutionalist r
authoritarian,
ivilian
or militarygovernments.
2
Expectingdecisionto flow downfrom the
top,
with
personal
nfluence
aking
the
role that
pressuregroups
would
have in more secular
societies,
the middle class
has never
organized
itself
to curb aristocratic
rivilege
as
it
did
in
parts
of
Europe
and the
United States.
Instead
of
upsetting
he
traditional
tatus
ystem,
members
of the Latin
Americanmiddle class
seek access
to
those
with
privilege,
who
will in turn speak for
them.
This
patron-client
elationship
auses
the middle
class to
remain disunited and
to
practice
infighting
ather
thanbecoming
an effective
agent
or
change.
The Latin American
university
displays
a
similar, though
more
am-
bivalent attitude
toward authority,and
is
equally
divided
within
itself
in terms of
primary
nterestand
area of
responsibility.
ts
organization,
physical setting,
and the psychological
outlookof
its
members ontribute
toward making the
university
a
peripheral
experience
rather
than
the
focal
point in its members'
ives.
Based as it is
on the
model
of the
European
university,
t
is
a com-
posite
of
a number of
specialized
aculties rather
than
a
coordinated
institution.Each faculty has its own separate taff, library,andstudents,
and
there s little
interdisciplinary
ommunication.
A
student
will
usually
Charles Wagley, The Dilemma
of the Latin American Middle
Classes, ibid.,
p. 310.
12
Herbert
S.
Klein,
The
Crisis of
Legitimacy
and
the
Origins
of Social Revolu-
tion:
The Bolivian Experience, Journal
of
Inter-American
Studies,
X
(January
1968), 116.
285
countrieshave
always
been state
supported,university
admissions
pro-
cedures
changed
as the
profiles
of the
politicians
and voters
changed.
Although
the
percentage
of
secondary
school
age
children
actually
at-
tending
school
remains
ow,
and the
percentage oing
on
and
graduating
from the
university
even
lower,
it is safe to
say
that
today
the Latin
American
university
s
essentially
a middle-classnstitution.
Within
that
university
are
reflected
all
the weaknessesof
the
middle
classes in Latin America.
Certainhistorical
occurrenceshave inhibited
the rise of an
independent
middle
class.
Among
them are: the
growth
of
the state
apparatus
efore,
and not
after,
industrial
development;
con-
gruencein personalitiesbetweenthe landownersand the commercial
class;
and a
traditional
xpectation
of a
hierarchical
ociety