The original documents are located in Box 32, folder “Carter - Clippings (2)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.

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YOUR WEEKLY NEWSPAPER.

THE I PAPER ~ YOU CAN

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VOLUME U NUMBER 33 August 16, 1976 Single copy price: 30c

Phil Walden (left) president of Capricora Records, was introduced to Jimmy Carter (right) by Cloyd K. Hall, (center) who was then a special as­sistant to Carter when he was gov¥Jlor of Georgia. Toward the end of Carter's term Walden made Hall a vice president of Capricorn, handling public relatio:U. and taking care of Walden's political relationships. "My respon&ibility," said Hall to a SPOTLIGHT investigator, ••was to introduce

Copyright 1976 by The SPOTLIGHT. All rights reserved. Quota· tions permitted providing lull credit is given to The SPOTLIGHT.

t:XCLUSIVE TO SPOTUGHT

MACON, Ga-Jimmy Carter, the ''born-again Christian'' who promises ''never to lie to you,'' is sitting smack in the middle of an illegal drug ring.

SPOTLIGHT investigators working around the clock for the past three weeks have uncovered hard evidence of an interrelated ring of drug push­ers, rock music promoters and cam­paign financiers for the Carter cam­paign.

The group involves top-name enter­tainers, such as Gregg Allman, some .of Carter's key fund raisers, such as Phil Walden of Capricorn Records1

Walden to the right people and give him legitimacy." Walden, a multi· millionaire at the age of 36, is a kingpin in Carter's behind-the-scenes political infrastructure. Walden is responsibHe for raising one million dollars for Carter's presidential campaign. He is under investigation in a rapidly­spreading narcotics scandal in Georgia. Thirty-six people have so far been indicted.

Digitized from Box 32 of The Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library

VJ ·s111H A1~3A38 ONIWV:l 13 lSI

NI>IAI~ lOr :11V AJNl~V SI~~OW WVI111M'

-==~===== VOL. 172 No. S2 Hollywood, Califomia-90021, Wednesday, August 11, 1976 •• ....,n 2SC..es

CANADA-U.S. BORDER B'CAST BA LE NABET Merger No Longer Figures In lA's Future, Prez Diehl Reveals At Convention

By FRANK SEGERS Minneapolis, Aug. 17- Nego· NABET had been under way

tiations for merger between the .since 1974 he said, but impasse international Alliance of Thea- was reached when NABET in­trical Stage Employes and the sisted on dissolution of the lA National Association of Broad- and the broadcast union in favor cast Employes & Technicians (Colffinued on Page II, Column 4) have been dropped, IATSE president Walter F. Diehl reported today a~ the second ses· sion of the union's convention here.

In his annual message to the membership, Diehl also warned. local units of the "dire financial · consequences" of failure to comply with civil rights laws, of­fered several constitutional amendments and said lA TSE has withdrawn financial sup­port of the AFL-CIO's Com­mittee on Political Education.

On a national political level, Diehl recommended endorse­ment of the National Health Security Act, enactment of full-employment measures, youth job programs, a comprehensive energy policy, tax breaks for film production, limits to corporate growth over­seas and establishment of a new government agency to make long-term low-interest loans to the private sector.

Coffey Livens Up lA Conventio With Prexy Bi

By WILL TUSHE John Coffey, living u

reputation as the stor of the International Theatrical Stage E enlivened the othe ise predic­tably dull lA nvention in Minneapo · by sing his hat in the ring a -minute cam­paign to r es he in ernationa presiden y rom incumbent Walter Di

Coffey,fl:ii~M'l'!l!m'i a telepho interview with Daily Variety. said he would formally announce his candidacy at the second day's session of the bien­nial lA meeting today.

The Sound Technicians Local 695 business said his move

~11-;~~tFo~~r-Di:hr;'~:h~ "misleading· .E of Diehl's "t"'"''~"t"''' in

with the proposed lA TSE· N ABET fusion and the legal import to locals of recent court rulings. Talks with

Actors Rne People

the review rn-._U I

tiations that president's report

( Colffinued on· Page JJ, Column J)

CARTER ASSURES SAG PRESIDENT THAT HE HAS NO REAGAN 'BIAS'

Another foot-in-the-mouth in· cident reminiscent of the flap stirred by his earlier - and since recanted - remarks about ethnic purity has broken out over Democratic Presidential nominee Jimmy Carter's recent declaration that President Ford's concern about the rival· . ry of "an ex-movie actor" has become "an almost un­believable spectacle."

The occupational reference to Ronald Reagan, · former presi­dent of the Screen Actors Guild, brought from current president Kathleen Nolan a reflex mail· gram protesting Carter's "knowing or unknowing display of bias and prejudice against the acting profession - indeed the creative community of Holly-

wood." Carter promptly replied that he intended "no disrespect or disregard toward any member of the acting profession in my remarks concerning the disunity in the Republican party." He ap­pended in his own handwriting that his statement "in its entire­ty deplores not the actor's pro­fession, but the President's ignoring his duties."

'Private' Message'? Nolan at first declined to dis­

cuss her wire on grounds that it was "private" .:____ notwith­standing the fact that she told Carter in her mailgram, "As president of 35,000 screen act­ors, I find it difficult to defend your statement." She also called

(Continued on Page 6, Column 3)

MCA-TV, OPERATION Smoldering Squabble Now PRIME TIME IN PACT TL T r 1 r•1 FOR VIDEO 'NOVELS' 1 nreate~s 1 o diVe op ,., '!''

MCA-TV, the tv syndication Tv Prod n Of Both CountrieS arm of MCA Inc., and peration Prime Time, a n group of both indie and twork-affil-iated tv statio , have pacted to develop "nov for tv" along the lines of "R' Man, Poor Man," with the · t project planned to air on l al stations in May, 1977.

Op ation Prime Time has giv MCA-TV an unspeCified f' ancial commitment for op­

oning several novels, which MCA-TV prexy Lou Friedland said will be produced on the scale of "Rich Man."

Describing the project as "a (Continued on Page 2, Column 3)

Gordon Sawyer Will Serve On Research Panel

By PAUL HARRIS Washington, Aug. 17 - The industry here, which regard it as

smoldering squabble between merely an unsolvable regional Canadian and U.S. tv stations flap of little consequence to any­along the border has been one south of Buffalo, N.Y. But

· largely ignored by both the during the past month that pic­government and the broadcast ture has changed drastically,

Change Of Hats For Peacock In Warner TV Setup

Michael Peacock, Warner Bros. TV's exec veepee for net­work tv, will exit his post at The Burbank Studios sept. 1 but will continue to direct U.K. copro­ductions for WB-TV Ltd. He will be based in N.Y. City and Lon­don.

Frank Wells, WB prexy, noted

and it now threatens to envelop the entire film and tv produc­tion industries of the two coun­tries.

A serious conflict, considered by many to be inevitable, could come as early as February by some estimates. To avoid it means cutting through a fog of frustration, ill feelings, desired profits and nationalistic battle against an enigmatic enemy called "cultural importation."

G"oraoli. Sawyer, muRrpfe a acock toox the post at Academy Award-winning TBS 18 months ago on interim former sound director of Samuel basis, and the "results achieved Goldwyn Studios, has agreed to by his division have been much come out of retirement to serve better than we could reasonably on the volunteer Industry Re- have expected."

Example of the escalation is a legislative proposal introduced by 18 U.S. Senators this month tllat. among other tbiDp would ban fhe m o ation tnto ·- ' ~ of feature films, vid;JSf $8600 longer than five minutes !:Jambra, sound recordings incltl\ jingles made in Canada. tor_ a

Time-Honored Feud search Committee (IRC) which The shift reflects Peacock's has succeeded the discontinued ''wish to resume his business Motion Picture Research Center and professional activities in of the Association of Motion Pic- England and the U.S. upon the ture & TV Producers. expiration of his WB-TV con-

Sawyer, along with Petro tract," Wells added.

It's the latest and most impor· tant element in a feud between the two nations that began when Canada decided several years ago to lessen U.S. influence via airwaves by requiring all of its own tv stations to fill 50% of their primetime with home-grown product and 60% from sign-on to

Vlahos, former chief scientist of Alan Shayne, WB feature divi­the center, gave added dimen- sion production veepee, will con­sian to the new panel, which tinue in charge of WB-TV's

~~~:a~ d b~ t~oil:: \o m.~~e.~e.thi~· n{lgilf!,dl;e::v;-:~;;;;l::o::p;-:(,;;;;e:-Q:::t~l);:od-:U:-;c:-;~:-io:n:i-:T:-:E:D:--;F~R:-::o~'N:-·-:"':J:u-"A-:·:-n-:(;:a:-gA-:':-2-:j '-:N~~~~~~:.:·::':r''

People, kups

AMILY HOUR' HAS SOME CRACKS By JIM HARWOOD

Some small cracks in Holly- violent shows" if the heat's wood's united front against taken off comedy. The question "family hour" surfaced at a arose after testimony by MTM Congressional hearing yester- prez Grant Tinker and exec pro­day, still tiny but potentially ducer Allan Burns, both of whom troublesome. expressed strong concern about

Signs of the widest fissure tv violence while down playing tv showed through in a comment sex. by Rep. Henry Waxman (D- CCotrfinw4 on Pnge 13, Column I) Calif.) recounting a conversa­tion with a major "action" show producer concerned that comedy producers have been as free lately in their denuncia­tions of tv violence as every­body else. Such comments were seen by some as efforts to de­flect attention from tv sex, the prevailing problem in comedy skeins.

Tradeoff Alluding to the problem Wax­

man said tbe lJI'oducer he talked to was concerned that others might settle for "censorship of

David Greene Will Direct 'Gray Lady'

David Greene will direct Universal's "Gray Lady Down," nuclear sub pic starring Charl­ton Heston. The Walter Mirisch production rolls Sept. 13.

Greene has done numerous feature pix but recently has been best known for directing parts of ABC-TV's "Rich Man, Poor Man," produced by Universal TV.

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A203 R W

PM-CARTER 1STAOD1STLD A201 B-31 X X X FORD.

KENNEDY WAS NOT AMONG THE PARTY LEADERS WHO THRONGED TO THE PODIUM FOLLOWING CARTER'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH LAST MONTH AT THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONvENTION, LEADING TO SPECULATION THAT RELATIONS BETWEEN THE TWO WERE COOL.

BUT CARTER SAID TODAY KENNEDY HAD VOLUNTEERED HIS SUPPORT AND THAT HIS CAMPAIGN HELP AS THE SURVIVOR OF THE KENNEDY CLAN WOULD BE WELCOME.

ai BELIEVE IT'S ABSOLUTELY IMPORTANT TO END DIVIDED GOVERNMENT IN THE CONf'DI:S"' R~'l\ s .. NOT'" oF T"E u~~ITJ:'I\ s·""T .. s !t K .. NtP'"f'iY S"'Tr. !! .. T''T"K • 1 i.ll't.L. ~ '"' t nat t! il ... v I !1 t t ,t, 11tU t!..... 1 t! .. N,

~YERKOR CARTER HAS IDENTIFIED THE ISSUES IN TERMS OF JOBS, RESTORATION OF OUR ECONOMY, TAX REFORMS, WELFARE REFORMS, HEALTH CARE -- THOSE ARE THINGS I THINK THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ARE CONCERNED ABOUT.u

EARLIER, CARTER TOLD AN AUDIENCE OF STATE DEMOCRATIC CHAIRMEN HE WANTED TO SPEND AS LITTLE TIME AS POSSIBLE IN THE COMPANY OF LOCAL POLITICAL LEADERS AND INFLUENTIAL CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTORS DURING THE CAMPAIGN, CONCENTRATING INSTEAD ON ORDINARY vOTERS.

ur SPENT TOO MUCH OF MY TIME IN THE LAST FEW DAYS GOING TO RECEPTIONS WITH MAYBE AS MANY AS 60 PEOPLE WHO COULD AFFORD TO GIVE $1000 EACH,u CARTER SAID. 9 I'M GOING TO BREAK AWAY FROM THAT AS MUCH AS I CAN."

AT THE START OF HIS TWO DAY CAMPAIGN TRIP MONDAY NIGHT, CARTER TOLD HIS MOSTLY BLACK AUDIENCE IN ATLANTA THAT HE WOULD WORK FOR THE REALIZATION OF THE DREAM OF AUTOMATIC VOTER REGISTRATION.

PICKUP STHGRAF: CARTER UPI 08-31 12:28 PED

•

!!!A202 U W BYLCZCBYl

iPK-PoLITICAL Rop, 1sT LD, A029, 360 iBY DAVE RILEY iASSOCIATED PRESS WRITER

NASHINGTON <AP> - JIMMY CARTERJ VOWING TO ''STAY AWRY FROM THE ESTABLISHHENT 11 IN HIS PRESIDENTIAl BIDf GOT STRONG WORDS OF SUPPORT TODAY FROM Aft-CIO PRESIDENT GEORGE MEANY AND lET IT BE KNOHN HE WILl CAMPAIGN BY WHISTLE-STOP TRAIN lATER THIS MONTH.

CARTER PROPOSED CLOSER PRESIDENTIAL CONTROL OF THE CHAIRMAN OF THE fEDERAL RESERVE BOARD AND TRIED TO ESTABLISH liNES OF COMMAND IN HIS ONN CAMPAIGN BY ORDERING HIS STATE COORDINATORS TO SERVE THE PARTY ORGANIZATIONS IN EACH STATE.

BUT NEITHER HE NOR PRESIDENT fORD DID ANYTHING TO RESOLVE THE STATUS OF THE GREAT DEBATES. CARTER SAYS PLANS FOR THE TELEVISED CONFRONTATIONS ARE AlMOST SET. BUT A SPOKESMAN FOR THE PRESIDENT SAYS NO AGREEMENT IS IN SIGHT.

CARTER TOLD HEADS OF STATE PARTY ORGANIZATIONS MEETING HERE ''NOT TO ISOLATE HE IN A HOTEL ROOM WITH POWERFUL POLITICAL FIGURES'' NHEN HE COMES TO THEIR AREAS TO CAMPAIGN.

''I'M GOING TO DO All 1 CAN TO STAY AWAY FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT''' CARTER DECLAREDJ PROMISING TO FOCUS HIS CAMPAIGN ON SUCH AVERAGE AMERICANS AS FACTORY WORKERS LINING UP TO BEGIN THEIR SHIFTS AND SHOPPERS LINING UP AT CASH REGISTERS IN STORES.

''THOSE ARE THE PEOPLE i 1 M WORRIED ABOUTJ'' HE DECLAREDJ ''AND THOSE ARE THE PEOPLE I HAVE TO DEPEND ON. 11

DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CHAIRMAN ROBERT STRAUSS SAID CARTER Nill CAMPAIGN BY WHISTLE-STOP TRAIN FROM ftEW YoRK CITY TO CHICAGO LATER THIS MONTH. LEAVING SEPT. 20J THE TRAIN WILL HAKE STOPS IN 0HI0f NEW JERSEY' PENNSYLVANIA AND INDIANA BEFORE REACHING ILLINOIS.

As STRAUSS ANNOUNCED THE TRAIN TRIPf CARTER ATTENDED A MEETING OF Hfl-CIO LEADERS WHERE KEANY DECLARED THAT ONLY CARTER CAN PROVIDE THE LEADERSHIP REQUIRED TO GET AMERICA BACK TO WORK.

IN A STINGING ATTACK ON fORDf MEANY BlAMED REPUBLICANS FOR ''SEVERE AND DANGEROUS 11 DAMAGE TO THE ECONOMY. ''BACK-TO-BACK RECESSIONS' FOllOWED ONY BY PARTIAL RECOVERIESJ HAVE LEFT THE NATION ON THE BRINK OF YET ANOTHER RECESSIONJ 11 MEANY SAID.

''ONLY A SURE AND CERTAIN HAND ON THE HELM CAN PREVENT IT. AND JIMMY CARTER IS THAT HAN. 11

itVEN BEFORE! 2ND GRAF 1237PED 08-31

•

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arter's Nixon Image ~ A.l< • (e.:.~t:.-<

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Hy Mlt!IAEL NOVAK It is rid:nlluus to thinl< that

Catholics 111ay not vote for Jimmy Carkr l!l~cause he is a Southern Bapti:;L Catholics voted for Harry Truman, a Southern t;;;pttsi, and ubout 80 pt!r cent voted lor Lyndon John· sm1, a Sl'l'ttitli·Day Adventi:>L In every elt'l't iu11 !Jut one, Catholics han• voted lura i>rutestanL

Cuter'.; 1 roullies with Catho· lies are C.,rter's own. His biggest problem 1s 1 lut his style, mode of operation, anJ politics, remind many Catholics of Nixon .. "Reg" Murphy, iormer editor of the Atlanta Constitution ' and Julian Bond of the Georgia Legislature, make charges showing tltat vague fears from a distance are not altogether ur:four:ded up close.

· Carter k!S done little or nothing to reach out to Catho· lies. But .J<,Ln F. Kennedy reached out towards Southern ProteSWilb. On the level or sheer political performance, Caner h;.,s not yet shown that he wants Catholic sup­port.

Carter' pn,hlem with Callwlics concerning style and symhol ki \ often been discussed. One !'actor has been dramatic~ll:y ov0rlookcd. Carter's political pietism .rc· minds m~u;y Catholics of Nixon. How?

First, !ht: hardness or coldm:ss that shows under-neath his p1L:ty. C;..~rter claims ''personal intimacy" with voters, but his f.oce and actions are ruthless and rough. He gives <..1 cluublc message: Sunday school and hard ball. Rubert Kt:nneJy was ruthless, but without piety. A Ken­nedy would never promise not to tell a lie. Nixon in the fourth dd"1!e with John F. Kennedy tried to pass orr his moral superiority to Harry Truman. Kennedy countered with a co<~l, witry remark, refusing to play the morality game. Catl.ulics ha vc a rather strong sense of moral am· biguity, ~!llci tiH;y distrust the smarty claims of polil icians who presc:t;l themselves as moral.

·When Urter said,"I'm not a liar" it made many be­lieve (for ti1e ftrst time) he was. I! echoed Nixon's "I'm not a crook." A worry on his mind.

When c,ner says he wants the government to be as good and dc:.::ent and loving as the American people arl', many ren;l'tnber that Nixon nm the identically same campaign: ·'t know the American people, and the /\mer-

ican heart is good." Nixon fluttered the American peoplt>, too. Nixon wanted to protect the people from the govern­ment, and from the immorality of the Democratic bosses and from union leaders. Carter is riding on a Republican vvave, and on a Nixonian surfboard. ·

Nixon's campaign was a Billy Graham campaign. And so is Carter's. Nixon capitalized on Protestunt middle America's disgust with Washington. So does Carter. Nixon was exceedingly vague on his precise intentions, and so is Carter· not that both didn't issue countless po­sition papers, only that they refuse to stand and fight on any sharp issues.

Nixon precisely orchestrated the Republican conven­tion at Miami Beach, and Carter precisely 9rchestrated the Democratic Convention in Madison Square Garden. ·

Nixon had a plan to end the war; Carter has one to reorganize the bureaucracy. Nixon planned to "stream­line" the bureaucracy, and so doe~ Carter.

Nixon had a small, tight staff, and so does Carter. Nixon's smiles were out of synchronization with his

·words, and so are Carter,'s, Few antidotes about Nixon'$ sense of hurno{·could be found; and about Carter they are also rare. Nixon prided himsel( on hard, detailed leg· w.ork, and so docs Carter.

Nixon was lucky in 1972 because his opponent ap­pealed to Catholics even less. (Polls late in 1972 showed Edward Kennedy running far ahead of Nixon among Catholics. In the actual vote, Catholics gave 48 percent to McGovern, 52 percent to Nixon.)

Carter plans to capture most of the Nixon Protestants. The Protestant vote for Nixon was virtually 70 percent.

Only 27 percent of the electorate is Catholic. Since Catholics tend to vote more regularly than any others, save the Jews, about one vote in four in 1976 will probably be Catholic. If Carter holds that vote to an even split • 50-50 • he could win on the basis of Protestant votes.

So Carter has to do very little for Catholics. He can win without them. And, so far, he is doing just that. There are exceedingly few Catholics on his staff or even remotely near him. His rhetoric - he mentioned "family" and ''neighborhood"- makes few gestures towards Catholics.

• Otherwise, the symbols and style of his campaign exclude many of them. Congressman Peter Rodino urged Carter to have prominent Catholic politicians campaign hard for him and surely this will help.

Muny Catholics who care most allout the issue uf abortion would probably have voted for Ford or Heagan, in any case. Abortion is not the decisive C'lectoral issue.

Far more to the point are economic nnd foreign poi icy issues. Daniel Patrick Moynihan spoke l'loqm'ntly for most Catholics- and most Americans on the lattt'r. Kis- · singer has had no profounder critic. Carter docs not sound like Moynilwn, even renwwly.

On the economic issues, Cart(!'!' does sound convincing. Too like an opportunist, he has 4iu~9late to job programs and to labor union issues. ,,, '' ·

His followers, of course, d~~2aunt Carter's stylistic, symbolic, and substantive siq1ilarities to Nixon. "He has higher ideals," they say. "Hti is far more mora!." In a world of imagery and fakery, who, at a distance, can tell? The best course is to trust no one thoroughly. They break your heart, these men of images, selling· the presi­dency.

Indeed, the image of "the peanut farmer" in his fields is less than truthful. Since the age of ·10, for over 10 years now, Carterh,;is b!:!Cfl tl,lnning fqr yffice. He nominated Scoop Jackson .jn 1972. His convictions on Vietn:.i'm are slippery. ·

On the issues of whites and blacks in the major cities of the North and North Central states, Carter is plainly owned by blacks, as in Detroit. His candidacy may be healing in the South, but divisive in the North. He may be "laying down the burden of race" in the South. It looks us though his scapegoats in the North wi!l be the Catholics who livt: in the inner cities and the inner ring of suburbs around the cities.

·Carter is no Robert Kennedy, nor even a Hubert Humphrey, uniting both the whites and blacks or Gary, and Pittsburgh and Chicago, under one set of symbols and policies. On the contrary, Carter reinforces the per· ceptions that the Democrats are interested in "affirma­tive discrimination"- against working-class·and white­collar Catholics.

If O!W takes white·black rl'lations in the major cities as the single most important issue in domestic politics, the Catholics who predominate in those northern cities among the whites desperately need a Hobert Kenm·dy or a Hubert Humphrey, a candidate who unites rather than divides. Carter's greatest unproven skill lies exactly on this issue.

, Carter Campaign: Comment

New York Daily News, 8/5/76

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~t,mds like a near· opaque glass between Pvle and ._the realities around him. F~wler nlay be unreliable in his personal satire of Pyle, for after all he is jealous of losing Phuong, but there is no reason h't to trust him when he talks about !\ le politically. "He never saw anything

hadn't heard in a lecture hall," he tells , •14ot, "and his writers and his lecturers m.1de a fool of him. When he saw a dead l,,,Jv he couldn't even see thewounds.·A ·~e.{ menace, a soldier of democracy."

f'yle is a portrait of us at our least rn.1ginative, of that part of us that

, hooses not to think but to substitute a ~ew abstract and therefore rigid .J:>sumptions for the process of real thought. Familiar indeed-the kind. of mind-set (I use the mechanical metaphor; it's around me all the time) that can prolong a war for a decade though it's apparent at the outset that we're· on the wrong side, or even that there's no "right" side to be on; the kind that quickly confuses means and ends or fails to distinguish them, that creates domestic secret police in the name of freedom, that opens other people's maiL calls criminality righteousness, loses ~ight of things. In the end, among other things, it's a matter of staying human, At the scene of the bombing in the square Pyle "looked at the wet on his sht;es and said in a sick voice, 'What's th.1t ~"' It was blood, of course, and Fowler asks him, "Haven't you ever seen it before?" Pyle withdraws to the l'omfort of his abstraction and of the bure,lUcracy that embraces it: "I must get a shine before I see the Minister." Later, having begun arrangements from Washington for monetary reparations to the families of the dead, he says to Fowler, who by then has already betr.1yed him: "They were only war c.1sualties ... It was a pity, but you can't .1lw,1y,; hit your target. Anyway, they ,fiPJ in the right cause."

Caricature or not, it strikes home, and hish>ry, the ruthless arbiter in these ::hltters, has given it the additional grim "t.1mp of truth. The only real difference t't"tween Greene's portrayal of Pyle's .hl\'entures and the more gh,.astly adven­' "re we entered into as a nation after ! "''4 i.; the difference in their scale. h>wler c<~n tell Vigot that "Harding 1\ft,te abL1Ut a Third Force. Pyle formed ,,ne-a shoddy little bandit with two thous.md men and a couple of tame ti.,;;ers. He got mixed up." Just as we did, in spades. It's not pleasant to think .1bout, and no more pleasant to realize th.lt in the small instance lies the •·mbry,mic spectre of the great. Fowler

explains about Pyle to the American economic attachJ: "Yes. They killed him because he was too innocent to live. He was young and ignorant and silly and he got involved. He had no more of a notion than any of you what the whole affair's about, and you gave him money and York Harding's books on the East and said, 'Co ahead. Win the East for democracy."' But enough. One tires of carrying burdens of guilt. Perhaps, even

The New Republic

without the guilt, one can understand why the early critics of the book all drew back from it at a certain point, even in 1956. After alt it's a terrible sort of thing, a serious book, seriously done, a book about sincerity and murder.

Eric Larsen

Eric Larsen is a free-lance writer living in New York City.

The Back of the Book

The Carter Congregation

Ever since the trash was thrown out of the White House everyone has assumed that what we want from now on is a presidency without illusions. Yet the candidacy of Jimmy Carter seems only to prove that we prefer grand illusions to petty ones, and that we may be willing to lie to. ourselves more readily than we will accept the lies of others in order to preserve those illusions. I'm thinking of that old-time religion that Carter uses­not his personal faith in God, but religion as popular culture. No one since Oral Roberts has practiced it so vehemently, and not even Roberts saw so many crutches.

Political analysts will explain Carter's religion as strategy, smart or dumb, for managing a new American populism. For cultural analysts the question is why Carter appeals so strongly to a hard­nosed nation, one that now more than ever ought to be wary of magicians. (As of July 26, the Harris poll has Carter leading Ford and Reagan by 40 percent.) One easy conclusion to jump to is that we like to be mystified by our politicians because their tricks are more attractive than our realities. But I think the answer is shallower than that, that it lies flat on the surface of our actions, where most of our answers lie. ·

When at the close of the Democratic convention, Martin Luther King, Sr., shouted "Surely the Lord sent Jimmy Carter to come on out and bring America back where she belongs," you could almost hear Carter utter the first

•

"Amen." Carter believes in the rhetoric that surrounds him. His own speech accepting the nomination was built on abstractions, mostly devotional: "heal­ing," "faith," "the truth," "quiet strengths," "nobility of ideas," "new vision," "grace," "compassion," "love." Like King's prayer and Barbara Jordan's keynote address, Carter's speech used the tactics of a gospel sermon. There was nothing subtle about the effects, nothing hidden in the fact that for the audience the appeal of the speeches, of the convention as a whole, was emotional. Delegates wept openly at the sight of King, though perhaps more in an epiphany of his murdered son than for the revelation of Jimmy Carter.

Nevertheless, the appeal of this rhetoric is undeniable-that revival style of oratory, so moving with its incremental repetitions, its pleading and thunder, first stirring then whipping an audience into general agreement. It creates a mass out of an individual; people hear each other breathe, see each other nod. By the time the sermon is at full speed, congregations are enthralled by abstractions that they might not have acknowledged, of which they might have been skeptical, when the speech began. Finally they are ready to weep and shout, even if they are not always sure why.

Christianity was imposed on black Americans, which accounts, paradox­ically, for thE.> vitality of the black church. The religion that provided solace was

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Philadelphia Inquirer + t t Sunday, Aug. 8; J976 r· • l

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'Street money' -trouble for Carter: . !

By Grayson !\litchell Ohio campaign worker as having dorsed the Carter candidacy. One Leo A•••la n ...... ,...,. C • been given $•1,400 in ''advance t:arter campaigner called it "the

1 ·•OAK.LAl'I'D, Calif.- "I don't work ampaJgll '76 travel" expenses which he later said largest bloc endorsement we got in . for no damn politician for nothing. was spent for nontrave! p:.~rpo~es. Northern California the whole cam-They pay the radio and TV, don't 'P"ll'll'calllacks' • A $7,500 "advance travel" cam- palgn." they?" the rotund but well-tailored " paign check given to a North Caro- In San Francisco, the campaign clergyman asked. "I guess when Jimmy stood in llna Carter supporter who, according dealt with the Rev. w. R. Drwnmer, . "If they come into my church and Maryland and said, 'l don't intend to to financial records on file at cam· 'President of the 71-mcmber Baptist speak to 300 or 400 of my members ·deal with political hacks,' be was l'nign headquarters, used the money Ministers Union, who declared in an they're going to leave at least S!OO talking about not dealing with white to arrange ior a Carter fund-raising mterview that a political endorse-

1 donation on the table." hacks - not black ones;• said P..ul <lumer. ment from his organization means I • The Rev. J. L. Richards of Oak- Hamman, national Carter campaign New federal election campaign 35,000 to 40,000 votes. 1 land one of the mo>t influential administrator whose duties include fi- laws require written receipts for all The Carter campaign gave Sl,OOO to I black mnisters in the San Francisco nandal a.::counting for the entire campatgn expenditures above SIOO this group. According to Drummer, i Bay Area, rose from his chair in a campaign. and explicit rerorting of such ex· the campaign received the union's i ituffy airless upstairs church ante· Such activities, Hemman said, are penses to the FEC. endorsement and an unspecified I room and ·gave this explanation of "not in line with the Carter philoso- Compared to past presidential cam- number of vouthfu! volunteers who : why he and three other ministers had pby, but we knew we had to handle paigns, Hemman said, the amount of. distributed camr>aign literature in l 'received a total of $5,000 from the thinns this way so we decided to money the Carter camp:ugn has their nelghborhoods. I campaign of Jimmy Carter short!)' miru~ize it as b~t we eould. is rem thus far on "street money" op- Drummer said he could not explain [

'·before the June 8 California primary. "We aren't going to cover any of lerations and similar efft~rts to garner where the money went. Asked why 1 l\lr. Richards said that he got Sl,- this up. we are going to deal with it 'upport among mmorl!!es bas been he and the other ministers in this or· ,

000 and that the other ministers had up front. We aren't protecting no-r· ganization had endorsed Carter, I 'recieved $1,000 each. He said he did body; we have 10 cove:r our own be· minimal. "Of course, that doesn't Drummer said, "I can't say why." 1 'oot tell Carter campaign officials hi-~ "

, ... s. make it right," he added. But be added, "When I work for a j' what he might do with ,the money· · Powe~l, the Carter press secreta~' the four black clergymen in the. politician, I won't accept any Routine expemes later ~id that Hemman bad told hlm Bay Area who received money from' money." . 1

that his remarks had been miSC?n· the Carter campalgn were leaders of . · carter campaign officials said the stt;~ed. In a statement, Powell sald; a group cailed, "Ministers for Car· . _money was to be _used to u.nderwrit~ . :>!r. Hem~u says the quotes at· ter." It was an ad hoc assemblage · routine expenses m attracting pohtt- tnbuted to hiiD. do not at ~~~ accu- brought together by campaign offi­cal support for their candidate rately reflect hts .c?nversa.l:lon With cials to advance the Carter cause

·among black voters in Richmond and the re~rter. Speclftc~Uy, the qupte througil one of the most venerable in-Oakland. regardmg Gov. Cart~r.s stateme~t on stitutions in black America the

Carter's press secretary, Jody Po- not dealmg w1th 'poht1cal hacks was church. • -wen, said yesterday that it is custom- m~de In Jest. . • • ' ary to spend the resources on get-out· ")!r. Hemman says this quip was I Mr. Richards, who was given two

··the-vote activities. He added: "If we followed by a serious response eJr- i $l,OOO cam~a1gn checks written .to discover imtances in which funds pressing the campaign's disapproval t\lo separate Oakland mmiStenal

l ·11 11 t of s"~h pracu·ces, describino our ef· groups he heads - the Oakland Bap--were improoe, r y or 1 ega Y. sp. en • ~- . .., 1· '1. · " · h •r t b d . forts to min1·mize them and our de- 1st "mtsters .;mon and t e '' oun We will publicly report t e lOCI ent z Di ·

· t to re ent j·.~rm,·natt'on to provide the most ex- ion Baptist strict Association -and take aggress1ve s eps P v ' 11 th 1 " . tens•···e pos_sible documentation of ex- said: "I didn't te e Carter peop e ·any recurrence. • h ·

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.. «--~h campaign practices - legal : penditures." w at I was gomg to o wtt t e .,.,_ money." He continued;

or·ethical questions aside - illustrate Isolated incidelll "I paid out money to some of the a ·facet of national political contests •'-·t a a] erge• from ~~iler room , . . . ff' 1 ministers in my group; some got $25 u~a r r. Y em • "" · · H1gb-r~nkmg Carter campaign o I· and some got $50. Donations, that's secrecv: the use of money to gain in- clals ms.ts.t that the cas~ of the Bay all," the cleravman said. fluence and votes amon~ black and 1 tnd 1 1 "'

_ Area numsters was an tso a • nc · :\l R. h d ·d tl h d 52 other minoritv vuters in big cities. d t . r. tc ar s sat tat e an "Street moi1ey" is the term politi- e;;;wever, 8 survey of Carter cam- ()ther ministers bad previously en-

cal operatives use. Sometimes it is n3 ign expenditures in the final three $SO paid to a local ward boss to mar· i>rimary ~tates - California, Ohio

. shal the polls on election day, or a n~d :\cw Jersey - turned up several ·s200 "donation" to a neighborhood instances in which campaign funds political club, or sometimes just food ,;pent in black and minority commu-and drink for voters filing out of poll· nities tacked the required re~eipts. ing places. Also uncovered were discrepancies

This year, however, because of the ln some financial records filed by stern reporting requirements of the carter campaign workers with the new campaign spending law, the use federal Eleetion Commission (l''EC). of "street money" Is contributing to !'xamples of apparent reporting ir· a sigoificant problem for the Carter regularities include: campaign. Accounting discrepancies • The reporting of most of the on funds spent for street money and ~.000 spent by the minority affairs other purposes could require the re· camraign division as "advances

"tum to the 1!0\·ernment of up 1P SISO,· other" expenses, making it difficult Ooo of the B million in federal match· to determine the precise purposes for ~~ futyds Carter has received. wbkb these funds were spent.

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