THE NEWTONIAN EPOCH IN THE AMERICAN … American Antiquarian Society [Oct., THE NEWTONIAN EPOCH IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES (1680-1783) BY FKEDEEICK E. BRASCH HISTORY in its constant

314 American Antiquarian Society [Oct.,

THE NEWTONIAN EPOCH IN THEAMERICAN COLONIES (1680-1783)

BY FKEDEEICK E. BRASCH

H ISTORY in its constant recording of events ofhuman experience moves on steadily and per-

sistently. However certain is the course of history, it isnevertheless a varied series of epochs, events, or com-bination of experiences. It is therefore of vital concernfrom an intellectual point of view that a retrospectiveand introspective attitude be maintained in order tosee how life as it is today has been achieved. Fromour present position in the course of events, we are con-cerned today with one of the great periods of the pastmovement. It is a small section to be sure, but a mostinteresting and timely one.

Between the years of 1680 and 1720 in Englishhistory, under the rule of William III and Queen Anne,a most brilliant and illuminating intellectual life isreported. England virtually assumed undisputedleadership only to share it later, first with France andthen with Germany. In this period England gave tohistory her best, both in science and philosophy. Theaccumulated wisdom of the ages seems to have beenconcentrated in the lives and works of two undis-putedly brilliant minds, Isaac Newton and JohnLocke. Theirs are beyond question the outstandingnames in that epoch, which followed the discoveriesand the liberations of the Renaissance and the Reform-ation, and preceded the great mathematical, physicaland philosophical discoveries of today.

In one sense Newton and Locke were systematizersof ideas which were prevalent. Newton stands at theend of a group of scientific geniuses who effected the

1939.] Newtonian Epoch in American Colonies 315

Copernican and the Cartesian revolution; he finallydrew up in complete mathematical form, the mechani-cal view of Nature—that first great physical synthesison which succeeding science rested and remained un-changed until today, when some modification wasfound necessary—Relativity.

Locke stands as an apologist and heir of the great17th century struggles for constitutional liberties andrights and toleration. It is to this expression in asystematic form of ideas, which had become commonproperty^ by 1700, that the two owed their immensepopularity in the new century. But in another senseboth Newton and Locke stand at the threshold ofa new era; Newton as the prophet of the scienceof Nature, and Locke as the prophet of the science ofhuman nature.

The growth of empiricism and the enlightenmentbased largely upon Newton's Mathematical andNatural Philosophy and Locke's Human Understand-ing found its course steadily transcending all parts ofthe intellectual life and also moving westward withhuman migration.

Preceding this epoch (1680-1720) the years leadingup to the limitation are in themselves full of vitalityand substance for achievement. Otherwise the epochitself could not have been what it became. Therefore,with the transition of this new philosophy of empiricismand enlightenment, the period from 1636 to 1680 inthe American colonies was in preparation for theacceptance of this new order. As a matter of factHarvard College, established in 1636, was giving forthall that was best, regardless of the rigid and frigidPuritanism by which it was surrounded. The minds ofthe Winthrops, Dunsters, the Mathers, Charles Mortonand others gave to Harvard and the Colonies thenecessarily receptive mind for Newton's and Locke'sphilosophies. Harvard had accepted and taught thenew planetary system of Copernicus, the principles ofGalileo and the magnetic force of Gilbert. It was


therefore natural that emphasis should be placed onthe mathemetical conception of the orderly movementof the planets and satellites about the sun. This wasaffected by the three laws of planetary motion ofKepler and given proof by the mathematical expres-sions of the laws of gravitation governing this motionas discovered by Newton. That the heavens and earthshould have declared their glory by this great sweep ofinductive process was the final cause of the disappear-ance of the Cartesian philosophy of the Universe, andthe liberation of dogma in Puritan theology.

For the purpose of this paper we shall now point outonly what infiuence the writings of Newton had. Spacewill not permit the parallel discussion of the philosophyof Locke and its infiuence upon the religious and sociallife of the colonies.

What is the Newtonian Philosophy and why was itso potent? Who were its leading exponents in thecolonies, and what minds contributed the most towardthe making of a brilliant intellectual life on this conti-nent? As a matter of interest, the records of the RoyalSociety of London refiect accurately the interest whichthe American colonies had in science. There were,between the years 1636 and 1783, seventeen Colonialsin various fields of science who were elected Fellows ofthe Royal Society. Emerson says that a great man isone who administers a shock to the world, and henames Newton as an example.

"The Mathematical Principles of Natural Philos-ophy" is a concise account of the principle of dy-namics underlying the three great empirical laws ofplanetary motion set down by Kepler, a furtherextension of the law of falling bodies discovered byGalileo and, finally, development of the theory ofgravitation as applied to the moon, comets and theplanets ; together with an important explanation of theirregularities known as perturbation in the movementof celestial bodies. This remarkable book of over 500pages—quarto size—was written in less than a year.


all prepared and demonstrated by geometrical analysisand was published in 1687.

The first scholar in the colonies to catch the realspirit of Newton's philosophy was the intellectualleader and Puritan high priest Cotton Mather (1663-1728). While not a mathematical scholar, he was able,in his role of prophet, to visualize the mental develop-ment of students in terms of the Principia and he feltthat here was something of greater importance thanthe classics. Mather was a graduate of HarvardCollege, but never a teacher. Always, whether on oroff the pulpit, he admonished the students "to avoidphilosophical romances and get as thorough an insightas you can into the principles of our perpetual dicta-tor—Sir Isaac Newton."

In 1680 we find a most interesting fact, namely, thatdirect aid was given to Newton by a series of cometobservations made by Thomas Brattle (1657-1713), agraduate of Harvard. These observations were sentto the Observatory at Greenwich near London, whereFlamstead, the Director, communicated them toHalley and Newton, who were then working upon thetheory of the gravitational influence of the sun uponthe moon and comets. Newton expressed his commen-dation upon the excellent set of observations made bythe observer in Boston, namely. Brattle. This study ofthe gravitational infiuence of the sun on the moon andcomets was the actual foundation and the beginning ofthe writings of the immortal Principia. A contempo-rary associate of Brattle and the Mathers was ThomasRobie (1689-1729), a young tutor of Harvard College,who was greatly interested in astronomy, meteorologyand medicine. As a tutor he evidently instructed thecollege youth in mathematics and natural philosophyand, in addition, compiled celestial almanacks. Thesecommonplace books bear evidence of his reading anduse of Newtonian philosophy. Robie retired in 1727.

We now come to the most puzzling fact that up untilRobie's period apparently no copy of the great Princi-


pia was in the Harvard College Library, or in the pri-vate libraries of any of the tutors. The absence of thiswork is noted in the Library's first catalogue of booksprepared in 1723 for Thomas Hollis. We do find acopy of Newton's Opticks. It is evident, therefore,that what Newtonian philosophy was taught camefrom secondary sources. At this time Colonial scholarscould boast of having fifteen Fellows of the RoyalSociety in their midst, each with a set of the Trans-actions. New tutors coming from Cambridge andOxford Universities usually came with the new learn-ing, or books advocating the Newtonian philosophy.

With the establishment of the endowed chair inmathematics and philosophy at Harvard College in1727, by Thomas Hollis, a wealthy merchant of Lon-don, we now enter upon a new period of mathematicalinstruction in the American colonies. Isaac Greenwood(1702-1745) graduated from Harvard in 1721 andbecame the first Professor to occupy this chair. Hereceived much of his inspiration from Robie, whosestudent he was, and he had the added experience ofstudy in London, where he went presumably to preparefor the high office to which he was later called. Whilein London, he apparently did not make the acquaint-ance of the venerable Newton, who was now pasteighty, but there is evidence that he brought backbooks, primarily in the field of mathematics. If hebrought back a capy of the Principia, which seemsquite possible, that copy is lost to posterity. However,upon his return he was very active in enlarging thecourse in mathematics at Harvard, thereby laying afirm foundation for coming students in the mastery ofNewton's work. Greenwood curiously did not offerto give, or did not think it advisable to institute acourse in Newton's philosophy at the College, butthere are records of his offering to give instruction inNewton's mechanical principles of nature, in algebra,in the fluxions, and their application to modern astron-omy. Greenwood retired from the professorship in


1738, without having furthered to any appreciableextent the mathematical study of Newton's work.

Before entering into the more active and profoundphase of Newton's infiuence on the scientific life of thecolonies, as well as on the religious controversies in thepulpit, we should step back in time to see what othercolonial colleges were offering in this new order oflearning. William and Mary College, founded nearly50 years later than Harvard, was organized under theaccepted practice of English universities, known asthe Oxford curriculum. The third part of this curri-culum consisted of natural philosophy and mathe-matics, and its first Professor was the Reverend HughJones (1670-1760), who was educated in an Englishuniversity. Jones served from 1717 to 1722. There isno evidence as to what he taught or what degree ofinfiuence he exerted on the students and communityconcerning the new learning. There were nine men upto the time of the Revolution who served in this pro-fessorship (founded in 1712), and no record is existingrelative to whether or not Newton's works were beingtaught, or whether they were available in the Library.

It is inconceivable that by 1758 with the appoint-ment of William Small (1734-1775) the courses inmathematics and science should not have greatlychanged due to the Newton infiuence. The two dis-asters, namely, war and fire which overtook Williamand Mary College destroyed all evidence of the parttaken by it in the progressive teaching of science inthat period. More recent evidence is in abundancethat the college has accepted the new philosophy inscience and advanced accordingly.

Then comes the point where we almost touch handswith Newton. In 1701 Yale College became the thirdColonial college of higher learning and by 1714 founditself in great need of books and scientific apparatus.The Connecticut colonial agent, J. Dummer, in Lon-don, was called upon to seek aid among the wealthyand cultured at home. London was always filled with


colonial agents, and Dummer was one of the mostsuccessful. He was fortunate to be received byNewton, whose interest in the advance of learningand science was always expressed in terms of gifts.Newton handed Dummer, from his own shelves, acopy of the second edition of the Principia (1713)and also a copy of his Opticks (1704). Both booksmay be seen today in the Rare Book Room of theYale Library. Samuel Johnson (1696-1772) and DanielBrowne were seniors in college when these booksarrived and were kindled with an ambition to acquirea working knowledge of mathematics in order tomaster the Principia. Unfortunately, the courses inmathematics then offered at Yale gave no solid founda-tion for mastering the methods of geometrical analysisused by Newton. It was a revelation to these tutors,who seemingly possessed a high opinion of their ownmathematical ability. However, their failure had thesalutary effect of introducing courses in mathematicsand astronomy of a more advanced type. From 1714the college accepted the new order of Newtonianphilosophy. For the first few decades of Yale'sdevelopment theological doctrines of various shadesoccupied the minds of the tutors and the President, butit was not until President Clap's administration (1739-1756) that definite advances were made in the moreliberal courses, as he himself was especially proficientin mathematics and philosophy. A course in fluxionsof Newton's type was introduced and taught by him.In 1770 the college established a second professorship.To this position was called Nehemiah Strong (1728-1807), graduate of 1755. Strong as a tutor had readmuch from the new astronomy and, in addition, as astudent under Clap had acquired a knowledge of theNewtonian fluxions. In 1781 he published a smallvolume intended for a textbook, entitled "AstronomyImproved, or a New Astronomy." The whole purposeof this treatise was to outline a clear understanding ofthe laws of gravitation as affecting or operating upon


the planetary system. Although he does not mentionNewton or Krepier, nevertheless, it is the Newtonianphilosophy upon which he bases his writing andlecturing. Cautiously, he refers the origin of the law ofgravitation to God. This was done so that the theolo-gians might not be offended, for they were still dom-inating the curriculum of the colonial college. Progresscontinued in the new empirical philosophy, relative tothe study of nature, for on the retirement of Strong, wemeet one of the most enlightened scholars of the col-onies—Ezra Stiles (1727-1795). Stiles was appointedPresident of Yale in 1778, during the early part of theRevolution. At this time the college suffered the loss ofmany students and tutors, as well as financial income;and with the absence of these tutors. Stiles undertookto carry on the duties of several. The professorship ofMathematics was not filled on the retirement of Strong,but President Stiles, due to his interest in astronomy,lectured once a week on mathematics and naturalphilosophy. Manuscript notes taken during his stu-dent days and later life reveal that he increased thescientific reputation of the growing college to such adegree that Professor John Winthrop of Harvardexpressed due praise for Stiles.

The copy of the Principia received from Newton in1714 remained on the Library shelves intermittentlywith little evidence that either Clap or Strong used it.With all of his theological interest. Stiles gave a largeshare of his busy life to the mastery of Newton'sprinciples from the original source. Stiles was able toreconcile his old understanding of God with his newunderstanding of God's laws as interpreted by Newtonin the orderly movement of the celestial bodies. Note-books still extant at Yale show us that practicalstudies came from his understanding of the Principia.He calculated the true place of the sun on April 20,1745; the moon's place on June 22, 1745; the conjunc-tion of planets, parallax of the moon and, above all, hemade a most careful study of the laws of gravitation.


In 1795, Stiles' career ended in the midst of a returningprosperity.

While the introduction of Newtonian philosophyinto the early colonial intellectual life interfered withPuritan Calvinism more than any other scientific orphilosophical system, it nevertheless had a purifyingor clarifying effect, in that it tended to brush aside alldoubts of reality. True, it seemed to the Calviniststhat Newtonianism was a purely materialistic, ormechanical philosophy, but they were limited by amental outlook which foreshortened their vision andability to understand.

It is interesting to note, as we study the trend ofscientific thought from the northern to the southerncolonies, that we meet a change of attitude. Newtonianphilosophy in the colonies of New York and Pennsyl-vania came into contact with an established system ofethics, and brought about a new approach to moralphilosophy. The principal proponents of this view inNew York were Samuel Johnson and CadwalladerColden.

Samuel Johnson became the first President of KingsCollege (now Columbia University) in 1754 and ifwe are to accept Johnson's intellectual leadership asshown while a Yale senior and tutor, he did not fail torecognize the influence of Newtonian philosophy al-ready manifested at Harvard and Yale. There were noother outstanding scholars during the early period ofKings College who developed interest in the new trendof thought. However, in the colony of New York wemeet with an unusual man, who attempted to do morethan had thus far been done, that is, to criticize andmake practical applications of the Newtonian mathe-matical and physical theories of fluxions and gravita-tion—Cadwallader Colden.

Cadwallader Colden, born in Ireland in 1688, grad-uated from Edinburgh University as an M.D. Hiscontemporaries were Samuel Johnson, BenjaminFranklin, James Logan, David Rittenhouse and John


Winthrop. During his busy life as Administrator ofthe Province of New York, first as Surveyor Generaland then as Lieutenant Governor, Colden gave greatattention to scientific and philosophical writings.Two of his publications have come down to us aspriceless documents of the critical Newtonian philos-ophy. The first is an application of "The First Causeof Action in Matter and the Cause of Gravitation"published in 1746, the second "An Introduction to theDoctrine of Fluxions, or the Arithmetic of the In-finite" in 1751. The former is in one an attempted criti-cism and enlargement of the Newtonian doctrine, andalso a starting point for Colden's own speculation.Although this monograph reveals that Colden had amathematical mind, all of his studies and writingsshow a marked tendency toward philosophical specula-tion. He undertook to analyze Newton's system offluxions after Dean Berkeley had criticized it andfound it defective, also in many cases inconsistent.Colden differed with Berkeley, after he had carefullyexamined the idea, or concept of finite and infinite—which is the basic principle of fluxions. While hisstudies were comparatively well received in England,they were not apparently appreciated in the Colonies.This is understandable when one considers that therewere in the colonies at that time perhaps a dozenscholars who were able to understand and work withthe theory of fluxions and the application of gravita-tion to celestial bodies.

Contemporary with Colden, Johnson and others wasJames Bowdoin (1726-1790), a scholar of independentmeans, who became the first President of the Ameri-can Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston. He gavemuch of his time to the theoretical application ofNewtonian concepts of Natural Philosophy. Bowdoincame under the influence of John Winthrop of Har-vard and at the same time carried on scientificcorrespondence with Benjamin Franklin in Philadel-phia. Without analyzing Bowdoin's work, it is sufl5-


cient to give the long titles of his three most learneddissertations on Newton's theories, particularly upongravitation, light and matter.

1. "Observations upon an H3T)othesis for solving the Phe-nomena of Light; with incidental Observations, tendingto shew the Heterogeneousness of Light, and of theelectric Fluid, by their Intermixture, or Union with eachother."

2. "Observations on Light, and the Waste of Matter inthe Sun and fixt Stars, occasioned by the constantEfflux of Light from them: with a Conjecture, proposedby Way of Query, and suggesting a Mean, by which theirseveral Systems might be preserved from the Disorderand final Ruin, to which they seem liable by that Wasteof Matter, and by the Law of Gravitation."

3. "Observations tending to prove, by Phenomena andScripture, the Existence of an Orb, which surrounds thewhole visible material System; and which may benecessary to preserve it from the Ruin, to which, withoutsuch a Counterbalance, it seems liable by that universalPrinciple of Matter, Gravitation."

We have reserved to the last an account of three ofthe best known Newtonian scholars of the Colonies.James Logan, David Rittenhouse, and John Winthrop.But first let us see what instructions were given atPrinceton, Pennsylvania and Brown colleges. AtPrinceton, from the date of its founding in 1746 to1783 there were a number of mathematical professorswho were more interested in other fields of learningthan that of mathematics. Some astronomy wastaught which was included in the lectures on naturalphilosophy. Emphasis seems to have been placed onthe calculation of eclipses. Newtonian philosophy mayhave been considered but not with any degree ofimportance, which may have been due to the lack ofinterest on the part of the tutors. However, not untilthe time of Walter Minto, a Scotch mathematician.


did Princeton in 1787 attain mathematical importance.The University of Pennsylvania (1755) under thePresidency of Dr. William Smith showed early thevalue and plan of mathematics in education. Duringthis period Robert Patterson, a native of Ireland, wasappointed professor of mathematics in 1779, and heldthe post for 35 years. Patterson contributed a numberof scientific papers to the Transaction of the AmericanPhilosophical Society and certain mathematical jour-nals, bearing upon Newtonian mechanics. He alsoedited a number of books—but these were publishedafter 1783. Brown University, established in i 764 gavepromise of being mathematically and astronomicallyimportant. This was largely due to the influence ofHarvard College, whose professor of mathematics andastronomy, John Winthrop, was the outstandingscholar of his period. Benjamin West was an earlycorrespondent of Winthrop's and proved so able in hiscomments upon the problems of mathematics, that hewas prevailed upon to prepare and observe the transitof Venus in 1769. This phenomenon was one of themost difficult to observe in thiose pioneer days—yetWest observed and prepared his reductions to thegreat satisfaction of his master.

West in his youth came under the direct influence ofBishop Berkeley while the latter was residing at New-port from 1728 to 1731. Berkeley was a profoundNewtonian scholar and possessed a large library fromwhich young West was able to secure much of hislearning—besides receiving instruction from Berkeley.With this background of experience with these twoleading men of learning. West prepared himself well inNewtonian mathematics and astronomy. It was there-fore natural for the authorities of Brown College toappoint West as professor of natural philosophy andmathematics in 1786 which he held for a few years.

Of the "philosophical trio of the Revolution,"Benjamin Franklin, John Winthrop and David Ritten-house, the last named was the mathematician, par

326 American Antiquarian Society [Oct.

excellence. The late Professor Florian Cajori, review-ing the life and work of the mathematicians of thecolonial period, said: "The mathematicians mentionedin the previous pages were all engaged in the professionof teaching. But strange as it may seem, the mostnoted mathematician and astronomer of early timeswas not a professor in a college, nor had he been trainedwithin college walls. We have reference to DavidRittenhouse, who was born near Philadelphia in 1732.During boyhood on his father's farm in Norristown, hemanifested great mechanical and mathematical ability,which at twelve years of age was stimulated by a chestof tools and books inherited from his uncle, amongwhich latter was an English translation of Newton'sPrincipia. Doctor Benjamin Rush in his Eulogy ofRittennouse says: 'It was during the residence of ouringenious philosopher with his father in the countrythat he made himself master of Sir Isaac Newton'sPrincipia, which he read in the English translation ofMr. Motte. It was here, likewise, he became acquaintedwith the science of fiuxions; of which sublime inventionhe believed himself, for a while, to be the author;nor did he know for some years afterwards, that acontest had been carried on between Newton andLeibnitz for the honor of that great and useful dis-covery.' So ignorant was he of the progress which thiscalculus had made, and of the discussions in relation toits invention and improvement, that he for a timeconsidered it as a discovery of his own. In thisimpression, however, he could not have long continued;as he made, in his nineteenth year, an acquaintancewho was well qualified to set him right on this impor-tant point." lie refers, of course, to the ReverendThomas Barton, an Episcopal clergyman, graduate ofDublin University, who taught in the Rittenhouseneighborhood. "Desirous to peruse his admired New-ton in the original dress, Rittenhouse now appliedhimself to the study of the Latin language, which hespeedily mastered."


No evidence is available to show that Rittenhousedid any original independent work in fluxions. It isclear, however, that he acquired a complete mastery ofthe mathematical principles of Newton and was ableto apply them in numerous complicated problems.

In his annual oration on astronomy before theAmerican Philosophical Society, February 24, 1775,Rittenhouse ardently supports the philosophy of New-ton, both natural and metaphysical, and expresseshimself in no uncertain terms against atheists andskeptics. After reviewing the history of Astronomy tothe time of Newton he says :

It was Newton alone who extended the simple principle ofgravity, under certain just regulations, and the laws of motion,whether rectilinear or circular, which constantly take place onthe surface of this globe, throughout every part of the solarsystem, and from thence, by the assistance of a sublime geom-etry, deduced the planetary motions, with the strictest con-formity to nature and observation.

Other systems of Philosophy have been spun out of thefertile brain of some great genius or other; and for want of afoundation in nature, have had their rise and fall, succeedingeach other by turns. But this will be durable as science, andcan never sink into neglect, until "Universal darkness buriesall."

Other systems of Philosophy have ever found it necessaryto conceal their weaknesses and inconsistencies, under the veilof unintelligible terms and phrases, to which no two mortalsperhaps ever aflSxed the same meaning. But the Philosophy ofNewton disdains to make use of such subterfuges; it is notreduced to the necessity of using them, because it pretends notto be of nature's privy council, or to have free access to her mostinscrutable mysteries, but to attend carefully to her works,to discover the immediate causes of visible effects, to tracethose causes to others more general and simple, advancing byslow and sure steps towards the great First Cause of all things.

Neither Christian nor free-thinker could attackNewton with impunity before this gallant defender.Perhaps it was this impartial attitude that gave theimpression to some that Rittenhouse was not a believerin the Christian religion. His testimony, however,throughout his life gave evidence of his religious


devotion. Like Newton, whose philosophy he adopted,his soul was white:

The many mathematical and astronomical papers ofRittenhouse were all published in the Transactions ofthe American Philosophical Society. They are tootechnical in their content for discussion in this paper.Rittenhouse stands high in the history of science incolonial America and in the Republic, and was thesecond President of the American PhilosophicalSociety.

A name new to mathematical scholarship in Colonialhistory is that of James Logan (1674-1751), who wasthe private secretary of William Penn. He was educatedin England and migrated to the colonies in 1671. It ap-pears that he possessed considerable free time which hedevoted to scientific study in botany and mathematics,which were his chief interests. There is evidence thatLogan had considerable ability in mastering Newton'sfiuxion theory and the Principia. Logan's first paperon mathematical ideas was in the form of a letteraddressed to William Jones, F.R.S., residing in Lon-don. This letter has to do with Newton's theory of themoon's motion involving parallel forces and Kepler'ssecond law of motion, and seems to be the only manu-script left by Logan bearing evidence of his Newtonianstudy. There are a series of letters to his correspond-ent, William Jones, containing comments, requestingassistance, and directions as to methods of solvingcertain problems found in the works of Newton. Thereis, however, no collected series of papers written byLogan showing anything in the form of a completedwork. He published several papers on certain physicalphenomena in the Transactions of the Royal Society.

Logan's studies of Newton's Principia, 1st edition,1687, reveals that this was the first copy to arrive inthe colonies in 1708. An examination of Logan's copyof the Principia bears evidence of careful reading andstudy of the problems Newton proposed. This is foundin the form of annotations, corrections, notes and cross


references made in Latin in his own handwriting. Hisstudy of the new science of mechanics is also dis-closed in the later works of Newton, such as in the 3rdedition of the Principia, in the Opticks, fiuxions, in-finite series, as well as Halley's astronomical tables.Inserted in his copy of these tables is an eight-pagemanuscript in Latin on a method of calculating themoon's motion. At times his critical mind seems tohave taken exception to Newton's methods and results.

Had Logan been prepared, or had he been able togive more attention to research, he undoubtedly wouldhave ranked as our first able mathematical scholar.

We have now brought our story of the early develop-ment of scientific thought in America down to themiddle of the 18th century. We have outlined how thefaint attempts to establish higher mathematicallearning and a new philosophy based on the Newtoniandoctrine, laid the foundation for what follows. Thethorough Newtonian scholar is now to appear upon thescene. To know him we must turn our thoughts backto Harvard at the time that Yale received her firstgreat gifts from Newton. In 1714, the very year thatNewton's Principia arrived in America, a child wasborn who was destined to carry the torch of Sir IsaacNewton to still greater heights and to maintain it there.

John Winthrop IV was a direct descendant of theWinthrops so well-known in early American history.Born in Boston, December 19th, 1714, of parents al-ready distinguished in the social and intellectual life ofthe community, he made rapid advances in his studies.At the age of fourteen, he graduated from the famousBoston Latin School, then entered Harvard andestablished his place as one of the best students of hisclass. His great fondness for mathematical studies andexperimental science, combined with a temperamenttending toward idealism, soon led him to contempla-tion of the stars and the laws governing their motions.After his graduation in 1732 with the degree of Masterof Arts, he retired to his father's home and for the next


six years very little was known of him. Then JohnWinthrop was appointed, at the age of twenty-four, tothe Hollis professorship of mathematics and naturalphilosophy. Winthrop had been examined as to hisproficiency in mathematics and the physical sciences,but the question of examining his religious statutesgave the authorities real concern. His views weresuspected as being a little too broad for Harvard, eventhough his ideas embodying the spirit of the Lockeanor English philosophy of empiricalism were just theforce that Harvard needed. At any rate, he was ac-cepted on the first examination, passed over on thesecond, and was duly inaugurated to the office whichhe held for the next forty years with honor and distinc-tion to Harvard and to the history of cultural progressin America. Despite the predominance of orthodoxclerical influence, this colonial scholar was not withoutliberty in the examination of truth according to themodern method. He found his way by setting asideany metaphysical controversy and sought freedom bythe enlightened scientific methods of Bacon, Locke andNewton. Having thus far secured his fundamentalunderstanding of Newton's principles of celestialmechanics through secondary sources, he soon securedfor himself the original. He acquired this the year afterreceiving his professorship. At the age of twenty-five,we find Winthrop assiduously engaged in masteringthe Principia which he so brilliantly applied to all hislong years of subsequent work in astronomy and nat-ural philosophy and in research and class instruction.

Winthrop was more than interested in ascertainingthe correctness of Newton's laws of motion from celes-tial phenomena for he prepared and established thefirst laboratory of experimental physics in this countryin order to test the laws of gravitation of bodies on theearth. In conjunction with these experiments, hedemonstrated to his students the motions of planetsand comets, and illustrated the problems of eclipses,and so on. Far more significant than this, however.


was the first practical demonstration and experimentin electricity and magnetism in a laboratory in Ameri-ca. This was on May 10th, 1746, some twenty yearsearlier than was designated by the historians ofHarvard College. Of course these lecture experimentshad to do also with problems of the elements of me-chanics, hydro-statics, optics, heat, and the theory oflight and prisms according to Newton. These experi-mental lectures which were given by Winthrop himselfbefore the class, were conducted much as are those in amodern laboratory—except that today the studentsperform the work themselves.

Winthrop's best known public work were twolectures upon comets, one in particular on the return ofthe comet (1682), better known as Halley's comet,which he was fortunate to observe, since it was thefirst predicted return of a comet. This lecture was alsoread in the Chapel of Harvard College, 11th of April,1759, as a part of the regular and assigned duty of theHoUis professorship. Winthrop first observed thiscomet on April 3rd, after it had passed perihelion andlike similar celestial phenomena, had caused muchanxiety and speculation as to its meaning. In hissecond discourse before the college on April 18th,1759, he discussed the true theory of comets accordingto the work of Newton's Principia and also accordingto the laws formulated by Kepler, with the predictionsof Halley. Like all his previous papers or lectures,Winthrop shows a profoundness of learning andauthority. This is further evidenced by his mathemati-cal computations connected with the solution of theorbital elements, and the origin of periodic comets,according to Halley.

It has recently come to light that the first introduc-tion into our colleges of the elements of fiuxions nowknown as the calculus, was in connection with thetheses required of the students under Winthrop,beginning about 1751. This marks a definite epoch inmathematical studies which has interested students ofhistory for some time.


At the peak of his fame, John Winthrop, scholar,scientist, and astronomer, passed away in Cambridge,on the third of May, 1779, at the age of 65.

This brief survey has shown what the dominantforce has been in early mathematical history in thecolonies. That this young country should have ac-cepted Newton's philosophy so readily, at the sameperiod of its acceptance by the older countries of theContinent, is indicative of the fertile minds amongthe intellectuals of early America. Many were notespecially prepared to reach this higher realm ofmathematical analysis, nevertheless, many knew thatNewton's work completed the theories of Copernicus,Galileo and Kepler concerning the laws of motion ofthe planetary system. That the facts concerning thecelestial bodies, their motion, period and so forth canbe accurately defined; arid that these laws of Naturedefined by Newton, are indications of an orderlycosmos, and are a divine expression. With the firmestablishment of Newton's fundamental laws of celes-tial motion and theory of fluxions, a new science ofmathematics and astronomy was created — namelycelestial mechanics.

This gave many Colonial preachers a theme toponder upon. They too were not prepared to under-stand this rationalization against the Puritanic Cal-vinism that had been established for so long. Newton'swork brought forth sermons and philosophical argu-ments of the most vehement type. In the end Newtonprevailed and science gave to the colonial people, aphilosophy of rationalism and empiricism never beforeexperienced. This may be said to be the beginning ofthe making of the modern mind in America.

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THE NEWTONIAN EPOCH IN THE AMERICAN … American Antiquarian Society [Oct., THE NEWTONIAN EPOCH IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES (1680-1783) BY FKEDEEICK E. BRASCH HISTORY in its constant