351
The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language impairment: An investigation using the serial reaction time task by Gillian Maree Clark BSc, GDip(Psych) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Deakin University July, 2017

The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

  • Upload
    others

  • View
    2

  • Download
    0

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

Page 1: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language impairment: An investigation using the serial reaction time

task

by

Gillian Maree Clark BSc, GDip(Psych)

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Deakin University

July, 2017

Page 2: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language
parisr
Redacted stamp
Page 3: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language
parisr
Redacted stamp
Page 4: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

Acknowledgements

Throughout my candidature I have received support, advice, and guidance from many

people, for which I am very grateful.

First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor, Jarrad Lum. Jarrad, you have

without a doubt been the best supervisor I could ever have asked for. I cannot express how

much I have appreciated your quiet encouragement and unwavering support throughout the

last few years. Thank-you for always being so generous with your time and your advice, for

patiently listening, and for answering my many, many questions with honesty. While this

experience has been challenging at times, it has overall been enjoyable and rewarding, and

you deserve much credit for that.

I would also like to extend my gratitude to all of the other post-grad students who

have shared the last few years with me. I feel very lucky to have been part of a group of

people who are so willing to encourage and support each other. I extend particular thanks to

my lab-members Michael, Anna, and James, and also to Jacquie, Claire, Denise, and Sharon.

Thanks for always telling me that it would be ok, for agreeing with me when I said something

was terrible, and for being kind when I was tired and impatient at the end of a long testing

session. Thanks for sending me cat pictures, for driving me around, and for keeping my

sugar levels up with a dangerously constant supply of cakes, slices, and chocolates.

Finally, thanks to my support network who are beyond the walls of Deakin. To my

extended family and friends, to my siblings Tiff and Ben, and particularly to my parents, Sue

and Norm: Thank-you for asking me how it was going, listening to rants about things that

were frustrating me, bringing me soup to make sure I was eating, enthusiastically telling me

how great I am, and naming hundreds of black and white line drawings just because I asked

you to. You have been a great cheer squad and I am genuinely grateful for your support.

Page 5: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

List of Publications

Papers Published during Candidature

Clark, G. M., Lum, J. A. G., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). A meta-analysis and meta-regression

of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease. Neuropsychology,

28(6), 945-958. doi: 10.1037/neu0000121

Clark, G. M., & Lum, J. A. G. (2017a). First-order and higher order sequence learning in

specific language impairment. Neuropsychology, 34(2), 149-159. doi:

10.1037/neu0000316

Clark, G. M., & Lum, J. A. G. (2017b). Procedural learning in Parkinson's disease, specific

language impairment, dyslexia, schizophrenia, developmental coordination disorder,

and autism spectrum disorders: A second-order meta-analysis. Brain and Cognition,

117, 41-48. doi: 10.1016/j.bandc.2017.07.004

Clark, G. M. & Lum, J. A. G. (in press). Procedural memory and speed of grammatical

processing: Comparison between typically developing children and language impaired

children. Research in Developmental Disabilities.

Papers Submitted for Peer Review during Candidature

Clark, G. M., Barham, M. P., Ware, A. T., Plumridge, J. M. A., O’Sullivan, B., Lyons, K. …

Lum, J. A. G. (Under Review). Dissociable implicit sequence learning mechanisms

revealed by continuous theta-burst stimulation 

Page 6: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

  

Contents  

Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 1

List of Figures ......................................................................................................................................... 3

List of Tables .......................................................................................................................................... 7

Chapter 1 ................................................................................................................................................. 8

General Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 8

Research Aims .................................................................................................................................... 9

Thesis Overview ............................................................................................................................... 10

Chapter 2 ............................................................................................................................................... 11

The Language Problems in Specific Language Impairment ................................................................. 11

2.1 Expressive and Receptive Grammatical Deficits in SLI ............................................................. 11

2.2 Expressive and Receptive Vocabulary in Specific Language Impairment ................................. 25

2.3 Are Grammatical and Lexical skills Equally Affected in SLI? .................................................. 31

2.4 Conclusions ................................................................................................................................. 32

Chapter 3 ............................................................................................................................................... 33

Comorbid Problems in Specific Language Impairment ........................................................................ 33

3.1 Reading Difficulties and Dyslexia. ............................................................................................. 33

3.2 Motor Difficulties and Developmental Coordination Disorder. ................................................. 34

3.3 Social Skills and Autism Spectrum Disorder. ............................................................................. 35

3.4 Conclusions ................................................................................................................................. 36

Chapter 4 ............................................................................................................................................... 37

The Procedural Deficit Hypothesis (PDH) ........................................................................................... 37

4.1 The Declarative Memory System ............................................................................................... 38

4.2 The Procedural Memory System ................................................................................................. 49

4.3 The PDH and Comorbid Problems in Specific Language Impairment ....................................... 64

4.4 Declarative Memory Compensation ........................................................................................... 72

5. Overall Summary and Thesis Aims ................................................................................................. 74

Chapter 5 ............................................................................................................................................... 77

Study 2: Is Poor Procedural Memory Only Associated with Grammatical Impairment? ..................... 77

Supplementary Material ...................................................................................................................... 112

Chapter 6 ............................................................................................................................................. 121

Study 3: The Influence of Sequence Structure on SRTT Performance in SLI ................................... 121

Supplementary Material ...................................................................................................................... 160

Chapter 7 ............................................................................................................................................. 162

Page 7: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

  

Study 4: Using Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation to Examine the Neural Substrates of FOC and SOC Sequence Learning .............................................................................................................................. 162

Chapter 8 ............................................................................................................................................. 187

Study 5: The Relationship between Procedural Memory, Grammar, Reading, and Motor skills in SLI. ............................................................................................................................................................ 187

Chapter 9 ............................................................................................................................................. 223

General Discussion ............................................................................................................................. 223

9.1 Summary ................................................................................................................................... 223

9.2 Procedural Learning and Memory in Specific Language Impairment: What is Impaired? ...... 223

9.3 Are there Compensatory Processes in Specific Language Impairment? ................................... 225

9.4 What are the Links between Procedural Memory, Grammar, and Other Skills? ...................... 228

9.5 Methodological Considerations and Avenues for Future Research .......................................... 229

9.6 Conclusions ............................................................................................................................... 230

References ........................................................................................................................................... 232

Appendices .......................................................................................................................................... 276

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Page 8: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

1  

Abstract

This thesis examined the nature of procedural learning problems in specific language

impairment (SLI). The ‘Procedural Deficit Hypothesis’ (PDH) has claimed that

abnormalities in the cortico-striatal networks that support the procedural memory system

underlie the core language deficits in SLI. Consistent with this position, a growing number

of studies have demonstrated poor procedural memory in SLI. However, less studied aspects

of the PDH are claims that poor procedural memory not only impacts on learning and using

grammar, but also leads to deficits in other areas such as motor and reading skills.

Study 1 examined whether a common procedural memory task – the serial reaction

time task (SRTT) – is a valid measure of procedural memory system functioning. This study

was a meta-analysis of SRTT performance in individuals with neurodegeneration of neural

structures that underpin the procedural system. Results confirmed that the task relies on the

integrity of the procedural memory system. Studies 2 and 5 examined whether poor

procedural memory was associated with deficits in grammar, reading, and motor skills. In

Study 2 a second-order meta-analysis was conducted that compared procedural memory

problems, assessed by the SRTT, in SLI and disorders of reading (dyslexia) and motor skills

(developmental coordination disorder). Study 5 examined the relationship between grammar,

reading, and motor problems within a sample of children with and without SLI. Collectively

the results of Study 2 and Study 5 indicate that procedural memory is associated with a wide

range of problems. However, in SLI there is no clear association between procedural

memory and grammar, reading, or motor skills.

Another aspect of the PDH investigated in this thesis concerns the specificity of the

procedural learning problems. In the SLI literature, procedural memory has been most

widely examined using the SRTT, which involves the implicit learning of a visuomotor

Page 9: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

2  

sequence. To date, children with SLI have been tested on their ability to implicitly learn first-

order conditional (FOC) and second-order conditional (SOC) sequences. FOC sequences are

thought to rely heavily on cortico-striatal networks, while SOC sequences are thought to rely

on neural regions outside these networks. Study 3 examined whether children with SLI are

poorer learning both types of sequence. Study 4 elucidated the neural mechanisms that

underpin FOC and SOC implicit sequence learning using transcranial magnetic stimulation.

The results of these studies revealed that in SLI, it is the implicit learning of FOC sequences

that is primarily affected. In Study 4, it was demonstrated that the implicit learning of FOC

sequences predominantly relies on structures of the brain that underpin the procedural

memory system.

Overall, the research presented in this thesis indicates that SLI is associated with an

implicit sequence learning deficit that is primarily associated with parts of the brain that

comprise the procedural memory system. That is, the basal ganglia and cortico-striatal

networks. However, the way in which the procedural memory problems relate to the

language and co-occurring deficits in SLI remains to be revealed.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Page 10: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

3  

List of Figures

Chapter 2

Figure 2.1. Mean length of utterance (MLU) in children with and without SLI. Adapted from

Rice et al. (2010).

Figure 2.2 Longitudinal data of performance on spontaneous speech tasks for third-person

singular ‘-s’ (Panel A) and past tense ‘-ed’ (Panel B). Bottom row shows performance on

sentence probe tasks for third person singular ‘-s’ (Panel C), and past tense ‘-ed’ (Panel D).

Chapter 4

Figure 4.1. Diagram of the structures of the medial temporal lobe. Adapted from Pinel

(2007).

Figure 4.2. Diagram of the lateral (a) and medial (b) areas of the prefrontal cortex. DLPFC

= dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, VLPFC = ventrolateral prefrontal cortex, APFC = anterior

prefrontal cortex, MPFC = medial prefrontal cortex. Diagram adapted from Simon and

Spiers (2009).

Figure 4.3. Schematic diagram of cortico-striatal loops. Red sections represent the basal

ganglia. Note that the diagram presents a simple feedforward pathway, though feedback

pathways and distinct inhibitory and excitatory paths through these structures are also known

to exist. GPe = globus pallidus external segment, Gpi = globus pallidus internal segment,

STh = subthalamic nucleus, SNr = substantia nigra

Figure 4.4. Schematic diagram of the striatum is shown in (a). Illustrations of lateral (b) and

medial (c) cortical areas and their connections to the striatum. The coloured section of the

striatum represents the area of the striatum receiving projections from the cortical area of the

Page 11: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

4  

same colour. dlPFC = dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, lOFC = lateral orbitofrontal cortex, FEF

= frontal eye field, MC = motor cortex, SSC = somatosensory cortex, PPC = posterior

parietal cortex, SMA = supplementary motor area, AC = anterior cingulate cortex. Figure is

from Utter and Basso (2008).

Figure 4.5. Forest plot showing effect sizes of studies comparing SRTT performance of a

group with Parkinson’s disease to a control group. Figure taken from Clark, Lum, and

Ullman (2014), which is presented in Appendix A.

Chapter 5

Figure 5.1. Left panel shows a schematic overview of the serial reaction time task depicting

a single trial. Right panel shows hypothetical data when the sequence has been learnt (solid

line), or has not been learnt (broken line). When the size of the difference in reaction times

between the final sequence block and the random block is smaller for a disordered group in

comparison to a control group, it is taken as evidence for a procedural learning deficit in the

disorder.

Figure 5.2. PRISMA flowchart showing process of identifying articles for the second-order

meta-analysis

Figure 5.3. Forest plot depicting summary effect sizes of each first-order meta-analysis.

Parkinson’s = Parkinson’s disease, SLI = specific language impairment, DCD =

developmental coordination disorder, ASD = autism spectrum disorder.

Chapter 6

Figure 6.1. Mean normalized response times reported by Block and Group for the FOC

(Panel A) and HOC (Panel B) tasks. Error bars show standard error.

Page 12: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

5  

Figure 6.2. Mean normalized response time difference between Random block (Block 4) and

average of surrounding Sequence blocks (Blocks 3 and 5), reported by Sequence Type and

Group. Error bars show standard error.

Figure 6.3. Mean accuracy reported by Block and Group for the FOC (Panel A) and HOC

(Panel B) tasks. Error bars show standard error.

Chapter 7

Figure 7.1. Overview of transcranial magnetic stimulation, taken from Ridding and Rothwell

(2007).

Figure 7.2 Schematic diagram representing cTBS protocol. Each vertical line represents a

TMS pulse.

Figure 7.3. (A) Location on screen and corresponding button on the controller for Positions

1 (top), 4, and 3. (B) Timing of trials. The stimulus showed for 550 ms, including the time

that the feedback square appeared. For example, if the response was made 300 ms after

stimulus onset, the stimulus with the feedback square showed for the remaining 250 ms. (C)

Procedure of the experiment. During the SRTT, reaction times are measured. Slower reaction

times to the random trials (Block 4) in comparison to the surrounding blocks of sequence

trials (average of Blocks 3 and 5) indicates learning.

Figure 7.4. Mean normalised reaction time for each block of trials, reported by group and

sequence type. Error bars show standard error.

Figure 7.5. Normalised reaction time rebound (difference between Random and surrounding

Sequence blocks), reported by sequence type and group. Solid bars are for the FOC, unfilled

bars for the SOC sequence. Error bars show standard error.

Page 13: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

6  

Chapter 8

Figure 8.1. Average median reaction time for Random block (Block 4) and preceding

Sequence block (Block 3) on the serial reaction time task (SRTT) for SLI and TD groups.

Error bars represent standard error.

Figure 8.2. Scatterplot showing the relationship between procedural memory (serial reaction

time task) and speed of grammatical processing for each group.

Figure 8.3. Scatterplot showing the relationship between procedural memory (serial reaction

time task) and speed of grammatical processing (after controlling for speed of word

recognition) for each group.

Page 14: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

7  

List of Tables

Chapter 5

Table 5.1 Summary of Data Extracted from Meta-Analyses

Table 5.2 Results of Subgroup Analyses Comparing Pairs of First-Order Meta-Analyses

Chapter 6

Table 6.1 Summary Statistics Showing Age and Scores from Language and Nonverbal IQ

Standardized Tests

Chapter 8

Table 8.1 Summary Statistics showing Age and Scores from Language and Non-Verbal IQ

Standardised Tests

Table 8.2 Summary Scores and Comparisons of Procedural Memory, Language, Reading,

and Motor Tasks

Table 8.3 Correlations between Skills for the Typically Developing group

Table 8.4 Correlations between Skills for the Specific Language Impairment group

 

 

 

 

 

Page 15: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

8  

Chapter 1

General Introduction

Specific language impairment (SLI) is a developmental disorder characterised by

difficulties in understanding and using language (Bishop, 2014; Leonard, 2014). The

language problems occur in the absence of hearing problems, clear neurological damage,

environmental deprivation, or intellectual impairments (American Psychiatric Association

[APA] 2013). SLI is a common disorder estimated to affect approximately 7% of children

(Tomblin et al., 1997). Children with SLI are late to begin talking, usually uttering their first

words up to a year later than typically developing children (e.g., Trauner, Wulfeck, Tallal, &

Hesselink, 2000). While some late-talkers show no signs of language difficulties by the time

they are of school-age, children with SLI continue to lag behind their peers (Roos & Ellis

Weismer, 2008; Whitehurst & Fischel, 1994). The difficulty these children have with

producing and understanding language can lead to enduring academic and social problems (St

Clair, Pickles, Durkin, & Conti-Ramsden, 2011; Tornqvist, Thulin, Segnestam, & Horowitz,

2008; Wadman, Durkin, & Conti-Ramsden, 2011).

While the language problems are the core deficit in SLI, affected children commonly

present with a range of cognitive deficits. Children with SLI have been found to have poorer

working-memory (Vugs, Cuperus, Hendriks, & Verhoeven, 2013), social cognition (Botting

& Conti-Ramsden, 2008), attention skills (Ebert & Kohnert, 2011), and slower processing

speeds (Kail, 1994) when compared to children without language impairments. Children

with SLI can also present with comorbid disorders. Approximately half of children

diagnosed with SLI also meet criteria for dyslexia (McArthur, Hogben, Edwards, Heath, &

Mengler, 2000). Over a third of children with SLI also have motor deficits that allow

diagnosis of developmental coordination disorder (Flapper & Schoemaker, 2013). Finally,

Page 16: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

9  

rates of autism spectrum disorder in groups with SLI are ten times higher than in the general

population (Conti-Ramsden, Simkin, & Botting, 2006).

Two main classes of theories have been proposed to account for SLI; domain-specific

and domain-general. Domain-specific theories have focused on the linguistic deficits, and

claim that the language problems stem from dysfunction of a particular grammar module

(Rice, Wexler, & Cleave, 1995; van der Lely, Rosen, & McClelland, 1998). Domain-general

theories claim that the language, motor, and cognitive deficits in SLI arise from problems in

one or more systems used for processing, learning, or storing any type of information

(Baddeley, Gathercole, & Papagno, 1998; Gathercole & Baddeley, 1990; Kail, 1994; Tallal,

2004; Tallal, Stark, & Mellits, 1985). One domain general theory, which is the focus of this

thesis, is the Procedural Deficit Hypothesis (PDH; Ullman & Pierpont, 2005). The PDH

proposes that the underlying cause of SLI is an abnormality of the neural structures which

underpin the procedural memory system. An impairment to this memory system is

hypothesised not only to lead to language problems, but also problems in other abilities and

skills that rely on the same structures.

Research Aims

Since the PDH was proposed, a substantial number of studies have investigated

procedural memory in SLI (Lum, Conti-Ramsden, Morgan, & Ullman, 2014; Obeid, Brooks,

Powers, Gillespie-Lynch, & Lum, 2016). Overall, groups with SLI have been shown to have

poorer procedural memory than non-language impaired groups (Obeid et al., 2016).

However, there is substantial variability in individual study findings, with some reports of

intact procedural memory in SLI (e.g., Desmottes, Maillart, & Meulemans, 2017a;

Desmottes, Maillart, & Meulemans, 2017b; Gabriel, Stefaniak, Maillart, Schmitz, &

Meulemans, 2012; Hsu & Bishop, 2014; Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014). Furthermore, it is not

Page 17: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

10  

clear whether the procedural memory problems relate specifically to the language problems,

or to co-occurring reading, motor, or social skills deficits. One suggestion forwarded to

account for discrepancies in study findings is that the deficit is specific to tasks that assess

sequence learning (Hsu & Bishop, 2014). One aim of this thesis is to investigate whether the

deficit is even more specific to sequences of a particular structure. The second aim of this

thesis is to investigate the extent to which procedural memory deficits in SLI relate to the

language problems.

Thesis Overview

This thesis is presented in nine chapters. Chapters 2 to 4 comprise a literature review.

In Chapter 2, the linguistic problems in SLI are described. This is followed in Chapter 3 by

an outline of the comorbid conditions. In Chapter 4, the PDH is detailed, and evidence for

the PDH of SLI is discussed. It is argued that while there is evidence for procedural

problems in SLI, it is not yet clear how specific these problems are, nor whether these

problems are causally related to the language impairments. Chapter 5 (Study 2) presents a

second-order meta-analysis that compares procedural memory problems across a range of

disorders using the serial reaction time task (SRTT). Chapter 6 (Study 3) investigated

sequence learning in SLI. Chapter 7 (Study 4), used transcranial magnetic stimulation to

investigate the neural regions responsible for learning different types of sequence. The final

study (Study 5), presented in Chapter 8, investigated the relationship between procedural

memory, grammar, reading, and motor skills in children with and without SLI. Finally,

Chapter 9 consists of a general discussion of the overall thesis findings.  

 

 

Page 18: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

11  

Chapter 2

The Language Problems in Specific Language Impairment

Individuals with specific language impairment (SLI) have an uneven profile of

language ability, with grammatical skills being poorer than lexical skills (Leonard, 2014).

This chapter summarises research that has examined the linguistic profile in SLI. While SLI

is present across languages (Leonard, 2014), this chapter will focus on English.

2.1 Expressive and Receptive Grammatical Deficits in SLI

The defining feature of SLI appears to be problems using and understanding grammar

(Rice, 2000). Grammar refers to the rules or conventions (depending on one's theoretical

orientation; Chomsky, 1981; MacWhinney & Bates, 1989) in a language that exist for

combining words and parts of words, such as prefixes and suffixes, to create sentences that

can be understood by all speakers of the language (Baker & Hengeveld, 2012). Substantial

evidence has accumulated that demonstrates children with SLI have difficulties with

grammar in the expressive and receptive domain.

2.1.1 Expressive language in SLI. Expressive language refers to the ability to orally

create a sentence or phrase that can be understood by others (Hoff-Ginsberg, 2005).

Research has shown that the sentences and phrases spoken by children with SLI are shorter

and contain more grammatical errors in comparison to non-language impaired children of the

same age (Conti-Ramsden, Botting, & Faragher, 2001; Fletcher, 2009; Norbury & Bishop,

2003; Rice et al., 2010). This has often been demonstrated by examining the mean length of

utterance (MLU) of children with specific language impairment. A child’s MLU is obtained

by recording their spoken language for at least 10 minutes and dividing the total number of

morphemes into the total number of sentences or utterances spoken (Miller & Chapman,

1981). Morphemes are the smallest unit of meaning in a language (Baker & Hengeveld,

Page 19: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

12  

2012). For example, the word ‘play’ is a single morpheme, and the words ‘played’ or

‘playing’ comprise two morphemes. This is because the suffixes ‘-ed’ and ‘-ing’ both convey

meaning. These two suffixes indicate whether an event has occurred in the past or is

currently ongoing. Children proficient in the use of grammar typically have a higher MLU

(Miller & Chapman, 1981; Rice, Redmond, & Hoffman, 2006). The relationship between

MLU and grammar is demonstrated when considering the two utterances: “Tammy put food”

which contains three morphemes, and “Tammy putting food floor” which contains five

morphemes (Leonard, 2014). The shorter utterance shows a poorer understanding of the

arguments requirements for the verb ‘put’ than the longer utterance. Due to the relationship

between MLU and grammatical complexity, MLU is often taken as an estimate of general

grammatical proficiency or developmental language level, particularly for children in the

early stages of language development (Blake, Quartaro, & Onorati, 2008; Rice et al., 2006).

It has been repeatedly found that children with SLI have lower MLU in comparison to

typically developing (TD) children of the same age (Bishop & Adams, 1990; Hewitt,

Hammer, Yont, & Tomblin, 2005; Rice et al., 2010; Rice, Wexler, Marquis, & Hershberger,

2000). For example, Hewitt et al. (2005) examined MLU in a group of 27 children with SLI

and 27 TD children. The mean age for each group was 6;0 (years; months). Utterances were

elicited by reading the child a story and asking the child to re-tell it. A mean of 98 utterances

were recorded from the SLI group, and 105 from the TD group. The MLU of the SLI group

was found to be significantly lower than that of the TD group. Specifically, the SLI group

produced utterances that comprised an average of 5.82 morphemes, while the TD group

produced an average of 6.86 morphemes per utterance. The MLU of children with SLI is

typically found to be comparable to that of TD children approximately two years younger

(Rice et al., 2010). Indeed, it has been repeatedly found that children with SLI aged

approximately 5-years-old have a MLU that is comparable to TD children aged

Page 20: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

13  

approximately 3-years-old (Krantz & Leonard, 2007; Leonard, Caselli, Bortolini, McGregor,

& Sabbadini, 1992; Moore & Johnston, 1993; Oetting & Horohov, 1997; Rice et al., 1995;

Riches, Tomasello, & Conti-Ramsden, 2005; Watkins, Kelly, Harbers, & Hollis, 1995).

In addition to using shorter, less complex sentences, it has also been repeatedly found

that children with SLI make more grammatical errors in their speech than would be expected

given their age (e.g., Bedore & Leonard, 1998; Conti-Ramsden, Botting, & Faragher, 2001;

Fletcher, 2009; Lum & Bleses, 2012; Norbury, Bishop, & Briscoe, 2001; Oetting &

McDonald, 2001; Rice & Wexler, 1996; Schuele & Tolbert, 2001). Errors typically take the

form of omitting function words or grammatical morphemes in obligatory contexts. Function

words that are commonly omitted include forms of ‘be’ and ‘do’ such as ‘is’, ‘are’, ‘am’,

‘was’, ‘were’, ‘did’ (e.g., “She is/was walking”; “He does/did not run”), and the word ‘that’

in sentences such as “I was scared of the dog that chased us” (Hadley & Rice, 1996;

Leonard, Eyer, Bedore, & Grela, 1997; Owen & Leonard, 2006; Rice & Wexler, 1996;

Schuele & Tolbert, 2001). For children with SLI speaking Germanic languages, the most

common grammatical errors made are the omission of past-tense ‘-ed’, and third-person

singular ‘-s’ (i.e., “Jack plays piano”) (Conti-Ramsden, Botting, & Faragher, 2001; Krok &

Leonard, 2015; Rice & Wexler, 1996).

There are two common methods of assessing the omission rates of specific

grammatical morphemes in SLI. One method involves analysing samples of spontaneous

speech (Leonard et al., 1997; Rice & Wexler, 1996). In this type of task, children are

encouraged to converse with an experimenter. The experimenter presents toys or asks

conversational questions to facilitate dialogue with the child. The child’s speech is recorded

for later analysis. The variable of interest is the number of times the grammatical morpheme

of interest is produced as a proportion of times its use was obligatory. For example, if

Page 21: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

14  

examining the use of past tense ‘-ed’, a score of 60% might indicate that a child produced 10

utterances in which this tense marker was necessary, but only produced it in six of them. The

second method commonly used to assess omission rates in SLI is using specific probing

sentences (Marchman, Wulfeck, & Ellis Weismer, 1999; Rice et al., 1995). To probe

production of past tense ‘-ed’ children are shown a picture, along with a spoken sentence

such as “This boy is walking. He walks every day. Yesterday he….” (Marchman et al.,

1999). Similarly, to probe use of third-person singular ‘-s’, a picture is shown along with a

spoken sentence such as “This is a fire fighter. If I’m a teacher and I teach, he’s a fire fighter

so he…” (Rice et al., 1995). The dependent variable for this method is the percentage of

correct responses. For example, if 10 probing sentences are presented and a child produces

the correctly inflected verb in eight out of 10 occasions, the score would be 80%.

Children with SLI have been shown to perform more poorly than age-matched TD

children on both spontaneous speech and sentence probe tasks. On spontaneous speech

elicitation tasks, children with SLI more frequently omit third person singular ‘-s’ and past

tense ‘-ed’ compared to TD children of the same age (Eadie, Fey, Douglas, & Parsons, 2002;

Leonard et al., 1992; Leonard et al., 1997; Norbury et al., 2001; Redmond, 2003; Rice &

Wexler, 1996). For example, Rice and Wexler (1996) examined spontaneous speech samples

of 37 children with SLI (mean age 4;10) and 45 TD children matched on age (mean age 5;0).

The speech samples of each child contained at least 200 utterances. Spontaneous use of both

third-person singular ‘-s’ and past tense ‘-ed’ were recorded. Scores were given as the

percentage of times a correctly inflected verb was produced as a total of all obligatory

contexts. The SLI group correctly produced each inflection significantly less consistently

than the TD group. Specifically, the SLI group correctly produced the third-person singular

‘-s’ inflection in 36% of utterances that required it, while the TD group did so for 88% of

Page 22: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

15  

required cases. Similarly, past tense ‘-ed’ was produced by the SLI group in 22%, and the

TD group 92%, of obligatory occasions.

When production of third person singular ‘-s’ and past tense ‘-ed’ are measured via

sentence probe tasks, children with SLI also perform more poorly than age-matched TD

children (Conti-Ramsden, 2003; Hoover, Storkel, & Rice, 2012; Leonard et al., 2003;

Leonard et al., 1997; Marchman, 2004; Marchman et al., 1999; Moore & Johnston, 1993;

Redmond, 2003, 2005; Rice & Wexler, 1996). This has been shown across ages ranging

from 4;10 (Rice & Wexler, 1996) to 8;10 (Marchman, 2004). While the consistent finding is

that the SLI group performs more poorly than the TD group, there are differences between

studies in the extent of this deficit. The study by Rice and Wexler (described above)

examined the grammatical skills of 37 5-year-old children with SLI and 45 age-matched TD

children. In that study, the SLI group correctly produced the ‘-ed’ inflected verb in response

to the probing sentence for 27% of sentences, whereas the TD group did so for 92% of

sentences. Marchman (2004) also found significantly poorer performance in SLI, though the

size of the difference between the two groups was smaller. In that study, 27 children with

SLI were compared to 27 age-matched TD children. The mean age of the children with SLI

was 8;10, and the TD group’s 7;6. In the study, the SLI group correctly produced an

inflected verb on around 70% of trials and the TD group did so for approximately 85% of

trials.

The omission of inflectional morphemes in SLI continues into late childhood (Conti-

Ramsden, Botting, & Faragher, 2001). Conti-Ramsden, Botting, and Faragher (2001)

examined inflectional morphology use in 160 children with SLI and an age-matched control

group of TD children. The mean age of the children in the study was 10;9 years. Sentence

probe tasks assessing production of ‘-ed’ and third-person singular ‘-s’ inflections were both

Page 23: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

16  

administered. In this study, Conti-Ramsden, Botting, and Faragher (2001) analysed whether

omission rates of each inflection could accurately distinguish between SLI and TD groups.

Omission of the third-person singular ‘-s’ inflection was found to distinguish between groups

with an overall accuracy of 74%. Omission of the ‘-ed’ inflection was found to distinguish

between children with and without SLI with 80% accuracy. This study indicates that even in

late childhood, the omission of verb-related grammatical morphemes can be indicative of

specific language impairment.

Children with SLI omit obligatory grammatical markers not only more often than TD

children of the same age, but also younger children matched on MLU (e.g., Eadie et al., 2002;

Redmond, 2003; Rice & Wexler, 1996). When examining the language skills of children

with SLI, studies have compared the language impaired children to two control groups (e.g.,

Montgomery, 2004; Rice & Wexler, 1996; Watkins et al., 1995). One control group

comprises TD children who are matched to the SLI group on the basis of chronological age.

The other control group comprises TD children who are matched to the SLI group on the

basis of general language skills using a score from a standardised language test (e.g.,

Montgomery, 2000, 2004; Norbury, Bishop, & Briscoe, 2002) or MLU (e.g., Redmond,

2003; Rice & Wexler, 1996; Watkins et al., 1995). Using these two control groups the

following inferences are made depending on the pattern of differences. If performance is

poorer than age-matched TD children, but equivalent to MLU-matched children, it indicates

that performance can be attributed to delayed grammatical development. However, if

performance by the SLI group is poorer than both control groups, it indicates that children

with SLI are performing even lower than expected by their general grammatical proficiency.

While dual comparison groups are used regularly in SLI research, Plante, Swisher,

Kiernan, and Restrepo (1993) noted that there are limitations to this approach. One limitation

Page 24: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

17  

relates to the potential for age to confound interpretation of findings. In comparing a group

with SLI to a younger group matched on language, results are generally attributed entirely to

language variables. However, this disregards that the two groups also differ on age-related

variables including cognitive, social, and physical experiences, which may also contribute to

task performance (Plante et al., 1993). A second limitation relates to the variability of

language skills within and between individuals. Some studies match groups on a composite

score reflecting averaged performance on a range of language abilities. Matching in such a

way overlooks possible differences in the pattern of strengths and weaknesses, which may

also contribute to differences in performance on the measure of interest (Plante et al., 1993).

A third limitation relates specifically to the use of MLU as the matching variable. While

MLU is often taken as a measure of general language or grammatical proficiency, this index

does not provide information about the proportion of grammatical morphemes versus content

words within the utterances. Thus, groups might match on MLU, though differ in the types

of words or morphemes that contribute to the utterances. Alternatively, if the utterances of

both groups contain predominantly content words without grammatical morphemes, the two

groups may match on expressive vocabulary rather than language proficiency more broadly.

Due to these limitations, the findings presented in this section must be interpreted with

caution.

Children with SLI omit grammatical morphemes more frequently than non-language

impaired children of comparable MLU. This has been shown repeatedly using spontaneous

speech (Eadie et al., 2002; Leonard et al., 1992; Redmond, 2003; Rice & Wexler, 1996) and

probe tasks (Leonard et al., 2003; Leonard et al., 1997; Moore & Johnston, 1993; Redmond,

2003; Rice & Wexler, 1996). In the study by Rice and Wexler (1996) the grammatical skills

of the children with SLI were also compared to an MLU-matched control group comprising

40 children (mean age 3;0). When the production of inflectional morphology was assessed

Page 25: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

18  

using spontaneous speech samples, the SLI group produced the third-person singular ‘-s’

inflection 36% of the time in obligatory contexts. This was significantly less than the MLU-

matched group, who produced the third-person singular ‘-s’ in 61% of obligatory contexts.

Similarly, for the past tense inflection, the SLI group produced this 22% of the time in

obligatory context which was significantly less than the MLU group’s 48%. Results from the

sentence probe tasks were similar. For the third-person singular ‘-s’ inflection, the SLI group

produced this correctly in 23% of trials, while the MLU-matched group did so for 44% of

trials. Finally, for the ‘-ed’ probing sentences, the SLI group correctly responded in 27% of

trials which was significantly less consistent than the MLU-matched group’s 44%. These

findings further show that the grammatical skills of children with SLI are lower than expected

given their overall language skills. This indicates that there is something about grammar that

children with SLI struggle to use.

It should be noted that not all grammatical morphemes are equally affected in SLI

(e.g., Rice & Wexler, 1996). For instance, it has been shown that use of progressive ‘-ing’ as

in ‘The man is walking’ is relatively less problematic for children with SLI (Eadie et al.,

2002; Leonard et al., 2003; Rice & Wexler, 1996). Studies investigating use of ‘-ing’ in 5-

year-old children with SLI have found correct use in approximately 90% of obligatory

contexts, whether measured via spontaneous speech (Eadie et al., 2002; Rice & Wexler,

1996) or sentence probe (Leonard et al., 2003) tasks. The consistency children with SLI use

the progressive grammatical morpheme is at a level that is comparable to non-language

impaired children of comparable age (Leonard et al., 2003; Rice & Wexler, 1996) and MLU

(Eadie et al., 2002; Leonard et al., 2003; Rice & Wexler, 1996). Thus it is not the case the

use of all morphological inflections are impaired in SLI.

Page 26: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

19  

2.1.1.1 Development of expressive language. While children with SLI regularly omit

some grammatical morphemes in speech, the error rate does decrease (Rice et al., 2010; Rice,

Wexler, & Hershberger, 1998). That is, their expressive language skills with respect to

grammar certainly improve over time. This can be seen in a longitudinal study by Rice et al.

(2010). This study examined MLU in 170 children with SLI and 136 age-matched TD

children. At the first round of testing the mean age of the children was 2;6. At the final

round of testing children were aged 9;0 years. MLU was measured at 6-month intervals, and

was acquired by recording the spontaneous speech of children for around 20-30 minutes at

each time point. As shown in Figure 2.1, MLU for the SLI group increased in a linear

manner over time. At the first time point the mean MLU of the SLI group was 2.59, and this

increased to 4.97 at the final round of testing. The study also showed that the MLU of the

children with SLI still lagged behind those of the TD at all rounds of testing. Thus over the

age ranges studied, while the SLI group still improved, they did not catch up to the TD group.

Figure 2.1. Mean length of utterance (MLU) in children with and without SLI. Adapted from Rice et al. (2010).

2

2.5

3

3.5

4

4.5

5

5.5

6

Mea

n L

engt

h of

Utt

eran

ce (

ML

U)

Age range (years; months)

SLI

TD

Page 27: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

20 

Children with SLI also make gains over time with respect to the production of specific

grammatical morphemes. Rice et al. (1998) examined regular past tense and third person

singular use in children with SLI. The SLI group comprised 21 children and their production

of the inflections were studied longitudinally from the age of 5;0 to 8;0 at six month intervals.

Data from this study are re-produced in Figure 2.2. On the spontaneous speech task, correct

use of third person singular ‘-s’ increased from about 35% at age 5;0, to about 90% at age

8;0. For past tense ‘-ed’ correct use increased from 20% at age 5;0 to about 80% at age 8;0.

The errors children with SLI make with respect to the studied grammatical morphemes

decreased over time. A similar result was shown when performance was measured via  

Figure 2.2 Longitudinal data of performance on spontaneous speech tasks for third-person singular ‘-s’ (Panel A) and past tense ‘-ed’ (Panel B). Bottom row shows performance on sentence probe tasks for third person singular ‘-s’ (Panel C), and past tense ‘-ed’ (Panel D).

Page 28: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

21  

sentence probe tasks. Correct use of the third person singular inflection increased from 20%

at age 5;0 to above 90% at age 8;0. Correct use of regular past tense increased from around

30% at age 5;0 to approximately 85% at age 8;0. However, as shown in Figure 2.2, at all

time points, the accuracy of the children with SLI producing the target grammatical

morphemes was lower than the age-matched control group. The consistency with which

inflections were produced in the TD group approached 100% between 5 and 6 years of age.

In the SLI group, comparable levels of consistent production were not reached even in the

final round of testing in which the children were 8;0 years of age. 2.1.2 Receptive language

in SLI. Children with SLI also demonstrate problems with comprehending or understanding

spoken sentences (e.g., Bishop & Adams, 1992; Montgomery, 1995; Montgomery & Evans,

2009; van der Lely & Stollwerck, 1997). Grammar is needed to understand phrases and

sentences. For example, consider the sentence “The girl chased the boy”. This sentence

follows a subject-verb-object structure which is highly frequent in the English language.

Comprehension of this sentence requires understanding that the subject, which is the first

noun phrase of the sentence (i.e., the girl), affected or acted on the object which is the second

noun phrase (i.e., the boy) of the sentence. An understanding that the verb ‘chased’ specifies

what activity was done, and that the ‘-ed’ indicates that this occurred in the past is also

required.  Comprehending sentences spoken in real time requires an understanding of

grammar, in order to correctly follow how the different elements in a sentence relate to each

other (Bishop, 2014). Leonard (e.g., Leonard et al., 1992; Leonard et al., 1997) further

highlights that comprehending language must be done quickly. According to Leonard,

comprehending speech in real time depends on the quick execution of a number of processes.

For example, comprehending the regular past tense inflection affixed to a verb requires

detecting the inflection and processing the verb. This analysis must occur fast enough to

allow further processing of forthcoming words.

Page 29: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

22  

Oral language comprehension in SLI has been assessed using sentence-picture

matching tasks (Bishop, 2003; van der Lely & Harris, 1990; Waters, Caplan, & Rochon,

1995). In these tasks, children hear a sentence and view two to four pictures. The child is

tasked with pointing to the picture that matches the sentence. One picture matches the

sentence, while the remaining pictures are foils. For example, for the stimulus sentence “The

girl is pushing the boy”, the foil pictures might include a picture of a boy pushing a girl, a

picture of a girl pushing a cow, and a picture of a cow pushing a boy. In order to point to the

correct picture, children require not only an understanding of the words ‘girl’, ‘boy’, and

‘push’, but also how these words or concepts relate to each other based on the grammatical

structure of the sentence (Bishop, 2014). The dependent variable for these tasks is the total or

percentage of correct responses.

Using the aforementioned task, sentence comprehension in SLI has been found to be

poorer when compared to TD children of comparable age (e.g., Bishop, 1979; Montgomery,

2000; van der Lely, 1996). This is especially the case for relatively long (e.g., Montgomery,

2000, 2004), or passive (e.g., Marinis & Saddy, 2013; van der Lely, 1996) sentences. In

relation to sentence length, Montgomery investigated comprehension of short and long active

sentences in a series of studies (Montgomery, 1995, 2000, 2004). In this work sentences such

as “The girl smiling is pushing the boy”, and long sentences such as “The girl who is smiling

is pushing the boy” were presented to children with and without SLI. The number of

participants in each of the three studies were similar (12 to 14 per group), and the SLI group

were of similar age (mean age between 8;2 and 8;9). In addition to the SLI and age-matched

groups, Montgomery (2000) and Montgomery (2004) included groups of 12 children matched

on receptive language measures (mean age 6;8 or 6;10). The SLI group correctly

comprehended a high number of the short sentences with accuracy between 83 and 93%.

This performance was generally lower than the age-matched group, and generally comparable

Page 30: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

23  

to the younger language-matched groups. However, for the long sentences, the SLI group

accurately comprehended significantly fewer sentences compared to both age- and language-

matched groups. In the three studies, accuracy for the SLI group ranged from 71 to 73%,

while the age- and language-matched groups’ accuracy ranged between 88 and 95%.

Children with SLI have been shown to have particularly poor comprehension of

specific sentence structures such as passives (e.g., Norbury et al., 2002; van der Lely, 1996).

It has been shown that children with SLI struggle to comprehend passives sentences between

the ages of 7;4 to 11;3 (Bishop, Bright, James, Bishop, & van der Lely, 2000; Marinis &

Saddy, 2013; Norbury et al., 2002; van der Lely, 1996). Evidence also indicates that children

with SLI perform more poorly than non-language impaired children matched on a measure of

language. Norbury et al. (2002) compared the performance of 14 children with SLI (mean

age 8;9) to control groups matched on age and receptive vocabulary. Across all 48 sentences

in the task (of which 36 were passives), mean correct response rate for the SLI group was

75%. This was significantly lower than the age- and receptive vocabulary-matched groups,

who correctly responded to 94% and 91% of sentences, respectively.

Children with SLI have also been found to perform more poorly on omnibus tests of

sentence comprehension such as the Test for Receptive Grammar (TROG; Bishop, 1989;

Bishop, 2003). This is a commonly used, standardised test that comprises 80 sentences,

divided into 20 blocks of four trials each. Each block assesses a different sentence structure,

and sentences become progressively more complicated. For example, an early block

comprises simple sentences such as “The sheep is running”, while the final block of trials

comprises difficult sentences such as “The man the elephant sees is eating”. Raw scores on

the TROG are given as the number of blocks ‘passed’. To pass a block of trials, the child

must correctly respond to at least three out of four sentences.

Page 31: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

24  

In an early study using the first version of the TROG, Bishop (1979) compared

performance of 73 children with SLI (age range 6;3 – 13;1) to 281 TD children (age range

3;9 – 13;2). A subset of the TD children were also matched to the SLI group on a test of

receptive vocabulary. It was found that across all sentence types, children with SLI

performed significantly more poorly than TD children matched on age. However, when

compared to younger children matched on a measure of receptive vocabulary, children with

SLI only performed more poorly on one type of sentence (reversible passive sentences).

More recent studies have also reported that children with SLI perform significantly

more poorly on the TROG compared to age-matched control groups (Badcock, Bishop,

Hardiman, Barry, & Watkins, 2012; Lum, Conti-Ramsden, Page, & Ullman, 2012;

Montgomery, 2000; Norbury et al., 2002). For example, Lum et al. (2012) administered the

TROG-2 to 51 children with SLI (mean age 9;9) and 51 age-matched TD children (mean age

9;10). The dependent measure was the number of blocks successfully passed. The SLI group

passed on average 11.8 blocks of trials, while the TD group passed an average of 16.5 blocks

of trials. The TROG assesses a wide range of syntactic structures. The finding that children

with SLI perform more poorly on this test is consistent with the suggestion that SLI is

associated with a deficit with grammar. Specifically, it seems that children with SLI struggle

to comprehend any sentence structure which places demands on grammatical skills.

2.1.2.1 Development of receptive language. As with expressive grammatical skills, it

seems that in SLI, these children also make advances in receptive grammatical skills over

time. A large longitudinal study of receptive language in SLI was undertaken by Conti-

Ramsden, St Clair, Pickles, and Durkin (2012). In this study the TROG-2 (Bishop, 2003)

was administered to 242 children with SLI at age 7, and was readministered at ages 8 and 11.

It was shown that the standard scores across this time period consistently remained at about

Page 32: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

25  

85, approximately one standard deviation below the normative mean. After converting to

number of blocks passed, this indicates development across this period. At age 7, children

passed around 10 blocks of trials. Performance increased to about 12 blocks at age 8, and

further to about 14 blocks at age 11. This indicates that receptive language skills do improve

with age in SLI. However even with this improvement receptive language remains below

that of TD children of the same age.

2.1.3 Concluding remarks on grammar. The grammatical deficits in SLI are an

area of substantial difficulty for affected children. In the expressive domain, children with

SLI commonly produce short sentences that contain grammatical errors. The grammatical

errors, particularly omission of the regular past tense inflection, occur more frequently than

non-language impaired children of the same age and general language proficiency. In the

receptive domain, children with SLI show deficits in comprehending a wide range of

sentences. The expressive and receptive grammatical skills of children with SLI are

consistently poorer than those of their non-language impaired peers (Conti-Ramsden et al.,

2012; Rice et al., 2010; Rice et al., 1998). However, children with SLI do make advances in

this area. The evidence suggests that with age, their spoken sentences become longer and

more complex, and contain fewer grammatical errors (Rice et al., 2010; Rice et al., 1998).

Similarly, fewer comprehension errors are made as the children grow older (Conti-Ramsden

et al., 2012). One challenge for theories of SLI is to account for the deficits and at the same

time, explain why these children do make advances in their ability to use and understand

grammar.

2.2 Expressive and Receptive Vocabulary in Specific Language Impairment

Not all aspects of language appear to be equally impaired in SLI. Evidence suggests

that lexical skills are less impaired relative to grammatical skills (Leonard, 2014). The

Page 33: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

26  

lexical skills in SLI have been measured in several ways. One approach has been to assess

the number of words children know in the expressive (e.g., Thordardottir & Ellis Weismer,

2001; Watkins et al., 1995) or receptive domain at a particular point in development (e.g.,

Gray, 2006; Rice et al., 2010). Another approach has been to examine the ability of children

with SLI to learn new words (e.g., Alt & Plante, 2006; Skipp, Windfuhr, & Conti-Ramsden,

2002).

2.2.1 Expressive vocabulary. Research investigating the number of words children

with SLI know in the expressive domain, have typically found this area of language to be

poorer compared to TD children of comparable age (e.g., Goffman & Leonard, 2000; Hewitt

et al., 2005) but equivalent to children of comparable MLU (e.g., Thordardottir & Ellis

Weismer, 2001; Watkins et al., 1995). One method used to investigate the number of words

children with SLI know has been to measure the number of different words used in

spontaneous speech (Goffman & Leonard, 2000; Owen & Leonard, 2002; Thordardottir &

Ellis Weismer, 2001; Watkins et al., 1995). In spontaneous speech samples, it has been

found that children with SLI produce fewer different words than TD children of comparable

age (Goffman & Leonard, 2000; Hewitt et al., 2005; Leonard, Miller, & Gerber, 1999; Owen

& Leonard, 2002; Watkins et al., 1995). Hewitt et al. (2005) compared 27 children with SLI

(mean age 6;0) to 27 TD children matched on age (mean age 6;0). Spontaneous speech

samples were acquired by asking children to re-tell a story. It was found that within the first

50 utterances, the SLI group produced 123 different word stems, while the TD group

produced 138.

One study found poorer lexical diversity in SLI (Thordardottir & Ellis Weismer,

2001). That study found that a group of 25 children with SLI (mean age 7;10) produced a

comparable number of different words to 25 age-matched TD children (mean age 7;9). The

Page 34: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

27  

measure of lexical diversity was obtained from spontaneous speech. It was found that the

SLI group produced an average of 133 different words within this sample, and the TD group

produced an average of 135. Interestingly, the SLI group took longer to reach 133 different

words than the TD group. That is, the group with SLI reached 133 different words after

producing an average of 53 utterances, whereas the TD group reached 135 different words

after producing an average of 40 utterances.

Results have been more consistent when comparing children with SLI to younger

children matched on MLU. It has been repeatedly found that children with SLI produce at

least the same number of different words as MLU-matched children (Goffman & Leonard,

2000; Owen & Leonard, 2002; Thordardottir & Ellis Weismer, 2001; Watkins et al., 1995).

For example, Watkins et al. (1995) showed that during a 100-utterance sample, 5-year-old

children with SLI and 3-year-old TD children (matched on MLU) produced 111 and 112

different words, respectively. The age-matched TD children produced 160 different words.

Thus, it appears that children with SLI have expressive vocabulary skills similar to younger

children of comparable language proficiency.

2.2.2 Receptive vocabulary. Receptive vocabulary tasks aim to estimate the number

of words a child understands. In SLI, receptive vocabulary has primarily been investigated

using word-picture pointing tasks (e.g., Bishop & Hsu, 2015; Gray, 2006; Lum et al., 2012;

Montgomery & Evans, 2009; Rice et al., 2010). Similar to the picture pointing task for

sentence comprehension described earlier, these involve children hearing a word and pointing

to one of four presented pictures that matches the word. Three common versions of word-

picture pointing tasks that have been most widely used to investigate vocabulary in SLI are

the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT; Dunn & Dunn, 2007), the British Picture

Vocabulary Test (BPVS; Dunn, Dunn, Whetton, & Burley, 1997), and the Receptive One

Page 35: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

28  

Word Picture Vocabulary Test (ROWPVT; Brownell, 2000). Each of these tests measures

performance based on the number of correct responses, and each has been standardised to a

mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15. Thus, a standard score of 85 indicates that

performance is one standard deviation below the normative mean.

Studies that have assessed receptive vocabulary in children with SLI using one of the

aforementioned tests have found their performance is poorer than age-matched control groups

(Alt, 2011; Gray, 2006; Jackson, Leitao, & Claessen, 2016; Lum et al., 2012; Marchman,

2004). This has been found for children with SLI from the ages of 3;6 Gray (2006) to 9;9

(Lum et al., 2012). However, the available evidence indicates that children with SLI have a

receptive vocabulary that is comparable to language matched control groups (Bishop & Hsu,

2015; Montgomery & Evans, 2009; Riches, 2012; Riches et al., 2005). Riches (2005) found

that receptive vocabulary in 23 children with SLI (mean age 5;6) was comparable to that of

22 younger MLU-matched children (mean age 3;5). In this study the BPVS (Dunn et al.,

1997) was administered. The children with SLI correctly responded to 41 words, and the

MLU-matched group correctly responded to 37. In some cases the receptive vocabulary

skills of children with SLI have been found to be superior to language-matched controls.

Montgomery and Evans (2009) matched a group of children with SLI to a non-language

impaired group using a standardised test of receptive language. In that study the children

with SLI scored significantly higher on the PPVT (Dunn & Dunn, 2007) than the language-

matched control group. The raw scores for the SLI and language-matched groups were 114

and 102, respectively. Taken together, these results indicate that receptive vocabulary in SLI

is at least comparable to, or perhaps better than, receptive vocabulary of TD children with

comparable language skills.

Page 36: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

29  

2.2.3 Word-learning. The ability for children with SLI to learn new words has also

been examined (e.g., Eyer et al., 2002; Kiernan & Gray, 1998; Skipp et al., 2002). In this

literature, the lexical learning in children with SLI have been found to be poorer than age-

matched controls, but comparable to language-matched controls (Kan & Windsor, 2010).

The typical paradigm used to assess word learning skills in SLI involves the children being

auditorily presented with a novel word along with a made-up referent. For example, the

experimenter might move a doll’s arm in a propeller motion, accompanied with “Look, it’s

koobing” (e.g., Eyer et al., 2002). Depending on the study, the child may be asked to

immediately reproduce the word (e.g., “Can you say koob?”) (e.g., Kiernan & Gray, 1998), or

play may continue without such a request (Skipp et al., 2002). A second method is for the

child to watch a cartoon, during which a novel or unfamiliar word such as “crustacean”, or

“excavate” are presented within the narration (e.g., Rice, Oetting, Marquis, Bode, & Pae,

1994). Word learning is assessed using recognition and recall tasks.

A meta-analysis by Kan and Windsor (2010) summarised the word learning literature

in SLI. They synthesised results from 28 studies, representing data from 582 children with

SLI, and from age-matched (n = 497) and language-matched (n = 307) control groups. The

mean age of SLI and age-matched groups found in this literature ranged from 4;2 to 12;3, and

the language-matched groups from 2;4 to 7;4. The language-matched groups were matched

on different measures of receptive and/or expressive language, depending on the study. The

dependent variable extracted from each study was the ability to recall or recognise the novel

words. Kan and Windsor found that the SLI groups performed significantly more poorly than

age matched control groups. The effect size for this comparison was moderate-to-large (g =

0.6, p < .001). The comparison between SLI and language-matched groups was not

significant (g = .001, p = .97). The literature shows that children with SLI are poorer at word

Page 37: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

30  

learning than TD children of the same age, but perform similarly to younger children with

comparable general language skills.

2.2.4 Development of lexical skills. To the author’s knowledge the only large-scale

longitudinal study investigating development of lexical skills in SLI examined receptive

vocabulary. Rice et al. (2010) assessed receptive vocabulary of 170 children with SLI, and

136 age-matched TD children, from the ages of 2;6 to 8;11. Receptive vocabulary was

assessed using the PPVT. The PPVT was administered to children every six months.

Children with SLI achieved a standard score of approximately 85 (one standard deviation

below the normative mean) at each assessment period. To maintain this standard score the

children would have had an increase in the raw scores across the period. This indicates that

the number of correct responses provided on the task increased at each assessment point.

To the author’s knowledge there are no longitudinal studies of word-learning in SLI.

However, in Kan and Windsor’s (2010) meta-analysis, they investigated whether age

moderated performance on the task. That is, whether the difference between children with

and without SLI on the word learning task changed at different ages. The results of this

analysis found that the size of the difference in performance between SLI and TD groups was

significantly larger in studies involving younger children (g = 0.67) than older children (g =

0.49). This result potentially suggests that the word-learning skills of children with SLI

improve at a faster rate than those of TD children.

2.2.5 Summary of vocabulary in SLI. Children with SLI produce a smaller range of

words, and recognise fewer words than TD children of the same age. However, their overall

lexical skills appear to be in line with their general language proficiency. In some cases

receptive vocabulary and lexical learning might even be superior to language matched

children. This hints at the possibility that the lexical skills of children with SLI might be

Page 38: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

31  

superior given their general language competence. As with grammar, the lexical skills of

children with SLI are not stagnant; they develop over time, though it seems they still lag

behind age-matched controls.

2.3 Are Grammatical and Lexical skills Equally Affected in SLI?

It has been suggested that in SLI grammar is more affected compared to lexical skills

(Leonard, 2014). One common trend to emerge from the literature reviewed is that on

measures of expressive or receptive grammatical skills children with SLI perform more

poorly than both age-matched and language-matched groups (Leonard et al., 2003;

Montgomery & Evans, 2009; Redmond, 2003; Rice & Wexler, 1996). In contrast, in studies

examining lexical skills we find that while children with SLI may perform poorer than age-

matched children, the difference between the SLI and language-matched groups are often not

significant (Kan & Windsor, 2010; Riches et al., 2005; Watkins et al., 1995). This pattern of

results suggests that after controlling for general language skills, lexical but not grammatical

skills in children with SLI are comparable to non-language impaired children.

Further evidence that grammatical skills are especially affected in SLI relative to

vocabulary, comes from a study investigating the diagnostic accuracy of grammar and

vocabulary tests. Spaulding, Plante, and Farinella (2006) reviewed the diagnostic accuracy of

a range of standardised language tests, including both grammar- and vocabulary-specific

tests. Both sensitivity and specificity of the tasks were assessed. Diagnostic sensitivity refers

to the percentage of children with SLI who are correctly diagnosed as SLI by the test.

Diagnostic specificity refers to the percentage of children with typical language skills who

are correctly identified as typical. It has been recommended that for a test to be considered

useful in diagnosing SLI, sensitivity and specificity levels should both be at least 80% (Plante

& Vance, 1994). Spaulding et al.’s (2006) review showed that tasks designed to measure

Page 39: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

32  

receptive or expressive vocabulary skills were not good predictors of whether an individual

was language-impaired or not. Sensitivity and specificity of vocabulary measures ranged

from 70 to 75%. In contrast, sensitivity and specificity ratings of tasks measuring

grammatical skills ranged from 81 to 95%, depending on the test (Spaulding et al., 2006).

These diagnostic accuracy levels reveal that for vocabulary, it is not uncommon to find

children with SLI who have good vocabulary and TD children with poor vocabulary.

However, for grammar, nearly all children with SLI perform poorer on tests that assess this

aspect of language.

2.4 Conclusions This chapter has outlined the language problems in SLI. Children with SLI

demonstrate problems in the consistent use of grammatical morphemes, and in

comprehending long or complex sentences. While deficits in vocabulary are also present in

this group, these problems are not as severe as the grammatical deficits. Overall, the

linguistic deficits in SLI result in difficulties in clearly expressing complex thoughts, as well

as comprehending phrases spoken by others. However, in SLI skills develop over time in

both the grammatical and lexical domains.

Page 40: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

33  

Chapter 3

Comorbid Problems in Specific Language Impairment

In addition to the language deficits outlined in the previous chapter, individuals with

SLI often have co-occurring difficulties (e.g., Hill, 2001; Leyfer, Tager-Flusberg, Dowd,

Tomblin, & Folstein, 2008; McArthur et al., 2000). Three of the most commonly reported

co-occurring problems in SLI are deficits in reading, motor coordination, and social skills.

This chapter reviews the evidence of these three problems.

3.1 Reading Difficulties and Dyslexia.

Children with SLI commonly demonstrate problems with reading (e.g., Botting,

Simkin, & Conti-Ramsden, 2006; Kelso, Fletcher, & Lee, 2007). This includes single word

reading (Catts, Fey, Tomblin, & Zhang, 2002; Snowling, Bishop, & Stothard, 2000) and

sentence comprehension (Bishop & Adams, 1990; Conti-Ramsden, Botting, Simkin, & Knox,

2001; Kelso et al., 2007). In SLI it is perhaps not surprising to find that children with SLI

have difficulty with reading comprehension at the sentence level. Comprehending the written

language at the sentence level requires use of grammar. As outlined in the previous chapter

this is an area of difficulty for this group. However, it has repeatedly been found that

children with SLI also have reading difficulties at the single word level. In tasks that require

children to read aloud a list of words or nonwords, those with SLI read significantly fewer

than TD children of the same age (Alt, 2011; Badcock et al., 2012; Botting et al., 2006; Catts

et al., 2002; Finlay & McPhillips, 2013; Hill, Hogben, & Bishop, 2005; Snowling et al.,

2000). The reading problems in some children with SLI are severe enough to meet the

criteria for dyslexia. In one study 52 children with SLI out of 102 met the criteria for

dyslexia (McArthur et al., 2000). In another study 85 children with SLI out of 164 met the

Page 41: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

34  

criteria for dyslexia (Tomblin, Zhang, Buckwalter, & Catts, 2000). Thus, it appears that on

average around 50% of children with SLI also have clinically significant reading problems.

3.2 Motor Difficulties and Developmental Coordination Disorder. 

Children with SLI present with motor coordination problems as well (e.g., Hill, 2001;

Rechetnikov & Maitra, 2009; Webster, Majnemer, Platt, & Shevell, 2005). The motor

problems include both gross and fine motor skill deficits (Hill, 2001; Webster et al., 2005).

Studies assessing gross motor skills have found that children with SLI perform more poorly

than TD children of the same age on tasks such as balancing (e.g., standing on one leg), or the

ability to accurately throw and catch (DiDonato Brumbach & Goffman, 2014; Finlay &

McPhillips, 2013; Hill, 1998; Vukovic, Vukovic, & Stojanovik, 2010; Zelaznik & Goffman,

2010). Fine motor skills are another area of difficulty for children with SLI. It has been

found that language impaired children perform more poorly than age-matched peers on peg

moving tasks, stringing beads, and fastening buttons (Bishop, 2002; Brookman, McDonald,

McDonald, & Bishop, 2013; DiDonato Brumbach & Goffman, 2014; Owen & McKinlay,

1997; Powell & Bishop, 1992; Zelaznik & Goffman, 2010). Deficits in fine motor skills are

particularly salient in tasks that emphasise speed (Brookman et al., 2013; Hill, 2001). One

such task is the peg-moving task (Tiffin, 1968). This requires children to place as many

small pegs as possible into holes on a board, within a limited timeframe (e.g., 30-seconds). It

has repeatedly been found that children with SLI place fewer pegs than non-language

impaired children of the same age (Bishop, 2002; Bishop & Edmundson, 1987; Brookman et

al., 2013; Powell & Bishop, 1992).

For some children with SLI, the motor problems are severe enough to meet the

diagnostic criteria for developmental coordination disorder (DCD). DCD is characterised by

difficulties in learning and carrying out coordinated motor skills, in the absence of medical

conditions such as cerebral palsy or muscular dystrophy (APA, 2013). Research suggests

Page 42: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

35  

that approximately 30% of children with SLI also meet the diagnostic criteria for DCD

(Flapper & Schoemaker, 2013).

3.3 Social Skills and Autism Spectrum Disorder.

Individuals with SLI also commonly have problems in the social domain. Research

suggests individuals with SLI have difficulty making friends, socialising with peers, and

initiating interaction with others (Conti-Ramsden & Botting, 2004; Fujiki, Brinton, & Todd,

1996; St Clair et al., 2011). Social skills deficits in SLI are also commonly reported. Social

skills refer to a collection of abilities and behaviours that promote positive social interactions

(Gresham & Elliott, 1984). In terms of specific abilities, children with SLI have been found

to show lower levels of empathy and perspective taking than TD children (Botting & Conti-

Ramsden, 2008; Nilsson & de Lopez, 2016). Children with SLI also have difficulty

interpreting facial expressions. It has been shown that children with SLI perform more

poorly than age-matched TD children at identifying emotions based on images of facial

expressions (Ford & Milosky, 2003; Taylor, Maybery, Grayndler, & Whitehouse, 2015).

Some of the social skill deficits found in SLI overlap with symptoms of autism

spectrum disorder (ASD). ASD is a developmental disorder defined by social

communication and interaction deficits, and restricted, repetitive behaviours or interests

(APA, 2013). The prevalence of children with SLI meeting the criteria for ASD is higher

compared to the general population. Conti-Ramsden et al. (2006) reported that in a sample of

76 adolescents with SLI, the prevalence of ASD was 3.9%. In the general population the

prevalence of ASD is less than 1% (Fombonne, 2003). Thus within the SLI population, the

prevalence of ASD is approximately 10 times higher compared to the general population.

Furthermore, across different studies, about 25% (Conti-Ramsden et al., 2006), or up to 40%

Page 43: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

36  

(Leyfer et al., 2008), of children with SLI have been found to display at least some of the

social and communication deficits that are typical of ASD.

3.4 Conclusions

SLI is primarily diagnosed on the basis of language dysfunction. In this chapter it

was shown that the problems found in this group extend to other areas. Specifically, common

problems in SLI include reading, motor, and social communication deficits. However, it is

certainly not the case that all children with SLI have one or all of the aforementioned co-

morbid conditions. The range of linguistic and non-linguistic deficits in SLI represent a

challenge for any theory that aims to explain the cause of the disorder. Specifically, at a

minimum the goal would be to explain the seemingly very specific deficits in language,

whereby grammar is discretionally affected compared to vocabulary. Yet, theories that focus

exclusively on the language problems may struggle to account for the similarities and

differences in comorbid conditions. That is, how does one explain the combinations of

reading, motor, and social skills problems that are present in some, but not all, of those with

language impairments? One theory that does aim to explain both the linguistic and non-

linguistic impairments in SLI is the procedural deficit hypothesis (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005).

The next chapter reviews the procedural deficit hypothesis.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Page 44: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

37  

Chapter 4

The Procedural Deficit Hypothesis (PDH)

A number of theories have been presented that aim to explain the cause of SLI. These

can be classified as either domain-specific or domain-general theories. Domain-specific

theories suggest that the grammatical difficulties in SLI are caused by dysfunction to an

innate grammar-specific module in the brain (Gopnik, 1997; Rice et al., 1995; van der Lely,

2005). According to domain-specific theories, the grammar problems in SLI are independent

of comorbid cognitive and motor difficulties. In contrast, domain-general theories suggest

that language emerges from general cognitive processes. These theories purport that

problems in functions such as working-memory (Baddeley et al., 1998; Gathercole &

Baddeley, 1990) or auditory processing (Tallal, 2004; Tallal & Piercy, 1973; Tallal et al.,

1985) directly cause the grammar problems in SLI, as well as comorbid problems with skills

such as reading. One domain-general theory, which is the focus of this thesis, is Ullman and

Pierpont’s (2005) Procedural Deficit Hypothesis (PDH).

The PDH is based on a more general model of language functioning which argues that

the declarative and procedural memory systems play different roles in language (Ullman,

2001, 2004). This model of language is referred to as the declarative/procedural model.

According to Ullman, in typical development the declarative memory system is required for

learning and using individual words. The procedural memory system is necessary for

learning and using grammar. The PDH proposes that the range of language and non-

linguistic deficits in SLI is caused by dysfunction of the procedural memory system (Ullman

& Pierpont, 2005). Furthermore, it is proposed that the declarative memory system remains

intact, and compensates for some of the impairments arising from poor procedural memory.

This chapter first describes the two memory systems and then explains how they relate to

language and SLI. It is argued that while procedural memory appears to be impaired in SLI,

Page 45: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

38  

differences in study findings might be related to specific task characteristics. Following this

discussion, different models are considered regarding how procedural memory dysfunction

could lead to comorbid problems with reading, motor, and social skills in SLI.

4.1 The Declarative Memory System

4.1.1 Cognitive description of the declarative system. The declarative memory

system underlies the encoding, retention, and retrieval of knowledge about personal events

and experiences, referred to as episodic knowledge, and general facts about the world,

referred to as semantic knowledge (Eichenbaum, 2004; Squire, 2004). An example of

episodic memory is knowing particular events that occurred at a dinner party. An example of

semantic knowledge is knowing that Tokyo is the capital city of Japan, or that the word ‘dog’

refers to the object or concept of a dog. There is some debate regarding whether episodic

versus semantic memories require discrete processes (e.g., Burianova, McIntosh, & Grady,

2010; Moscovitch et al., 2005). For the purposes of this thesis, the umbrella term

“declarative memory” is used to refer to both episodic and semantic memory.

The declarative system encodes information by associating or binding together

arbitrary pieces of information (Cohen, Poldrack, & Eichenbaum, 1997; Mayes, Montaldi, &

Migo, 2007), and associating stimuli across time (Poldrack & Rodriguez, 2003; Staresina &

Davachi, 2009). Learning by this system can occur following a single exposure. However,

through repeated exposures, the probability of the information being available for retrieval at

a later period in time increases (Alvarez & Squire, 1994). The information processed by the

declarative memory system is often described as being supported by explicit processes. This

is because in many situations, encoding and retrieval via declarative memory involves

conscious effort (e.g., Gabrieli, 1998). However, as described below, awareness is not a

necessary requirement for declarative memory.

Page 46: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

39  

The encoding and retrieval of information by the declarative memory system can be

explicit or implicit. One common task that involves explicit awareness is the word-pairs task

(Cohen, 1997; Wechsler, 1997). In the encoding phase of this task, participants are presented

with pairs of unrelated words (e.g., rice – chair). Participants are instructed to attend to and

remember the word pairs. Retrieval is tested via recall and/or recognition. In cued-recall

trials, participants are presented with one item from the pair, and are required to recall the

missing word. Uncued recall trials require the participant to recall both words from all pairs.

In recognition tasks, participants select which word pairs were shown in the encoding phase,

from a list that also includes distractor word pairs.

Declarative tasks in which learning and/or retrieval of information is implicit can also

be found (Chun & Phelps, 1999; Duss et al., 2014; Henke, Mondadori, et al., 2003; Henke,

Treyer, et al., 2003). One type of task is the implicit association task (Henke, Mondadori, et

al., 2003; Henke, Treyer, et al., 2003). This paradigm begins with an implicit encoding

phase. During this phase, participants are presented with a target stimulus, which is a pair of

items, on a computer screen. Each pair comprises stimuli from two different categories, such

as a picture of a face along with a written word depicting an occupation. Presentation is very

brief, and is immediately followed by a visual masking stimulus (such as: ‘#######’). The

effect of the brief presentation and masking stimulus is that participants are unable to report

noticing the target stimulus. During the retrieval phase, participants are presented with one of

the items in a pair, and are required to recall the second item. That is, participants might be

presented with a picture of a face, and are asked to recall or guess the occupational category

associated with each face. Participants remain unaware that they were presented with the

face-occupation pairs during the encoding phase, yet retrieval accuracy in such tasks is above

chance, indicating that some implicit learning has taken place (e.g., Duss et al., 2014).

Page 47: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

40  

4.1.2 Language and the declarative memory system. According to the

declarative/procedural model, the declarative system supports learning and use of individual

words (Ullman, 2001, 2004). Ullman (2004) claims that declarative memory is ideally suited

for word learning since this system is adept at being able to encode and bind a particular

speech sound (i.e., word) to its referent (e.g., binding the sound of the word ‘chair’ to the

object chair). An additional role of the declarative memory system outlined by Ullman is to

learn and store irregular verbs and nouns as well as other parts of speech that cannot be

induced via a rule. For example, the irregular verb ‘caught’ is proposed to be learnt and

stored by the declarative memory system. This is because ‘caught’ is an unpredictable form

of the word ‘catch’, and so the two words must be encoded and stored as a bound pair or unit.

4.1.3 Neurological correlates of the declarative system. The declarative system

primarily relies on the hippocampus and surrounding areas in the medial temporal lobes

(MTL) (Eichenbaum, 2004; Squire, 2004; Squire & Zola, 1996). The hippocampus

comprises the cornu ammonis fields, the dentate gyrus, and the subiculum. The surrounding

parahippocampal gyrus, which largely serves as an interface between the hippocampus and

the cortex, comprises the perirhinal, entorhinal, and parahippocampal cortices (see Figure 4.1

for a diagram of the MTL). Anterior and posterior regions of the parahippocampal gyrus

predominately project information to and from anterior and posterior parts of the cortex,

respectively (Libby, Ekstrom, Ragland, & Ranganath, 2012).

Different regions within the MTL are thought to make distinct contributions to the

encoding, storage, and retrieval of information from declarative memory (e.g., Davachi,

2006; Yonelinas, Hopfinger, Buonocore, Kroll, & Baynes, 2001). One view is that the

perirhinal cortex is important for encoding information about the physical characteristics of

an object, whereas the parahippocampus encodes context and spatial information

Page 48: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

41  

Figure 4.1. Diagram of the structures of the medial temporal lobe. Adapted from Pinel (2007).

(Davachi, 2006; Diana, Yonelinas, & Ranganath, 2009; Eichenbaum, Sauvage, Fortin,

Komorowski, & Lipton, 2012). For example, when looking at a picture of a blue abstract

shape, the perirhinal cortex encodes the item’s shape, and the parahippocampus encodes the

context-related aspects such as the colour and location. Irrespective of the type of

information being processed the hippocampus binds together the information, to encode the

memory for the particular object within the particular context (Cohen et al., 1999;

Eichenbaum et al., 2012; Slotnick, 2010; Yonelinas et al., 2001). The hippocampus is also

required for connecting the object with its context during retrieval of newly acquired

information (Alvarez & Squire, 1994; Diana et al., 2009). Similarly, when recalling a

specific experience, the hippocampus is necessary for associating information from separate

sensory inputs such as visual and auditory information (Eichenbaum, 2000; Eichenbaum et

al., 2012; Squire & Zola, 1996; Treves & Rolls, 1994).

The structures that comprise the MTL play a role in early learning by declarative

memory (Alvarez & Squire, 1994; Manns, Hopkins, & Squire, 2003). New declarative

memories require the hippocampus for encoding, storage, and retrieval. However, after

Page 49: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

42  

consolidation occurs the information becomes independent of the hippocampus and

represented in the neocortex (Alvarez & Squire, 1994; Manns et al., 2003; Smith & Squire,

2009). Different neocortical areas underlie different types of knowledge. For example,

visual information relies on visual cortices (e.g., regions of posterior temporal and occipital

lobes), whereas auditory memories rely on auditory cortices (Buckner & Wheeler, 2001;

Martin & Chao, 2001).

Areas of the prefrontal cortex (shown in Figure 4.2) are also important for the

encoding and retrieval of declarative memory (Badre, Poldrack, Pare-Blagoev, Insler, &

Wagner, 2005; Blumenfeld & Ranganath, 2007; Buckner, 1996; Fletcher, Shallice, & Dolan,

2000; Fletcher, Shallice, Frith, Frackowiak, & Dolan, 1998). The prefrontal cortex is

involved particularly when encoding or retrieval demands are high. For instance, prefrontal

cortex is engaged in situations that involve multiple pieces of information competing for

processing, or when information must be recalled rather than recognised (Blumenfeld &

Ranganath, 2007; Buckner & Wheeler, 2001; Rugg, Fletcher, Chua, & Dolan, 1999). The

ventrolateral prefrontal cortex aids encoding and retrieval by influencing attention and

selection processes (Blumenfeld & Ranganath, 2007; Simons & Spiers, 2003). During

encoding, ventrolateral prefrontal cortex directs attention to task- or goal-relevant stimuli or

features, and disengages attention from irrelevant features (Blumenfeld & Ranganath, 2007;

Fletcher et al., 2000; Thompson-Schill, D’Esposito, & Kan, 1999). Similarly, during

retrieval the role of the ventrolateral prefrontal cortex appears to be in selecting the relevant

information from memory (Badre & Wagner, 2004, 2007; Dobbins & Wagner, 2005). For

example, if asked to recall an item’s colour, this region is involved in selecting the

recollection specific to colour, from a range of competing information such as shape,

location, and context.

Page 50: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

43  

Figure 4.2. Diagram of the lateral (a) and medial (b) areas of the prefrontal cortex. DLPFC =

dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, VLPFC = ventrolateral prefrontal cortex, APFC = anterior prefrontal

cortex, MPFC = medial prefrontal cortex. Diagram adapted from Simon and Spiers (2009).

The dorsolateral prefrontal cortex is also involved in encoding and retrieval of

declarative information, though particularly when multiple items are to be remembered (e.g.,

Blumenfeld & Ranganath, 2006; Fletcher, Shallice, Frith, et al., 1998). Dorsolateral

prefrontal cortex assists in encoding information by organising or grouping information

(Blumenfeld, Parks, Yonelinas, & Ranganath, 2011; Blumenfeld & Ranganath, 2006; Long,

Oztekin, & Badre, 2010). For example, if tasked with encoding a list of words, the

dorsolateral prefrontal cortex is involved in re-organising the list by grouping together words

that share meaning or perceptual features. The role of this region during retrieval appears to

be in monitoring or checking the accuracy of retrieved information (Fletcher, Shallice, Frith,

et al., 1998; Henson, Shallice, & Dolan, 1999; Rugg et al., 1999).

4.1.4 Declarative memory in specific language impairment. According to the PDH

(Ullman & Pierpont, 2005), declarative memory is unaffected in SLI. This section reviews

findings from studies investigating verbal and non-verbal declarative memory in SLI. It will

be argued that poor performance on verbal declarative memory tasks in SLI can be explained

Page 51: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

44  

by working memory deficits and that non-verbal declarative memory is intact. Thus it is

argued that in line with Ullman’s proposal, declarative memory is relatively unaffected in

SLI.

4.1.4.1 Verbal declarative memory in specific language impairment. Verbal

declarative memory in SLI has commonly been tested using word list learning tasks (e.g.,

Baird, Dworzynski, Slonims, & Simonoff, 2010; Dewey & Wall, 1997; Records, Tomblin, &

Buckwalter, 1995). During the encoding phase, participants are auditorily presented with a

list of unrelated words. After the list has been presented, participants are required to recall as

many words from the list as possible. The list is then presented again, usually three or four

more times, and the participant recalls as many words as possible after each trial. The

retrieval phase of these tasks can involve both recall and recognition phases. Delayed recall

and recognition trials occur after a delay of around 30 minutes. After the delay, participants

are asked to again recall all items from the word list (delayed recall), or to select the

previously presented words from a list which also includes distractor items (delayed

recognition).

Word list learning tasks have been shown to rely on the structures of the declarative

memory system, including MTL (e.g., Gleissner, Helmstaedter, Schramm, & Elger; Strange,

Otten, Josephs, Rugg, & Dolan, 2002) as well as prefrontal cortex (Fletcher, Shallice, &

Dolan, 1998). Prefrontal cortex involvement is thought to reflect strategies including

grouping words of similar categories (Fletcher, Shallice, & Dolan, 1998). In terms of MTL

involvement, neuroimaging studies have shown that both encoding and retrieval phases of

word list tasks activate the MTL, including the hippocampus (Fernandez, Klaver, Fell,

Grunwald, & Elger, 2002; Strange et al., 2002). Further evidence for the necessity of MTL in

learning word lists comes from studies showing that performance is impaired in individuals

with left medial temporal lobe damage (Gleissner et al.; Jones-Gotman et al., 1997). While

Page 52: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

45  

these groups do show learning, evidenced by recalling more words in each trial across the

encoding phase, the total number of words recalled is significantly fewer than neurologically

healthy controls (Jones-Gotman et al., 1997).

Word list learning tasks have frequently been administered to assess verbal

declarative memory in SLI (e.g., Baird et al., 2010; Dewey & Wall, 1997; Records et al.,

1995). It has been repeatedly found that individuals with SLI recall significantly fewer words

than age-matched TD individuals across the encoding phase (e.g., Baird et al., 2010; Dewey

& Wall, 1997; Duinmeijer, de Jong, & Scheper, 2012; Records et al., 1995; Riccio, Cash, &

Cohen, 2007). Lum and Conti-Ramsden (2013) used meta-analysis to synthesise the findings

of nine word list studies. It was shown that across the encoding phase, individuals with SLI

performed on average .899 standard deviations more poorly than TD groups. This finding

indicates that encoding verbal information into declarative memory is reliably impaired in

SLI.

Performance on the retrieval phases of word list tasks has also been investigated. The

results are less consistent than for the encoding phase data. Groups with SLI have been

shown to recall significantly fewer words than TD groups after both short (Lum et al., 2012;

Nichols, 2004) or long (Lum et al., 2012; Nichols, 2004; Shear, Tallal, & Delis, 1992) delays.

However, other studies have found non-significant differences between groups in recall

phases (Baird et al., 2010; Records et al., 1995; Riccio et al., 2007; Shear et al., 1992).

Performance on a delayed recognition trial has consistently been found to be poorer in SLI

(Lum et al., 2012; Nichols, 2004; Riccio et al., 2007). Lum and Conti-Ramsden (2013) also

submitted data from word list retrieval phases to meta-analysis. Results from six studies

were included, and data from immediate and delayed recognition and recall were averaged. It

was argued that averaging in such a way was appropriate, because it has been found that

Page 53: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

46  

retrieval in each of these conditions is highly correlated. The meta-analysis showed that

across the six studies, groups with SLI retrieved significantly fewer words than TD groups.

Performance was .497 standard deviations poorer in SLI. Thus, retrieval of verbal declarative

memory also appears to be poor in SLI.

While performance on verbal declarative memory tasks is poor in SLI, this may not

indicate a compromised declarative memory system in this group. It is possible that working

memory problems may explain the difficulties individuals with SLI have encoding

information into declarative memory (Lum et al., 2012; Lum, Ullman, & Conti-Ramsden,

2015). That is, the fundamental associative learning mechanism is intact in SLI, but poor

working memory skills impact on these processes. Working memory refers to the short term

storage and manipulation of information (Baddeley, 2003). Typically, verbal working

memory is poor in SLI (Alloway, Rajendran, & Archibald, 2009; Archibald & Gathercole,

2006; Ellis Weismer, Evans, & Hesketh, 1999; Gathercole & Baddeley, 1990; Montgomery,

2000). There is some evidence to implicate verbal working memory in word list learning

tasks. Lum et al. (2012) found that after statistically controlling for verbal working memory,

differences between SLI and TD groups on list learning performance were not significant.

This was found for encoding, recall, and recognition phases of the task. In a follow up study,

Lum et al. (2015) grouped children with SLI based on their working memory skills. One

group comprised children with average working memory, and a second group comprised

children with poor working memory. A control group with average working memory skills

was also included. It was shown that the SLI group with poor working memory skills

performed significantly more poorly than both the TD group and the SLI group with average

working memory. There was no difference in performance between the SLI group with

average working memory and the TD group. These findings indicate that children with SLI

Page 54: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

47  

have comparable declarative memory to TD children, once verbal working memory skills are

taken into account.

4.1.4.2 Non-verbal declarative memory in specific language impairment. Commonly

used non-verbal declarative memory tasks involve encoding and retrieving arrays of dots or

abstract pictures (Cohen, 1997; McNealy, Mazziotta, & Dapretto, 2011; Scott-Van Zeeland et

al., 2010). One example is the dots location task (Cohen, 1997), during which participants

view a picture comprising a random array of dots. In the encoding phase, participants view

the array for 10 seconds. The participant then attempts to re-create the array of dots by

placing tokens on a grid. Three more trials follow, during which the participant views and

attempts to re-create the same array. The retrieval phase follows after a delay. In the delayed

recall condition, participants again recall the initial array of dots, after participating in other

activities for around 30 minutes.

Tasks that require encoding and retrieval of object-location relationships rely on the

declarative memory system (e.g., McNealy, Mazziotta, & Dapretto, 2010; Milner, Johnsrude,

& Crane, 1997). It has been shown that structures of the MTL, particularly the right

parahippocampal region, are active during the task (Owen, Milner, Petrides, & Evans, 1996).

This activity appears particularly important during retrieval phases in comparison to encoding

(Milner et al., 1997; Owen et al., 1996). Furthermore, patients with damage to structures of

the MTL have been shown to perform poorly on these tasks, especially in delayed recall

phases (Gleissner et al.; McNealy et al., 2010; Milner et al., 1997; Stepankova, Fenton,

Pastalkova, Kalina, & Bohbot, 2004).

Encoding and retrieval of non-verbal information has also been investigated in groups

with SLI. Across encoding trials, it has repeatedly been shown that groups with SLI perform

comparably to TD groups whether the stimuli are dots (Lum et al., 2012; Riccio et al., 2007)

Page 55: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

48  

or abstract pictures (Baird et al., 2010; Bavin, Wilson, Maruff, & Sleeman, 2005; Lum,

Gelgic, & Conti-Ramsden, 2010). While the individual studies have all shown non-

significant differences between groups, a meta-analysis of these five studies showed that on

average, SLI groups performed significantly more poorly than TD groups (Lum & Conti-

Ramsden, 2013). However, the size of the difference was found to be small (d = .228).

Thus, encoding of non-verbal information does not appear to be substantially impaired in

SLI.

Performance on retrieval phases has also been tested. Most studies have shown that

recall of non-verbal information is comparable between SLI and TD groups across both short

and long delays (Baird et al., 2010; Dewey & Wall, 1997; Riccio et al., 2007). One study

found that recall for an array of dots was poorer in SLI than a TD group after a short delay,

but comparable after a long delay (Lum et al., 2012). A meta-analysis of four studies showed

that there was no significant difference between SLI and TD groups on retrieval phases of

dots or abstract picture tasks (Lum & Conti-Ramsden, 2013). Taken together, encoding and

retrieval of non-verbal information via the declarative memory system appears to be intact in

SLI.

4.1.4.3 Summary of declarative memory in specific language impairment. Overall,

declarative memory is relatively unaffected in SLI. Encoding and retrieval of non-verbal

information is similar to that of age-matched peers. Encoding and retrieval of verbal

information is poor in SLI, though this is likely due to interactions with verbal working

memory. This supports the claim of the PDH that the declarative memory system is

relatively unimpaired in SLI.

Page 56: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

49  

4.2 The Procedural Memory System

4.2.1 Cognitive description of the procedural system. The procedural memory

system is one of several non-declarative systems (Squire, 2004). This memory system

underlies the encoding, storage, and retrieval of cognitive and motor skills and habits

(Gabrieli, 1998; Squire & Zola, 1996). This system appears to be particularly suited to

encoding sequentially, probabilistically, or statistically structured information (Conway &

Pisoni, 2008; Squire & Zola, 1996). In order for learning or information to be encoded into

the procedural system, repeated exposure to the information or repetition of the skill (e.g.,

practice) is often required (Cohen et al., 1997; Seger & Spiering, 2011; Squire, 2004). Once

knowledge has been acquired, however, the skills can be executed quickly (Poldrack et al.,

2005; Squire, 2004). Procedural memory is often referred to as ‘implicit’ knowledge,

because conscious awareness is not required for learning or retrieval to take place (e.g.,

Squire & Zola, 1996).

The perceptual and cognitive skills reliant on the procedural system include sequence

learning (Fletcher et al., 2005; Willingham, Salidis, & Gabrieli, 2002), navigation that

involves route- or response-learning (Iaria, Petrides, Dagher, Pike, & Bohbot, 2003; Packard

& McGaugh, 1996), and probabilistic classification (Knowlton, Mangels, & Squire, 1996;

Poldrack et al., 2001; Seger & Cincotta, 2005). Each of these skills involves learning

sequential or probabilistic regularities. Two experimental tasks that appear to be dependent

on the procedural memory system are the Weather Prediction task (Knowlton, Squire, &

Gluck, 1994), and the serial reaction time task (SRTT; Nissen & Bullemer, 1987).

The Weather Prediction task is a probabilistic classification learning task (Knowlton

et al., 1994). Participants are presented with an image of a combination of one, two, or three

of four cues (usually cards with different geometric shapes on them). Participants are

Page 57: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

50  

required to indicate whether they think the pattern predicts “sunshine” or “rain”. As soon as

they respond, feedback is provided that indicates whether or not the answer was correct.

Each cue has its own predictive value. For example, it may be that Cue 1 predicts sunshine in

80% of all cases, Cue 2 in 60% of cases, Cue 3 in 40% of cases, and Cue 4 in 20% of cases.

Because the associations are probabilistic, information from a single trial is not as reliable or

useful as information accrued across many trials. As more trials are presented, participants

gradually and implicitly learn the probabilistic regularities according to the entire pattern.

The SRTT is an implicit sequence-learning task (Nissen & Bullemer, 1987). In this

task, participants view a visual stimulus that repeatedly appears in one of four locations on a

computer screen. Participants are instructed to respond by pressing one of four buttons that

corresponds to the location of the stimulus. Unknown to participants, on some trials the

stimulus follows a predetermined sequence, while on other trials the location is random.

Learning on this task is evidenced by faster reaction times to trials in which the stimulus

follows the sequence compared to random trials.

4.2.2 Language and the procedural system. The declarative/procedural model

(Ullman, 2001, 2004) proposes that the procedural system underlies the learning and use of

grammar. That is, repeated exposure to language results in the gradual, implicit learning of

consistent grammatical patterns. Grammar is acquired through learning the regularities one

hears in the constant stream of language. General patterns relating to phonology (e.g., the

sequencing of sounds), grammatical morphology (such as learning the regular past-tense

convention of adding ‘-ed’ to a verb stem), and syntax (combining words to form complex,

meaningful sentences) are all proposed to be reliant on this system (Ullman, 2004; Ullman &

Pierpont, 2005).

Page 58: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

51  

4.2.3 Neurological correlates of the procedural system. The procedural memory

system relies on both subcortical and cortical structures (Gabrieli, 1998; Graybiel, 1995).

The main subcortical structure is the basal ganglia (Alexander, DeLong, & Strick, 1986;

Squire & Zola, 1996), though the cerebellum has more recently been implicated in procedural

memory as well (Doyon, Penhune, & Ungerleider, 2003; Molinari & Leggio, 2013).

Substructures of the basal ganglia include the striatum, which in turn can be subdivided into

the caudate and putamen. Other structures that comprise the basal ganglia include the globus

pallidus, sub-thalamic nucleus, and substantia nigra. The cortical regions include motor

cortex, dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, lateral orbitofrontal cortex, anterior cingulate, and

frontal eye fields. Each of these five cortical regions transfers information to and from the

basal ganglia. Information is transferred via parallel, closed loops (Alexander et al., 1986;

Clark & Lum, 2017; Middleton & Strick, 2000b). These are referred to as cortico-striatal

loops, circuits, or channels.

Figure 4.3 (next page) outlines the flow of information within the cortico-striatal

loops (Alexander et al., 1986; Haber, Adler, & Bergman, 2012; Middleton & Strick, 2000b;

Utter & Basso, 2008). As shown in Figure 4.3, the striatum receives information from the

cortex (labelled route A). This information then travels through the basal ganglia structures

via one of two pathways. In route B, also called the “direct pathway”, information is

transferred from the striatum to the globus pallidus internal segment and substantia nigra.

These two sub-structures comprise the primary output nuclei of the basal ganglia. Route C

depicts the “indirect pathway”. In this pathway, information travels from the striatum to the

globus pallidus external segment and subthalamic nucleus (route C1), before moving on to the

output nuclei (route C2). From here, information is transferred to the thalamus (route D),

where it is relayed back to the cortical region (route E). The direct and indirect pathways

within the basal ganglia (route B and C) lead to an increase or decrease of thalamic activity,

Page 59: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

52  

Cortex

Thalamus

Striatum (caudate & putamen)

GPe & STh

GPi/SNr

C1 

C2 

D

E

respectively. Thus, the direct pathway leads to a reinforcement of cortical activity via

increased thalamic firing. The indirect pathway leads to an inhibition of cortical activity via

decreased thalamic firing.

The five cortical areas mentioned earlier correspond to the cortical area of five

functionally and anatomically segregated loops (Alexander et al., 1986). Several highly

connected cortical areas project into each loop. For example, the motor cortical areas that

project to the striatum include primary motor cortex, somatosensory cortex, premotor cortex,

and supplementary cortex (Alexander et al., 1986; Haber et al., 2012). Information from each

of these areas projects to the striatum and through the basal ganglia and thalamus (as outlined

Figure 4.3). The primary target of the motor loop after passing through the thalamus is the

Figure 4.3. Schematic diagram of cortico-striatal loops. Red sections represent the basal ganglia.

Note that the diagram presents a simple feedforward pathway, though feedback pathways and distinct

inhibitory and excitatory paths through these structures are also known to exist. GPe = globus

pallidus external segment, Gpi = globus pallidus internal segment, STh = subthalamic nucleus, SNr =

substantia nigra.

Page 60: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

53  

supplementary motor area (Alexander et al., 1986; Haber et al., 2012). Thus information

from the primary motor cortex might be sent through the basal ganglia via the “motor loop”,

with the output of the loop at supplementary motor area. This information can then be sent

from supplementary motor area to primary motor cortex (and other connected cortices). Each

of the other five cortico-striatal loops operates in a comparable manner. That is, multiple

highly connected cortical areas input information to their associated loop, with a single

primary output area. Figure 4.4 shows the diverse cortical regions that are connected with the

basal ganglia via closed loops.

Figure 4.4. Schematic diagram of the striatum is shown in (a). Illustrations of lateral (b) and medial

(c) cortical areas and their connections to the striatum. The coloured section of the striatum represents

the area of the striatum receiving projections from the cortical area of the same colour. dlPFC =

dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, lOFC = lateral orbitofrontal cortex, FEF = frontal eye field, MC =

motor cortex, SSC = somatosensory cortex, PPC = posterior parietal cortex, SMA = supplementary

motor area, AC = anterior cingulate cortex. Figure adapted from Utter and Basso (2008).

Page 61: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

54  

Each loop is thought to be involved in functions associated with the cortical area to

which they project (Alexander et al., 1986; Middleton & Strick, 2000b). Thus, the loop

involving frontal eye fields is involved in oculomotor functions, and the motor loop is

involved in motor functions. The functions of the remaining loops are less well understood.

However, both cognitive and emotion-related functions do appear to be processed via cortico-

striatal loops (Arsalidou, Duerden, & Taylor, 2013; Haber et al., 2012). The terminal points

of the loops in the striatum cluster into three rough sections, with motor-related functions,

cognitive functions, and emotion-related functions each projecting to separate, but

overlapping areas (Haber, 2003; Haber et al., 2012). Given that each loop follows a similar

path through the same structures of the basal ganglia, it is generally considered that similar

neuronal operations are performed at comparable stages of each circuit. That is, the basal

ganglia appear to perform analogous computations that are applied to different sets of

information from different domains (Alexander et al., 1986; Middleton & Strick, 2000a).

It is considered likely that there are more than five cortico-striatal loops (Alexander et

al., 1986; Arsalidou et al., 2013). Ullman (Ullman, 2004; Ullman & Pierpont, 2005) suggests

that there may be a cortico-striatal loop related to processing language. It was proposed that

a cortico-striatal loop that projects to and from Broca’s area may exist (Ullman, 2006). In

line with this proposal, one neuroimaging study has indicated that Broca’s area may be

connected to the striatum via closed loops (Ford et al., 2013). Furthermore, a second study

has suggested that connections between Broca’s area and the striatum relate to processing

syntax (Teichmann et al., 2015). As noted above, the same computations would be

undertaken in the basal ganglia for each domain (Alexander et al., 1986). That is, the

sequential or probabilistic regularities are learnt for motor information through the motor

loop, oculomotor information through the oculomotor loop, and according to Ullman

Page 62: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

55  

(Ullman, 2004; Ullman & Pierpont, 2005), possibly for language-based information through a

Broca’s area loop.

As mentioned earlier, the cerebellum may also contribute to the procedural memory

system (Doyon et al., 2003; Middleton & Strick, 2000a). Like the basal ganglia, the

cerebellum has also been shown to have reciprocal connections with a range of cortical

regions (Middleton & Strick, 2000a; Ramnani, 2006). Furthermore, the cerebellum is also

connected with the basal ganglia (Hoshi, Tremblay, Feger, Carras, & Strick, 2005). The

specific contributions of cortico-cerebellar circuits to procedural memory are not entirely

clear. However, it has been suggested that the cerebellum is particularly important for

processing information that involves continual adaptation to environmental changes (Doyon

et al., 1997; Doyon et al., 2003; Gabrieli, 1998).

4.2.4 Procedural memory in specific language impairment.  According to the PDH

(Ullman & Pierpont, 2005), the grammatical problems in SLI are caused by an abnormality of

the caudate and/or Broca’s area. This neurological deficit in turn is claimed to give rise to a

procedural memory impairment. As a consequence, it is proposed that the acquisition and

use of skills and abilities dependent on this memory system are subsequently affected. A

crucial test of the PDH is whether in fact children with SLI have procedural memory

impairments. Procedural memory in SLI has been assessed with a range of tasks (Desmottes

et al., 2017b; Evans, Saffran, & Robe-Torres, 2009; Hsu & Bishop, 2014; Lum et al., 2010;

Mayor-Dubois, Zesiger, Van der Linden, & Roulet-Perez, 2012). This section outlines

performance of groups with SLI on two tasks that are commonly used to assess different

aspects of procedural memory. These are probabilistic classification as assessed by the

Weather Prediction task, and sequence learning assessed by the SRTT.

Page 63: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

56  

4.2.4.1 Probabilistic classification in specific language impairment. As described

previously, probabilistic classification tasks, such as the Weather Prediction task, are a

common measure of procedural learning (Knowlton, Mangels, et al., 1996; Knowlton et al.,

1994). As a reminder, the Weather Prediction task involves predicting “sunshine” or “rain”

based on cues that provide probabilistic feedback. Consistent with the claim that this task

relies on procedural memory, neuroimaging studies have shown activation of the striatum

during learning (Aron et al., 2004; Foerde, Knowlton, & Poldrack, 2006; Moody,

Bookheimer, Vanek, & Knowlton, 2004; Poldrack, Prabhakaran, Seger, & Gabrieli, 1999;

Seger & Cincotta, 2005). Performance of individuals with basal ganglia degeneration, such

as individuals with Parkinson’s or Huntington’s disease, further indicate that the procedural

memory network is required for learning. Significantly poorer learning by individuals with

Parkinson’s or Huntingon’s disease in comparison to controls has been found across the task

(Holl, Wilkinson, Tabrizi, Painold, & Jahanshahi, 2012; Knowlton, Squire, et al., 1996;

Shohamy et al., 2004; Witt, Nuhsman, & Deuschl, 2002), though this difference may be

particularly pronounced in later trials (Knowlton, Mangels, et al., 1996; Shohamy et al.,

2004).

Three studies have administered the Weather Prediction task to children with SLI

(Kemeny & Lukacs, 2010; Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014; Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012). In one

study, it was found that a group of children with SLI performed significantly more poorly that

a group of age-matched TD children (Kemeny & Lukacs, 2010). In that study, while the

classification accuracy of the SLI group did improve during the task, accuracy remained

significantly below that of TD children. A further two Weather Prediction studies found

different results (Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014; Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012). In these two studies,

it was found that performance by the SLI group was comparable to that of an age-matched

TD group. For example, Mayor-Dubois et al. (2012) found that the rate of improvement in

Page 64: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

57  

classification accuracy across the task was similar for children with and without language

impairment. In the final block of trials, classification accuracy of the two groups was also

comparable. Overall, it may be that probabilistic classification is generally unaffected in SLI.

One suggestion to account for this finding is that procedural memory problems in SLI might

be specific to the sequence learning functions of this system (Hsu & Bishop, 2014).

4.2.4.2 Auditory statistical learning in specific language impairment. The auditory

statistical learning task (Saffran, Newport, Aslin, Tunick, & Barrueco, 1997) might also be

considered as a measure of procedural memory. This task involves implicitly learning

statistical regularities within a stream of speech. In the exposure phase of the task,

participants hear a continuous stream of syllables. Embedded in the stream are three-syllable

nonwords, (e.g., bupada). The only cues to the word boundaries are the transitional

probabilities between pairs of syllables. The transitional probabilities are higher within

nonwords than across nonword boundaries. After the exposure phase, participants are played

two 3-syllable sequences. One of the sequences is a nonword that was present in the speech

stream, and the other is made up of syllables from the stream, but in a sequence not played

during the learning phase. Participants are required to indicate which of the two syllable

sequences sounds more like those that were present in the speech stream. It has been shown

that healthy adults and children both perform above chance on this task, indicating that

learning has taken place (e.g., Karuza et al., 2013; Saffran, Newport, Aslin, Tunick, &

Barrueco, 1997).

Like other procedural memory tasks, the auditory statistical learning task involves

implicitly learning statistical regularities within a stream of information. However,

neuroimaging evidence supporting the reliance of the task on the procedural memory system

is mixed. There is some evidence consistent with procedural memory involvement in the

Page 65: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

58  

task. Specifically, in comparison to a rest, the exposure phase of the task has been shown to

increase activation of the basal ganglia (McNealy et al., 2010, 2011), and prefrontal regions

including Broca’s area (Cunillera et al., 2009; Karuza et al., 2013). However, the degree that

this activation reflects learning rather than more general task demands is unclear. To address

this limitation, some neuroimaging studies have included a control condition in which

participants hear a second stream of randomly ordered syllables (McNealy, Mazziotta, &

Dapretto, 2006; McNealy et al., 2010, 2011; Plante et al., 2015). The purpose of comparing

neural activation during the stream that contains regularities to that during the random stream,

is to determine regions that activate specifically to information that contains statistical

regularities. These studies have not found activation of procedural memory regions that is

specific to the stream containing regularities. Rather, more activation of temporal regions,

particularly the left superior temporal gyrus, has been found during the exposure phase in

comparison to a random syllable phase. Overall, the validity of statistical learning tasks as a

measure of procedural memory performance is unclear.

To date, four studies have administered the auditory statistical learning task to

children with SLI (Evans et al., 2009; Haebig, Saffran, & Ellis Weismer, 2017; Mainela-

Arnold & Evans, 2013; Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012). In all four studies, it was found that

children with SLI performed significantly more poorly than age-matched TD children.

Specifically, in the recognition task each study found that the accuracy levels of the SLI

group were significantly lower than those of the TD group. Furthermore, the SLI groups’

accuracy was not above chance levels. These results indicate that children with SLI are poor

at implicitly learning statistical regularities within verbal information.

4.2.4.3 Serial reaction time task performance in specific language impairment. As

mentioned, on the SRTT participants implicitly learn a visuomotor sequence. Note that

Page 66: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

59  

detailed descriptions of the SRTT are provided in each of Chapters 5-8, and so

methodological details will be kept to a minimum in this section. Sequence learning as

indexed by the SRTT relies on structures of the procedural memory system. Neuroimaging

studies have repeatedly shown activation of the striatum during the task (e.g., Daselaar,

Rombouts, Veltman, Raaijmakers, & Jonker, 2003; Grafton, Hazeltine, & Ivry, 1995;

Hazeltine, Graftib, & Ivry, 1997; Reiss et al., 2005; Rieckmann, Fischer, & Backman, 2010;

Rose, Haider, Salari, & Buchel, 2011; Thomas et al., 2004; Willingham et al., 2002).

Engagement of cortical regions including motor and supplementary motor areas, as well as

prefrontal regions have also been shown during learning (Daselaar et al., 2003; Grafton et al.,

1995; Hazeltine et al., 1997; Willingham et al., 2002). Cerebellar activity is also commonly

reported (Daselaar et al., 2003; Doyon, Owen, Petrides, Sziklas, & Evans, 1996; Rieckmann

et al., 2010).

SRTT performance of individuals with Parkinson’s disease provides strong evidence

about whether learning on the task relies on the structural integrity of the cortico-striatal

networks. Parkinson’s disease is caused by the depletion of cells within the striatum (Lang &

Lozano, 1998). The degeneration of the striatum should lead to poor performance on tasks

that rely on this structure. The first study undertaken for this thesis was a meta-analysis

investigating SRTT performance in Parkinson’s disease (the full publication of Study 1 is

presented in Appendix A). It should be noted that the motor problems that characterise

Parkinson’s disease are unable to account for poor performance on the SRTT. Groups with

Parkinson’s disease are generally slower than healthy controls at pressing buttons in response

to the visual stimuli (e.g., Jackson, Jackson, Harrison, Henderson, & Kennard, 1995; Smith &

McDowall, 2004; Westwater, McDowall, Siegert, Mossman, & Abernethy, 1998). However,

groups with Parkinson’s disease typically show a decrease in reaction time across practice

trials or sequence blocks of the task (e.g., Deroost, Kerckhofs, Coene, Wijnants, & Soetens,

Page 67: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

60  

2006; Jackson et al., 1995; Smith & McDowall, 2004; Werheid, Zysset, Müller, Reuter, &

von Cramon, 2003), indicating intact ability to complete the movements required. Given that

task performance is indexed as the difference in reaction time to sequence versus random

blocks of trials, sequence learning can occur even by individuals with overall slow

performance. The meta-analysis in Study 1 synthesised findings from 25 studies that

compared SRTT performance of groups with Parkinson’s disease to groups of neurologically

healthy controls of the same age. The forest plot depicting the results of the analysis is

presented in Figure 4.5 (next page). This shows that after synthesising the results of all

studies, groups with Parkinson’s disease were found to perform 0.531 standard deviations

below that of controls. This indicates that sequence learning as indexed by the SRTT does

depend on the structures of the procedural memory system. When the striatum is damaged,

performance on the task decreases.

The SRTT is the most common task used to assess procedural memory in children

with SLI (Lum et al., 2014; Obeid et al., 2016). Some studies have found that children with

SLI evidence poorer sequence learning to that of age-matched TD children (Hsu & Bishop,

2014; Lum et al., 2012; Lum et al., 2010). However, other studies have found comparable

performance between SLI and TD groups (Gabriel, Maillart, Guillaume, Stefaniak, &

Meulemans, 2011; Gabriel et al., 2012; Hedenius et al., 2011). Lum et al. (2014) undertook

a meta-analysis of the eight SLI-SRTT studies that were available at the time. It was shown

that on average, individuals with SLI performed 0.328 standard deviations below their peers

of the same age. Most (Desmottes, Meulemans, & Maillart, 2015; Hsu & Bishop, 2014;

Kuppuraj, Rao, & Bishop, 2016; Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014; Sengottuvel & Rao, 2013), but

not all (Desmottes et al., 2017a; Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012), of the more recent studies that

were not included in the meta-analysis have also found poorer sequence learning in SLI.

Page 68: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

61  

Lower Upper

Kelly et al. (2004) -0.659a 0.192 -1.517 0.200 .132 3.2Smith & McDowall (2006) -0.410 0.070 -0.928 0.108 .121 4.8Smith et al. (2001) 0.037 0.140 -0.695 0.769 .920 3.7Helmuth, Mayr, & Daum (2000) 0.070 0.086 -0.505 0.646 .811 4.5Sommer et al. (1999) 0.159 0.148 -0.596 0.913 .680 3.6Cameli (2006) 0.168 0.202 -0.714 1.050 .709 3.1Bondi (1991) 0.202 0.101 -0.423 0.826 .527 4.2Selco (1998) 0.238b 0.172 -0.575 1.050 .566 3.3Pascual-Leone et al. (1993) 0.266 0.081 -0.293 0.826 .351 4.6Brown et al. (2003) 0.288 0.186 -0.556 1.133 .503 3.2Seidler et al. (2007) 0.347 0.260 -0.653 1.346 .497 2.7Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003) 0.350 0.255 -0.639 1.340 .488 2.7Deroost et al. (2006) 0.410c 0.124 -0.281 1.100 .245 3.9Wang, Sun, & Ding (2009) 0.418 0.098 -0.197 1.032 .183 4.3Muslimovic et al. (2007) 0.454 0.034 0.095 0.814 .013* 5.6Shin & Ivry (2003) 0.692 0.195 -0.174 1.559 .117 3.1Ferraro et al. (1993) 0.718 0.100 0.099 1.337 .023* 4.2Sarazin et al. (2001) 0.724 0.119 0.048 1.399 .036* 4.0van Tilborg & Hulstijn (2010) 0.747 0.192 -0.113 1.607 .089 3.2Smith & McDowall (2004) 0.758c 0.125 0.065 1.451 .032* 3.9Gawrys et al. (2008) 0.821 0.117 0.151 1.491 .016* 4.0Westwater et al. (1998) 0.860 0.191 0.004 1.716 .049* 3.2Werheid, Ziessler, et al. (2003) 0.926 0.188 0.076 1.775 .033* 3.2Stefanova et al. (2000) 1.295 0.069 0.781 1.808 <.001** 4.8Gilbert (2004) 1.573 0.245 0.602 2.544 .002* 2.8Jackson et al. (1995) 1.639 0.240 0.679 2.599 <.001** 2.8Vandenbossche et al. (2013) 1.822d 0.150 1.063 2.581 <.001** 3.6

Average 0.531 0.011 0.322 0.740 <.001**

Notes: aEffect size averages results from groups' performance on ambiguous and hybrid sequences; 

bEffect size averages results from groups' performance on 

SRT task using verbal and keypress response methods cEffect size averages results from groups' performance on FOC and SOC sequences;  

dEffect size average 

groups' performance on SRT task completed under single‐task conditions and dual‐task conditions. 

*p  < .05; **p  < .001

p -valueCohen's d VarianceControl group

performs worsePD group performs

worseStudy Weight (%)95% C.I.

-2.0 -1.0 0.0 1.0 2.0 3.0Cohen's d

Figure 4.5. Forest plot showing effect sizes of studies comparing SRTT performance of a group with Parkinson’s disease to a control group. Figure taken from Clark et al. (2014), which is presented in Appendix A.

The structure of the sequence may assist in explaining the discrepancies in study

findings. There are two main types of sequence used in SRTTs. These are first-order

conditional (FOC) and second-order conditional (SOC) sequences (Cohen, Ivry, & Keele,

1990). As described previously, the SRTT involves stimulus presentations in one of four

locations on a computer screen, and participants press one of four corresponding buttons after

each presentation. On most blocks of trials, the stimulus presentations follow a

predetermined sequence. In FOC sequences, each element in the sequence can be predicted

to some extent from the preceding element. An FOC sequence, where the numbers 1-4

represent each of the locations on screen, is 1-3-2-3-4-2-1-3-4-1-4-2. In this sequence, for

Page 69: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

62  

example, the case of a 3 being followed by a 4 occurs 66.6% of the time, the probability of a

3 being followed by a 2 is 33.3%, and a 3 is followed by a 1 in 0% of transitions. In contrast,

for SOC sequences, the probability between transitions is equal. For example, in the

sequence 4-2-1-3-2-4-1-2-3-1-4-3, there is a 33.3% probability that 3 will be followed by 1,

2, and 4, and this is the same for every transition. In these sequences, the occurrence of a

single position does not give any indication as to what the next position will be. Instead, the

position in which the stimulus appears can be predicted by the combination of the preceding

two positions.

Learning SOC sequences may rely on different neural regions or networks than

learning FOC sequences. One suggestion is that SOC sequence learning requires a network

that includes structures of the MTL (Keele, Ivry, Mayr, Hazeltine, & Heuer, 2003; Schendan,

Searl, Melrose, & Stern, 2003). Because all transitions occur with equal probability in a SOC

sequence, learning the sequence in this case must rely on representations that code one

transition in context of the previous transition (Poldrack & Rodriguez, 2003; Schendan et al.,

2003). As discussed, the hippocampus is required for binding arbitrary items to context, and

so may play an important role in this situation. Evidence for this suggestion was provided in

a neuroimaging study by Schendan et al. (2003). In that study, neural activity in healthy

adults during SOC sequence learning was examined. It was found that learning, whether

implicit or explicit, activated not only the striatum, but also the hippocampus and

parahippocampal regions. Thus, it may be that a network that includes hippocampal regions

can undertake sequence learning, but only for higher-order sequences.

The presence of multiple sequence learning networks may account for differences in

SLI-SRTT findings. Specifically, if SOC sequence learning relies on networks or regions

outside of the cortico-striatal system, SOC sequence learning may be intact in SLI. Learning

Page 70: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

63  

FOC sequences may present particular difficulty in SLI given that these sequences appear to

rely on the cortico-striatal circuits of the procedural memory system. Supporting this

proposal, some studies have presented a SOC sequence, and found intact learning in SLI

(Desmottes et al., 2015; Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012). However, this has not always been the

case, with other studies finding poor performance in SLI even when employing a SOC

sequence structure (Gabriel et al., 2013; Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014). Further adding to the

difficulty in interpreting differences between FOC and SOC sequence learning, other studies

have administered sequences that do not clearly fall into either category (Gabriel et al., 2011;

Gabriel, Meulemans, Parisse, & Maillart, 2014; Gabriel et al., 2012). To date, no study has

compared FOC and SOC sequence learning in the same group of children with SLI.

4.2.4.3 Summary of procedural memory deficits in SLI. Overall, in support of the

core claim of the PDH (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005), children with SLI demonstrate deficits in

procedural memory. The procedural memory deficits are relatively small in comparison to

the language problems. This questions whether the PDH can account for the substantial

language problems in SLI. One suggestion is that a small procedural memory problem in SLI

is compounded within the context of language-learning. Perhaps if very basic sequences or

probabilities are not acquired in early language development, this leads to further difficulties

in learning more complex relationships, and so on. The more pronounced deficit in sequence

learning compared to other aspects of procedural memory, has led to the suggestion that the

procedural memory problems in SLI are specific to sequence learning (Hsu & Bishop, 2014).

Yet, within sequence learning studies, findings have not always been consistent. Using the

SRTT, some studies have found that individuals with SLI perform comparably to age-

matched peers (e.g., Gabriel et al., 2011; Gabriel et al., 2012), while others have found that

performance in SLI is poor (e.g., Hsu & Bishop, 2014; Lum et al., 2012). One suggestion is

that the structure of the sequence might influence learning. It may be that, rather than a

Page 71: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

64  

general problem with implicit sequence learning, this deficit is more specific to a sequence

structure that relies more heavily on cortico-striatal networks. If this is the case, learning

sequences of SOC structure may be intact in SLI, while FOC sequence learning may be poor.

These issues were investigated in Studies 3 and 4. 

4.3 The PDH and Comorbid Problems in Specific Language Impairment

As mentioned in Chapter 3, in addition to language problems, individuals with SLI

often have difficulties with reading, motor, and social skills. According to the PDH,

impairments of the procedural memory system explain comorbid problems in SLI. It is

noted, however, that the PDH does not make specific claims regarding the exact site or extent

of neurological abnormality in SLI. In proposing that “All non-linguistic functions that

depend on the brain structures of the procedural system…should be problematic.” (Ullman &

Pierpont, 2005, p. 425), it is implied that the whole caudate may be functioning abnormally.

If this were the case, language, reading, motor, and social skills might all be equally affected.

However, Ullman and Pierpont (2005) also state that “…we do not expect that all channels

[i.e., cortico-striatal loops] have an equal probability of being affected in SLI. Rather certain

channels should be more likely than others to be dysfunctional.” (p. 406). This statement

opens the possibility for different types or degrees of comorbid conditions depending on

which cortico-striatal loops are dysfunctional. The less ambiguous proposal of the PDH,

however, is that a language-related cortico-striatal loop is impaired in SLI, and the

subcortical site of this abnormality is likely the caudate. This section outlines three

theoretical mechanisms whereby impairments to the procedural memory system may lead to

language and additional comorbid problems in reading, motor, and social skills.

Page 72: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

65  

4.3.1 Mechanisms I: Comorbid problems occur in SLI because there is not a

cortico-striatal loop that is specific to language. As mentioned, while several parallel

cortico-striatal loops have thus far been identified, the precise behavioural functions are

unknown (Arsalidou et al., 2013; Middleton & Strick, 2000b; Utter & Basso, 2008). Ullman

and Pierpont (2005) emphasise that it is not yet known whether a language-specific cortico-

striatal loop exists. It may be that comorbid problems occur in SLI because the cortico-

striatal loop that is involved in language also processes other information. The same loop

that is involved in procedural memory for grammatical regularities may also be involved in

processing information needed for reading, motor coordination, or social skills. If this is the

case, damage to a single loop could account for comorbid problems in SLI.

4.3.2 Mechanisms II: Comorbid problems occur in SLI because there is damage

to multiple cortico-striatal loops of the procedural system. A damaged striatum may also

cause comorbid problems in SLI if more than one cortico-striatal loop is impaired. That is,

damage may not be exclusive to the cortico-striatal loop that is involved in learning grammar,

but also to the loops that underlie skills such as motor coordination, reading, and social

functions. As shown in Figure 4.6, it may be that the loops that pass near the same area as

the language-related loop are most likely to be damaged. It has been shown that projections

from the cortex cluster in three overlapping sections within the striatum (Draganski et al.,

2008; Haber, 2003; Haber et al., 2012). These sections appear to be related to emotional

functions, cognitive functions, and motor functions (Haber, 2003; Haber et al., 2012). For

individuals with SLI who have comorbid motor problems, for instance, it may be that damage

is focused on an area in the striatum that receives overlapping projections from cortical areas

involved in cognitive and motor functions.

Page 73: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

66  

Figure 4.6. Schematic diagram relating to Mechanisms II. Diagonal sections represent different

cortico-striatal loops, with the bold lines indicating a loop that processes language. The oval shape

represents the striatum. The colour red represents damage.

4.3.3 Mechanisms III: Comorbid problems occur in SLI because compromised

information is shared between parallel loops. If damage is focused on a language-related

loop, comorbid problems could be explained if this damage is passed from one loop to

another. While the cortico-striatal loops are able to process information in parallel, evidence

suggests that they must also share and integrate information (Draganski et al., 2008; Haber,

2003; Haber et al., 2012). One way that the information could be shared is via interneurons.

It has been shown that the axons and dendrites of interneurons cross functional boundaries

(Haber, 2003; Haber et al., 2012). Evidence also points to the existence of additional

pathways that transfer information between functionally separate loops (Haber, 2003; Haber

et al., 2012). Therefore, if one loop is damaged, it may pass faulty signals to other circuits,

thereby interrupting the purity of their signals as well (see Figure 4.7). In this way, damage

specific to a language-related cortico-striatal loop could flow on to cause problems within

other loops that underlie functions such as reading, motor, or social skills.

In summary, deficits to the procedural system could theoretically account for both the

language problems and comorbid problems present in SLI. However, neurological evidence

is not available to support or refute the proposed mechanisms. The underlying proposal of

Page 74: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

67  

Figure 4.7. Schematic diagram relating to Mechanism III.

the PDH is that abnormalities to structures of the procedural memory system can lead to a

range of comorbid problems in SLI. This implies that developmental disorders characterised

by deficits in reading, motor skills, or social skills (i.e., dyslexia, DCD, or ASD) will also be

associated with procedural memory impairments. This proposal was tested in Study 2. The

following section outlines the evidence for procedural memory system deficits in dyslexia,

DCD, and ASD.

4.3.4 Do the comorbid problems relate to procedural impairments?

4.3.4.1 Dyslexia. Procedural memory system dysfunction has been proposed to cause

dyslexia (Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007; Nicolson, Fawcett, & Dean, 2001). Procedural memory

has been suggested to play a role in the acquisition or manipulation of phonological

information, and especially in the automatisation of processes that underlie fluent reading

(Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007, 2011). Cortico-cerebellar circuitry has been particularly

implicated in dyslexia, with impairments in these circuits considered to underpin deficits in

automatic processing (Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007; Nicolson et al., 2001). According to this

proposal, the reading problems in dyslexia are caused by difficulty in making skills

automatic, so that they can be undertaken fluently and with little conscious effort (Nicolson,

Fawcett, Brookes, & Needle, 2010; Nicolson et al., 2001). Neuroimaging studies support the

Page 75: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

68  

claim of cerebellar involvement in dyslexia, repeatedly showing that the cerebellum is

abnormal in children and adults with dyslexia (Kronbichler et al., 2008; Linkersdorfer,

Lonnemann, Lindberg, Hasselhorn, & Fiebach, 2012; Pernet, Poline, Demonet, & Rousselet,

2009).

Abnormalities have also been found in structures of the basal ganglia in dyslexia. For

instance, abnormalities have been found in the striatum (Brown et al., 2001; Georgiewa et al.,

2002; Hoeft et al., 2007; Jednorog, Gawron, Marchewka, Heim, & Grabowska, 2013), and

the basal ganglia more generally (Eckert et al., 2005; Pernet et al., 2009). One suggestion is

that striatal dysfunction is related to problems learning phonological patterns that underlie

language and reading processes (Jednorog et al., 2013). Alternatively, the cortico-cerebellar

dysfunction may relate to reading problems, while the apparent cortico-striatal deficits may

reflect comorbid language impairment (Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007).

Support for procedural system impairments in dyslexia also comes from performance

on procedural memory tasks. Lum, Ullman, and Conti-Ramsden (2013) conducted a meta-

analysis of 13 studies that investigated SRTT performance in individuals with dyslexia. It

was found that on average, those with dyslexia performed significantly more poorly on the

SRTT than their TD peers of comparable age. Thus, both behavioural and neurological

evidence supports the proposal that reading problems are associated with procedural memory

system impairments.

4.3.4.2 Developmental Coordination Disorder. Few studies have investigated the

neurological correlates of DCD. However, it has been suggested that structures of the

procedural system including the basal ganglia and/or cerebellum are likely to be

dysfunctional (Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007; Zwicker, Missiuna, & Boyd, 2009). One

neuroimaging study has provided evidence for atypical cerebellar functioning in DCD

Page 76: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

69  

(Zwicker, Missiuna, Harris, & Boyd, 2011). In that study, it was found that during a fine

motor task, cerebellar activity in a group of children with DCD was lower than that of age-

matched TD children. Studies that have administered behavioural tasks have also suggested

that the cerebellum is implicated in the disorder. The cerebellum is important for postural

control and for sensorimotor adaptation (Bernard & Seidler, 2013; Doyon et al., 2003;

Imamizu et al., 2000), both of which may be poor in DCD. For children with DCD, altered

postural muscle activity takes the form of delayed anticipatory activation, which leads to poor

stability (Geuze, 2005; Owen & Leonard, 2006). Sensorimotor adaptation may also be poor

in DCD. Sensorimotor adaptation tasks require participants to perform a motor task such as

throwing or drawing, while adapting to distorted visual feedback (Kagerer, Bo, Contreras-

Vidal, & Clark, 2004). The performance of children with DCD on these tasks is poor

(Cantin, Polatajko, Thach, & Jaglal, 2007; Kagerer et al., 2004; Seger & Spiering, 2011;

Stark & Okado, 2003). The pattern of errors made by children with DCD resembles that of

individuals with cerebellar degeneration (Bo, Block, Clark, & Bastian, 2008; Lang & Bastian,

2002; Morton & Bastian, 2004). The similarity in performance between the two groups has

been taken as evidence that cerebellar functioning might be affected in DCD (Bo & Lee,

2013; Kagerer et al., 2004).

The basal ganglia and cortico-striatal loops have also been suggested as sites of

abnormality in DCD (Bo & Lee, 2013; Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007). Supporting this proposal,

one neuroimaging study found reduced connectivity between the striatum and parietal cortex

in children with DCD (Querne et al., 2008), and a second study found reduced connectivity

between the striatum and primary motor cortex (McLeod, Langevin, Goodyear, & Dewey,

2014). Additionally, behavioural tasks have been administered to assess procedural memory

functioning in DCD, though these studies are also scarce. Three studies have administered

the SRTT to children with DCD (Gheysen, Van Waelvelde, & Fias, 2011; Lejeune, Catale,

Page 77: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

70  

Willems, & Meulemans, 2013; Wilson, Maruff, & Lum, 2003). In all three studies, children

with DCD performed more poorly than TD children on the task. However, this difference

only reached statistical significance in one study (Gheysen et al., 2011). Overall, there have

been very few studies that have investigated procedural memory system functionality in

DCD. The available evidence suggests that procedural memory may be impaired in this

group. 

4.3.4.3 Autism Spectrum Disorder. ASD has also been associated with atypical

procedural memory system structures. Both the cerebellum (Fatemi et al., 2012; Nayate,

Bradshaw, & Rinehart, 2005), as well as connectivity within several cortico-striatal loops

(Delmonte, Gallagher, O'Hanlon, McGrath, & Balsters, 2013; Langen et al., 2012) have been

implicated. Abnormalities of the cerebellum have been repeatedly found in both children and

adults with ASD (Bailey et al., 1998; Courchesne et al., 1994; Fatemi et al., 2012; Nayate et

al., 2005). The cerebellar deficits are considered to contribute to the problems with posture,

balance, and coordination that many individuals with ASD experience (Fatemi et al., 2012;

Nayate et al., 2005).

Aberrant cortico-striatal connectivity has also been found in groups with ASD

(Delmonte et al., 2013; Ecker et al., 2012; Kohls et al., 2012; Langen et al., 2012). It appears

that ASD is related to functional hyperactivity, rather than hypoactivity, of procedural

memory system circuitry (e.g., Delmonte et al., 2013; Picci, Gotts, & Scherf, 2016). Several

cortico-striatal loops have been implicated in ASD, including the loops that involve

dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, orbitofrontal cortex, and anterior cingulate cortex (Delmonte et

al., 2013; Langen et al., 2012). As discussed, the specific role of each circuit is not clear,

though emotion- and cognition-related functions, along with motor functions, have been

broadly proposed (Arsalidou et al., 2013; Haber et al., 2012). In ASD, it has been shown that

Page 78: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

71  

hyperconnectivity within the loop that includes dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, correlates with

the degree of restricted repetitive behaviours (Delmonte et al., 2013; Ecker et al., 2012).

Social motivation deficits in ASD may be related to abnormalities within the orbitofrontal-

striatal loop (Chevallier, Kohls, Troiani, Brodkin, & Schultz, 2012; Kohls et al., 2012). In

one study, it was found that increased hyperconnectivity within this circuit related to

increased social motivation in ASD groups, possibly reflecting compensatory processes in

some individuals (Delmonte et al., 2013).

Hyperactivity of the procedural memory system may explain the performance of

individuals with ASD on behavioural measures of procedural memory. A common finding is

that groups with ASD demonstrate intact performance on procedural memory tasks (e.g.,

Brown, Aczel, Jiménez, Kaufman, & Grant, 2010; Travers, Klinger, Mussey, & Klinger,

2010). A meta-analysis summarised results of 11 studies investigating procedural memory

task performance in ASD (Obeid et al., 2016). It was found that on average, groups with

ASD performed comparably to TD groups. Thus, although structures of the procedural

memory system may be abnormal in ASD, this does not appear to lead to procedural memory

difficulties for this group. This result may provide difficulties for the PDH in explaining

comorbidity between ASD and SLI. The PDH proposes that comorbid conditions in SLI,

such as social skill deficits, arise from shared procedural memory problems. It seems,

however, that procedural memory impairments are not common in all conditions that are

comorbid with SLI.

4.3.4.4 The relationship between comorbid disorders. Dyslexia, DCD, and ASD

often co-occur with each other and with SLI (Conti-Ramsden et al., 2006; Dyck, Piek, Hay,

& Hallmayer, 2007; Flapper & Schoemaker, 2013; Kaplan, Wilson, Dewey, & Crawford,

1998; McArthur et al., 2000), and it is possible that the procedural impairments do not relate

Page 79: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

72  

to each disorder to the same degree. It may be that children with SLI often have procedural

system impairments, but that these impairments are related to comorbid problems, and not

related directly to the language impairments themselves (e.g., Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012).

Many studies investigating dyslexia, DCD, or ASD do not assess the language skills of their

participants, making inferences about which skills are related to procedural learning difficult.

It is necessary for future studies to directly examine procedural learning along with reading,

motor, and social skills in a group with SLI to clarify these relationships. This issue will be

addressed in Chapters 5 and 8 of this thesis.  

4.4 Declarative Memory Compensation

A further claim made by the PDH is that the declarative memory system compensates

for the impaired procedural memory system (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005; Ullman & Pullman,

2015). The proposal is that the encoding, storage, and retrieved of information and skills

typically undertaken by the procedural memory system, are instead undertaken by the

declarative memory system. In the case of SLI, it is proposed that the learning and use of

grammar is supported by the declarative memory system. How might the declarative

memory system learn and use grammar? Ullman suggests that the declarative system might

be able to learn grammar via some associative rule. For example, to learn the past tense

inflection via the declarative memory system might require each regular past tense inflection

and regular verb to be learnt item-by-item. This type of learning might explain why

grammatical development is slower in SLI. As reviewed in Chapter 2, it is not the case that

SLI is associated with an absence of grammatical development. As shown in Figure 2.2,

from the ages of 3 to 9 years children with SLI produce fewer grammatical errors.

Presumably, under the PDH, this protracted period of grammatical development occurs as

each past tense inflection is learnt one verb at a time.

Page 80: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

73  

There is currently very little direct evidence for declarative memory based

compensation in SLI. One study (Lum et al., 2012) examined compensation in a group of 51

children with SLI (mean age 9;10), and 51 TD children (mean age 9;10). Tests of procedural

memory (the SRTT) and declarative memory, along with measures of expressive and

receptive grammar and vocabulary skills were administered. As predicted by the PDH, the

group with SLI performed significantly more poorly on the SRTT than their TD peers. It was

found that for both SLI and TD groups, vocabulary skills correlated with the test of verbal

declarative memory. This is in line with the suggestion that individual words are encoded

and retrieved by the declarative system. Grammatical skills correlated with the procedural

task in the TD group, but with the verbal declarative task in the SLI group. This finding is in

line with Ullman and Pierpont’s (2005) claim that declarative memory compensates for

procedural memory system problems in SLI. Children with SLI who had better declarative

memory demonstrated better grammatical skills.

Not all studies provide support for the claim that declarative memory compensates for

procedural memory in SLI. Poll, Miller, and van Hell (2015) investigated compensation in

groups of young adults with and without language impairment. Declarative memory

compensation might be expected to be clearer for adults than children. Regions of the MTL

that underpin the declarative memory system mature in late adolescence (Giedd et al., 1999;

Gogtay et al., 2004). Thus declarative memory functioning is also expected to develop

beyond childhood. Participants in this study were 21 adults with language impairment (mean

age 22;3) and 21 age-matched controls (mean age 21;6). Tests of procedural memory (the

Weather Prediction task), along with a measure of non-verbal declarative memory, and

measures of grammar were administered. Based on the compensation aspect of the PDH, it

was expected that for the language impaired group, grammar would correlate with declarative

memory. For non-language impaired adults, grammar was expected to correlate with the

Page 81: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

74  

procedural memory. Results of this study did not support the compensation hypothesis.

First, in contrast to the proposal that declarative memory is unaffected in SLI, the language

impaired group performed significantly more poorly than the control group on the declarative

memory task. The language impaired group also performed significantly more poorly than

controls on the procedural memory task, as expected by the PDH. In the key test of

compensation, grammar skills did not significantly correlate with performance on the

declarative memory task for the language impaired group. For both groups of participants,

grammar did not correlate with either the declarative memory or procedural memory tasks.

These findings are difficult to reconcile not only with the proposal of declarative memory

compensation, but also with the proposal that grammar is typically undertaken by the

procedural memory system. Overall, it is not clear whether declarative memory does

compensate for procedural memory impairments in SLI.

5. Overall Summary and Thesis Aims

In summary, research investigating the PDH indicates that procedural memory is

impaired in SLI. Evidence suggests that the procedural learning deficits appear to be most

strongly related to implicit sequence-learning. However, not all studies have shown impaired

implicit sequence learning in SLI. It may be that implicit sequence learning is not all

undertaken by the procedural memory system. Specifically, it has been suggested that while

FOC sequences likely rely on cortico-striatal networks, SOC sequences may be learnt via a

different network. This raises the possibility that in SLI, it is only learning sequences of a

FOC structure that is problematic. However, research to date has not compared FOC and

SOC sequence learning in SLI.

A second issue that has not been investigated is whether procedural memory

impairments are directly related to the grammar difficulties in SLI, or are more related to

Page 82: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

75  

reading, motor, or social problems. The PDH claims that the range of problems in SLI all

stem from dysfunction of procedural memory system circuitry, and that declarative memory

compensates for these problems. First, this suggests that if procedural memory impairments

cause the reading, motor, and social skill deficits in SLI, it might underpin the same deficits

in other disorders. Thus, it would be expected that along with SLI, dyslexia, DCD, and ASD

are each associated with procedural memory deficits. Indeed, this claim has been made by a

number of researchers (e.g., Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012; Mostofsky, Goldberg, Landa, &

Denckla, 2000; Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007; Ullman & Pierpont, 2005; Vicari et al., 2005).

Second, the claims of the PDH imply that in SLI, language, reading, motor, and social skills

would be correlated. That is, if the declarative memory system is responsible for learning

each skill, proficiency of each skill will be determined by declarative memory abilities. This

thesis investigated these research questions. Specifically, the following two questions were

posed:

1. Are the implicit sequence learning problems specific to FOC sequences? If so, this

might mean there are different neural mechanisms that underpin implicit sequence learning.

This question is addressed in Chapters 6 and 7. Chapter 6 presents a study in which children

with and without SLI completed both a FOC and SOC sequence learning task. Chapter 7

used transcranial magnetic stimulation to investigate the neural networks responsible for

learning each type of sequence.

2. Are the implicit sequence learning deficits in SLI related to the language problems,

or to comorbid problems? This question is addressed in Chapters 5 and 8. Chapter 5 uses

second-order meta-analysis to compare SRTT performance across different disorders.

Chapter 8 presents a study which investigated the relationship between implicit sequence

Page 83: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

76  

learning, language, reading, and motor skills in a group of SLI children and a group of TD

children.

Page 84: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

77  

Chapter 5

Study 2: Is Poor Procedural Memory Only Associated with Grammatical Impairment?

As reviewed in Chapter 4, according to the PDH (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005),

dysfunction associated with the cortico-striatal circuitry of the procedural memory system in

SLI is hypothesised not only to lead to grammatical impairment, but also may explain why

affected children present with co-morbid problems. An assumption of this claim is that poor

procedural memory can lead to a range of different types of problems. The study presented in

this chapter tested this claim using a second order meta-analysis of serial reaction time task

(SRTT) studies.

In Chapter 4 it was argued that the SRTT can be considered to provide a measure of

the procedural memory system, as it is sensitive to cortico-striatal functioning (Jackson et al.,

1995; Westwater et al., 1998). To date, the SRTT has been commonly used to test the

procedural memory system in SLI (Lum et al., 2012; Tomblin, Mainela-Arnold, & Zhang,

2007) and other disorders as well. This includes dyslexia (Russeler, Gerth, & Munte, 2006;

Vicari et al., 2005), autism spectrum disorder (Gordon & Stark, 2007; Mostofsky et al.,

2000), and disorders affecting motor functioning such as Parkinson’s disease (Deroost et al.,

2006; Muslimović, Post, Speelman, & Schmand, 2007) and developmental coordination

disorder (Gheysen et al., 2011; Wilson et al., 2003). The literature from each of the

aforementioned disorders have now been summarised in separate meta-analyses (Clark et al.,

2014; Lum et al., 2013; Obeid et al., 2016; Wilson & McKenzie, 1998). If poor procedural

memory can result in a range of different problems (e.g., problems with reading, motor, or

social skills), the expectation is that disorders with quite different symptoms should also have

poor procedural memory, at least measured using the SRTT. The second order meta-analysis

(Clark & Lum, 2017) presented in this chapter tests this claim.

Page 85: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

78  

The manuscript presented in this chapter is the post-publication version, except that

table, figure, and subheading numbers have been altered to improve flow within the thesis.

The final publication is available at Springer via

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bandc.2017.07.004.

Page 86: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

79  

AUTHORSHIP STATEMENT 

1.  Details of publication and executive author 

Title of Publication  Publication details 

Procedural learning in Parkinson’s disease, specific language impairment, dyslexia, schizophrenia, developmental coordination disorder, and autism spectrum disorders:  A second‐order meta‐analysis 

Accepted for publication in Brain and Cognition 

Name of executive author School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin; Organisation and address if non‐Deakin 

Email or phone 

Gillian Clark  School of Psychology  [email protected] 

2.  Inclusion of publication in a thesis 

Is it intended to include this publication in a higher degree by research (HDR) thesis? 

Yes  

If Yes, please complete Section 3If No, go straight to Section 4. 

3.  HDR thesis author’s declaration 

Name of HDR thesis author if different from above. (If the same, write “as above”) 

School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin 

Thesis title 

As above  

School of Psychology The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language impairment: An investigation using the serial reaction time task 

If there are multiple authors, give a full description of HDR thesis author’s contribution to the publication (for example, how much did you contribute to the conception of the project, the design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Conceptualised the paper, completed the systematic search, data extraction and data analysis, drafted manuscript and revisions.  

I declare that the above is an accurate description of my contribution to this paper, and the contributions of other authors are as described below. 

Signature and date 

 11/07/2017 

4.  Description of all author contributions 

Name and affiliation of author   Contribution(s) (for example,  conception of the project, design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

 Jarrad Lum  

Thesis supervisor – involved in conceptualising the paper, analysing the data, drafting and revising of the manuscript. 

   

 

Page 87: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

80  

5.  Author Declarations 

I agree to be named as one of the authors of this work, and confirm:  i. that I have met the authorship criteria set out in the Deakin University Research Conduct Policy, ii. that there are no other authors according to these criteria, iii. that the description in Section 4 of my contribution(s) to this publication is accurate,  iv. that the data on which these findings are based are stored as set out in Section 7 below. 

If this work is to form part of an HDR thesis as described in Sections 2 and 3, I further  

v. consent to the incorporation of the publication into the candidate’s HDR thesis submitted to Deakin University and, if the higher degree is awarded, the subsequent publication of the thesis by the university (subject to relevant Copyright provisions).   

 

Name of author  Signature* Date 

Jarrad Lum  

11/07/2017 

  

 

6.  Other contributor declarations 

I agree to be named as a non‐author contributor to this work. 

Name and affiliation of contributor  Contribution Signature* and date

N/A  

 

* If an author or contributor is unavailable or otherwise unable to sign the statement of authorship, the Head of Academic Unit may sign on their behalf, noting the reason for their unavailability, provided there is no evidence to suggest that the person would object to being named as author 

7.  Data storage 

The original data for this project are stored in the following locations. (The locations must be within an appropriate institutional setting. If the executive author is a Deakin staff member and data are stored outside Deakin University, permission for this must be given by the Head of Academic Unit within which the executive author is based.) 

Data format  Storage Location Date lodged Name of custodian if other than the executive author 

N/A   

   

This form must be retained by the executive author, within the school or institute in which they are based. 

If the publication is to be included as part of an HDR thesis, a copy of this form must be included in the thesis with the publication. 

Page 88: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

81  

RUNNING HEAD: Procedural Learning across Disorders

Procedural learning in Parkinson’s disease, specific language impairment,

dyslexia, schizophrenia, developmental coordination disorder, and autism spectrum disorders:

A second-order meta-analysis

Gillian M. Clark and Jarrad A. G. Lum

Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin University, Australia

Author Note

Gillian M. Clark, Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin

University; Jarrad A. G. Lum, Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin

University.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Gillian Clark,

Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin University, 221 Burwood

Highway, Burwood, Victoria, Australia, 3121.

Email: [email protected]

Page 89: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

82  

Abstract

The serial reaction time task (SRTT) has been used to study procedural learning in clinical

populations. In this report, second-order meta-analysis was used to investigate whether

disorder type moderates performance on the SRTT. Using this approach to quantitatively

summarise past research, it was tested whether autism spectrum disorder, developmental

coordination disorder, dyslexia, Parkinson’s disease, schizophrenia, and specific language

impairment differentially affect procedural learning on the SRTT. The main analysis

revealed disorder type moderated SRTT performance (p = .010). However, in autism

spectrum disorder procedural learning is intact. This report demonstrates comparable levels

of procedural learning impairment in developmental coordination disorder, dyslexia,

Parkinson’s disease, schizophrenia, and specific language. With respect to autism,

procedural learning in this group is spared.

Keywords: Serial reaction time task; procedural learning; meta-analysis; neurodevelopmental

disorders

Page 90: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

83  

5.1 Introduction

Nissen and Bullemer’s (1987) Serial Reaction Time Task (SRTT) is commonly used

to examine procedural learning (e.g., Gordon & Stark, 2007; Jackson, Jackson, Harrison,

Henderson, & Kennard, 1995; Knopman & Nissen, 1991; Tomblin, Mainela-Arnold, &

Zhang, 2007). In broad terms, procedural learning describes knowledge that is acquired

incrementally, often implicitly, through repeated exposures to stimuli or training (Squire &

Zola, 1996). A substantial number of studies have used the SRTT to examine whether

procedural learning is impaired in a wide range of neurodegenerative and

neurodevelopmental disorders (e.g., Deroost et al., 2010; Gordon & Stark, 2007; Knopman &

Nissen, 1991; Lum, Conti-Ramsden, Page, & Ullman, 2012; Wilson, Maruff, & Lum, 2003).

The SRTT literature from a number of disorders has now been summarised using meta-

analysis (e.g., Lum, Ullman, & Conti-Ramsden, 2013; Siegert, Weatherall, & Bell, 2008).

The existence of multiple meta-analyses that examine SRTT performance provides a unique

opportunity to compare the status of procedural learning impairments across multiple

disorders using second order meta-analysis. In second order meta-analysis, results of multiple

meta-analyses are combined. While second order meta-analysis has been used in the field of

organisational psychology widely (e.g., Archer et al., 2014; Barrick, Mount, & Judge, 2001;

Peterson, 2001; Tamim, Bernard, Borokhovski, Abrami, & Schmid, 2011), to our knowledge

this is the first report to apply this technique to summarising research in the field of

neuropsychology.

5.1.1 The Serial Reaction Time Task

On the SRTT a visual stimulus repeatedly appears in one of four spatial locations on a

computer display. Participants aim to press a button on a response pad that corresponds to

the location of the stimulus. A schematic overview of the task is presented in Figure 5.1. In

Page 91: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

84  

the standard version of the task, stimulus presentations are grouped into blocks of trials.

Unknown to participants, on most blocks the presentation of the stimulus follows a pre-

determined sequence. After several blocks in which the stimulus repeatedly follows the

sequence, a block of trials is presented in which the stimulus appears in random order.

Reaction times that measure the time taken to press the correct button after stimulus

presentation are recorded throughout the task. If the sequence is learnt, reaction times across

sequence blocks become faster, and then slow down for the random block (Nissen &

Bullemer, 1987). This result has been observed in both children and adults (e.g., Cohen, Ivry,

& Keele, 1990; Thomas & Nelson, 2001). Figure 5.1 (see right panel, solid line) depicts

hypothetical data when the sequence has been learnt. The increase in reaction times from

sequence to random blocks likely occurs because the sequence has been learnt, but on the

random trials knowledge about the sequence cannot be used to anticipate the stimulus’

location and responses needs to be adjusted (Robertson, 2007). When the sequence has not

been learnt, the presence or absence of the sequence does not influence reaction times and a

reliable difference between these two blocks does not occur. Hypothetical data when the

sequence has not been learnt is also presented in Figure 5.1 (see right panel, broken line).

This result has been observed in several neurodegenerative (e.g., Ferraro, Balota, & Connor,

1993; Knopman & Nissen, 1991) and neurodevelopmental disorders (e.g., Gheysen, Van

Waelvelde, & Fias, 2011; Lum et al., 2012; Vicari et al., 2005).

Much is known about the neurological structures activated when participants

complete the SRTT. Neuroimaging studies have shown that the basal ganglia, particularly

the striatum, are engaged during learning on the task (Daselaar, Rombouts, Veltman,

Raaijmakers, & Jonker, 2003; Grafton, Hazeltine, & Ivry, 1995; Rauch, Whalen, et al., 1997;

Reiss et al., 2005; Willingham, Salidis, & Gabrieli, 2002), and that the degree of striatal

activation positively correlates with task performance (Rauch, Whalen, et al., 1997; Reiss et

Page 92: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

85  

Monitor

Response Panel

*

Block 1(Sequence)

Block 2(Sequence)

Block 3(Sequence)

Block 4(Sequence)

Block 5(Sequence)

Block 6(Random)

Reaction Tim

es

Figure 5.1. Left panel shows a schematic overview of the serial reaction time task depicting a single trial. Right panel shows hypothetical data when the sequence has been learnt (solid line), or has not been learnt (broken line). When the size of the difference in reaction times between the final sequence block and the random block is smaller for a disordered group in comparison to a control group, it is taken as evidence for a procedural learning deficit in the disorder.

al., 2005). The cerebellum also appears to play a role on the SRTT. Individuals with

cerebellar dysfunction demonstrate poorer learning on the SRTT (Pascual-Leone et al., 1993;

Torriero, Oliveri, Koch, Caltagirone, & Petrosini, 2004). Neocortical structures associated

with the task are primary and supplementary motor regions and prefrontal regions (Clerget,

Poncin, Fadiga, & Olivier, 2011; Daselaar et al., 2003; Grafton et al., 1995; Pascual-Leone,

Wassermann, Grafman, & Hallett, 1996; Wilkinson, Teo, Obeso, Rothwell, & Jahanshahi,

2009; Willingham et al., 2002). Thus, it appears that SRTT performance relies on the

cortico-subcortical network of the procedural memory system.

5.1.2 Procedural Learning in Neurodegenerative and Neurodevelopmental

Disorders

The SRTT has been used to investigate procedural learning in a range of clinical

populations (e.g., Clark, Lum, & Ullman, 2014; Obeid, Brooks, Powers, Gillespie-Lynch, &

Lum, 2016; Siegert et al., 2008). One of the first studied were conditions characterised by

neurodegeneration of the basal ganglia, such as Parkinson’s and Huntington’s diseases (e.g.,

Page 93: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

86  

Ferraro et al., 1993; Knopman & Nissen, 1991; Pascual-Leone et al., 1993). Research

undertaken with these groups showed poorer procedural learning on the SRTT compared to

controls. Specifically, the difference in reaction times between the random and sequence

blocks was smaller in groups comprising individuals with Parkinson’s or Huntington’s

diseases compared to control groups (Clark et al., 2014; Knopman & Nissen, 1991;

Willingham & Koroshetz, 1993).

In relatively more recent times, performance on the SRTT has been studied in

neurodevelopmental disorders in order to test whether procedural learning is impaired. This

includes autism spectrum disorder (ASD; e.g., Gordon & Stark, 2007), dyslexia (e.g., Vicari

et al., 2005), specific language impairment (SLI; e.g., Lum et al., 2012), schizophrenia (e.g.,

Schwartz, Howard, Howard, Hovaguimian, & Deutsch, 2003), and developmental

coordination disorder (DCD; e.g., Gheysen et al., 2011). Procedural learning problems in

each of these disorders are proposed to stem from atypical development of cortico-subcortical

networks. In SLI, a cortico-striatal network comprising the caudate and Broca’s area is

implicated (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005). DCD has been associated with aberrant connectivity

between the striatum and primary motor cortex (McLeod, Langevin, Goodyear, & Dewey,

2014), and between the cerebellum and parietal cortex (Zwicker, Missiuna, Harris, & Boyd,

2011). Dyslexia has been associated with abnormalities in cortico-cerebellar circuits,

possibly involving bilateral inferior frontal gyrus (Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007; Nicolson,

Fawcett, & Dean, 2001; Stanberry et al., 2006). Finally, in ASD and schizophrenia,

cerebellar (Andreasen & Pierson, 2008; Fatemi et al., 2012; Nayate, Bradshaw, & Rinehart,

2005) and cortico-striatal connectivity abnormalities (Langen et al., 2012; Nayate et al., 2005;

Robbins, 1990; Simpson, Kellendonk, & Kandel, 2010; Yoon, Minzenberg, Raouf,

D'Esposito, & Carter, 2013) have been reported.

Page 94: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

87  

In all the aforementioned disorders one hypothesised endpoint is procedural learning

problems and therefore poorer performance on the SRTT. Results from meta-analyses have

found poor procedural learning in SLI (Lum, Conti-Ramsden, Morgan, & Ullman, 2014;

Obeid et al., 2016), dyslexia (Lum et al., 2013), DCD (Wilson, Ruddock, Smits-Engelsman,

Polatajko, & Blank, 2013), and schizophrenia (Siegert et al., 2008). Each of these meta-

analyses have shown that on average, individuals with the disorder demonstrate a

significantly smaller difference in reaction time between random and sequence trials than

typically developing individuals. In contrast, meta-analyses have shown that individuals with

ASD perform comparably to their peers on the SRTT (Foti, De Crescenzo, Vivanti,

Menghini, & Vicari, 2015; Obeid et al., 2016). Results from these meta-analyses have been

interpreted to suggest that procedural learning problems cause the language deficits in SLI

(Lum et al., 2014), reading problems in dyslexia (Lum et al., 2013), and possibly the social

cognition problems in schizophrenia (Siegert et al., 2008). Nicolson and Fawcett (2007)

suggest that impairments to different parts of the procedural learning network lead to the

different patterns of cognitive deficits across disorders.

5.1.3 Does ‘Disorder Type’ Moderate Performance on the SRTT?

It is not yet known whether there are differences in procedural learning problems

between neurodegenerative disorders of the basal ganglia (Clark et al., 2014) and some

neurodevelopmental disorders (Lum et al., 2013; Obeid et al., 2016; Siegert et al., 2008;

Wilson et al., 2013). That is, whether the type of disorder asserts a differential influence on

procedural learning. According to Nicolson and Fawcett’s (2007) model, the type of

cognitive or behavioural problems observed in a neurodevelopmental disorder depends on the

loci of the neurological problems within the network that supports procedural learning. This

might lead to a situation where performance on the SRTT task is more affected in one

Page 95: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

88  

condition compared to another. For instance, Parkinson’s disease is characterised by

neurodegeneration of the basal ganglia (Lang & Lozano, 1998). There is no

neurodegeneration in SLI, dyslexia, or DCD. Given this, it could be that the procedural

learning problems in Parkinson’s disease are more severe in comparison to

neurodevelopmental conditions.

However, there is an alternative possibility. There are high rates of comorbidity

between each of the developmental disorders (e.g., Flapper & Schoemaker, 2013; Kaplan,

Wilson, Dewey, & Crawford, 1998; Leyfer, Tager-Flusberg, Dowd, Tomblin, & Folstein,

2008; McArthur, Hogben, Edwards, Heath, & Mengler, 2000). For example, Kaplan et al.

(1998) found that over 50% of children with DCD also met criteria for dyslexia. Similarly,

McArthur et al. (2000) reported an overlap of 50% between dyslexia and SLI. Furthermore,

the core symptoms of one disorder are quite often the secondary symptoms of another

disorder. Language, reading, and motor skill problems are common to SLI, dyslexia, DCD,

schizophrenia, ASD, and Parkinson’s disease (Altmann & Troche, 2011; Archibald &

Alloway, 2008; Condray, Steinhauer, van Kammen, & Kasparek, 2002; Fawcett & Nicolson,

1995; Hill, 2001; McArthur et al., 2000; Murray & Rutledge, 2014; Revheim et al., 2006;

Walther & Strik, 2012). One possibility is that procedural learning problems are uniquely, or

most strongly, related to one of these symptoms. For example, if procedural learning is

uniquely or most strongly related to motor problems, one might expect that the procedural

learning problems are most severe in conditions whose core deficit is characterised by motor

dysfunction. Under this view one might expect DCD and Parkinson’s disease to have poorer

procedural learning compared to other types of disorders.

5.1.4 Using Second-order Meta-analysis to Examine whether Disorder Type

Moderates Performance on the SRTT

Page 96: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

89  

Second-order meta-analysis can be used to investigate the effect of disorder type on

performance on the SRTT. In a first-order meta-analysis, study-level effect sizes are

synthesised and an overall summary effect is computed (Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, &

Rothstein, 2011; Hunter & Schmidt, 2004). The advantage of this approach is that by pooling

findings across studies, sampling error can be reduced in computing an effect size. In a

second-order meta-analysis, differences between first-order effect sizes can be examined.

The extent to which these differences reflect either meaningful/systematic influences (such as

disorder type) or second-order sampling error can be quantified (Hunter & Schmidt, 2004;

Tamim et al., 2011). Second-order sampling error occurs because the total number of studies

included in first-order meta-analyses is not infinite, and it reflects random error that remains

even after first-order sampling error is accounted for (Hunter & Schmidt, 2004).

Second-order meta-analysis can be used to statistically test whether disorder type

influences effect sizes on the SRTT. As noted earlier, one possibility is that performance on

the SRTT varies between different disorders. If this is the case, the expectation is that the

second-order sampling error would be less than 100%. In this scenario disorder type would

be considered to moderate the overall summary effect sizes between the first-order meta-

analyses. Furthermore, there may be a reliable or significant difference in the average effect

size computed from a meta-analysis undertaken with one disorder compared to another.

These comparisons can be undertaken in the context of a second-order meta-analysis

(Borenstein et al., 2011; Tamim et al., 2011). Another outcome is that disorder type does not

moderate the overall summary effect sizes from first-order meta-analyses. If this is the case

variability or differences between first-order effect sizes should reflect second-order sampling

error. Second order meta-analyses permits one to test the influence of disorder type on

procedural learning.

Page 97: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

90  

5.1.5 Aim of the Current Report

This report tested whether disorder type influences procedural learning. Specifically,

we compared the average first-order effect sizes of meta-analyses investigating SRTT

performance in individuals with Parkinson’s disease, SLI, dyslexia, ASD, DCD, and

schizophrenia. The goal of this analysis was to examine the extent to which disorder type

moderates performance on the SRTT. The hypothesis tested was that disorder type would be

a moderator variable on the SRTT. This moderator effect would arise because Parkinson’s

disease and DCD would be associated with a more severe deficits on the SRTT relative to the

other studied disorders.

5.2 Method

5.2.1 Study Design

A search was undertaken using the electronic databases PsycInfo, MEDLINE,

CINAHL, ERIC, and PubMed. Titles and abstracts were searched for keywords relating to

the SRTT and to meta-analysis. Details of all keywords, Boolean operators, and syntax are

presented in the Supplementary material. The search strategy was executed in August, 2016.

5.2.2 Inclusion Criteria

Articles were only included if they met the following two criteria. First, the article

needed to present a meta-analysis that summarised studies that investigated performance on

the SRTT. Second, the meta-analysis needed to compare performance of a clinical group to

an age-matched control group. To ensure that each study was represented only once, articles

that included data that were also reported in a larger meta-analysis were excluded (this

included the omission of a meta-analysis by Foti et al. (2015), which did not measure SRTT

performance using a comparable method to the other meta-analyses, and which included only

Page 98: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

91  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

256 records identified through 

database searching. 

109 records excluded for not meeting

eligibility criteria: 

Analyses did not involve a comparison between a disordered group and a control group (n = 9). 

Article did not involve meta‐analysis (n = 16).  

The SRTT was not used (n =  84).

12 records excluded for not meeting 

eligibility criteria: 

Article did not use the SRTT (n = 10). 

Article was not a meta‐analysis (n = 1). 

Analyses did not involve a comparison between a disordered group and a control group (n = 1). 

126 duplicate records excluded. 

130 records left after duplicates 

removed. 

21 records left after screening 

abstracts for eligibility. 

5 records (reporting 6 meta‐analyses) 

used in quantitative review. 

4 records excluded for being a 

duplicate analysis. 

studies that were duplicated in the meta-analysis by Obeid et al. (2016)). This ensured there

was no overlap in studies represented in the meta-analyses. Figure 5.2 summarises articles

excluded following application of each criterion according to PRISMA guidelines (Moher,

Liberati, Tetzlaff, Altman, & The PRISMA Group, 2009).

Figure 5.2. PRISMA flowchart showing process of identifying articles for the second-order meta-analysis

Page 99: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

92  

5.2.3 Study Selection

After the removal of duplicates, the authors independently screened articles according

to the eligibility criteria described above. There was 100% agreement on these articles. A

total of five articles, corresponding to six meta-analyses, were included and their data

extracted for second-order meta-analysis.

5.2.4 Data Extraction Procedures

The information extracted from each meta-analysis were the effect sizes, confidence

intervals, and sample sizes for each study included in the meta-analysis. All these data were

only collected from SRTT data. This resulted in excluding studies from three meta-analyses

(the two meta-analyses in Obeid et al., 2016; one from Wilson et al., 2013). The overall

summary effect size for each meta-analysis was recalculated, using a random-effects model.

This method assumes that differences between effect sizes are due to a combination of both

within-study error (sampling error) and between-study error (systematic influences). To

facilitate comparability of the meta-analyses, all effect sizes were converted to Hedges’ g.

This ensures that effect sizes can be compared directly, as they are all in the same metric.

Converting from Cohen’s d to Hedges’ g involves multiplying d by a correction factor (see

Supplementary material). All calculations were undertaken using Comprehensive Meta-

Analysis software (Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2005). A description of the

data extracted from each meta-analysis along with final sample sizes is outlined in Table 5.1.

5.2.5 Meta-analytic Procedures

First, the proportion of variance between the first-order meta-analyses that was due to

sampling error versus systematic influences was determined. Following the method used by

Tamim et al. (2011), this was calculated using the I2 statistic. In first-order meta-analysis, the

Page 100: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

93  

Meta-analysis Disorder Data extracted No. Studies n (study group) n (control group)

Clark et al. (2014) Parkinson's diseaseSample sizes extracted from Table 1, effect sizes and CIs extracted from Figure 3.

27 505 460

Obeid et al. (2016)Specific language impairment

Sample sizes extracted from Table 1, effect sizes and CIs from Figure 5. Overall summary effect size and CIs recalculated after excluding four studies that did not use the SRTT.

11 259 319

Lum et al. (2013) Dyslexia

Sample sizes extracted from Table 1, effect sizes (Cohen's d) and CIs extracted from Figure 3. Converted from Cohen's d to Hedges' g.

14 314 317

Siegert et al. (2008) SchizophreniaSampe sizes extracted from Table 1, effect sizes and CIs extracted from Table 2.

9 205 159

Wilson et al. (2013)Developmental coordination disorder

Studies identified from Table S1. Effect sizes calculated from statistics

provided in original studies.a2 28 30

Obeid et al. (2016)Autism spectrum disorder

Sample sizes and task types extracted from Table 2, effect sizes and CIs from Figure 6. Overall summary effect size and CIs recalculated after excluding 11 studies that did not use the SRTT.

7 101 130

CIs = 95% Confidence Intervals.aFor further details see Supplementary Materials

Table 5.1.

Summary of Data Extracted from Meta-Analyses

I2 statistic quantifies the percentage of heterogeneity that is due to systematic influences. For

example, an I2 value of 100 would indicate 100% of the differences between study level

effect sizes is due to one or more systematic influence. Alternatively, an I2 value of zero

would indicate differences between a set of study level effect sizes is solely due to sampling

error. Applying this statistic to the average effect sizes from the first-order meta-analyses

provides the percentage of heterogeneity between meta-analyses that is due to between-meta-

analysis error or systematic influences. For example an I2 value of zero would indicate that

Page 101: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

94  

variability between first order meta-analyses can be attributed to second-order sampling error.

In the context of the current report, if the I2 value was not significantly different from zero,

this would indicate that disease/disorder type does not moderate performance on the SRTT.

The second set of analyses used in this report investigated whether disease/disorder

type was related to effect sizes. Following the same approach as Tamim et al. (2011), the

analysis used was mixed-effects subgroup analysis. Using the effect sizes for all individual

studies, this analysis tested whether there were significant differences in the average effect

size of each meta-analysis.

5.3 Results

5.3.1 SRTT Performance

A forest plot showing the recalculated summary effect sizes, along with 95%

confidence intervals, is presented in Figure 5.3. As noted earlier, only data from SRTTs were

summarised, and all effect sizes were converted to Hedges’ g. Positive values indicate that

on average, the control group had a larger difference in reaction time between sequence and

random conditions than the disorder group. That is, positive values indicate that the disorder

group performed more poorly on the task than their respective control group. Figure 5.3

shows that only the ASD meta-analysis found that the disordered group did not perform

significantly worse than their control group on the task.

5.3.2 Heterogeneity between First-Order Meta-Analyses

To investigate whether differences between the effect sizes shown in Figure 5.3 were

due to second-order sampling error or to systematic influences, the I2 statistic was calculated.

Details of this calculation are presented in the Supplementary material. I2 was found to be

66.86 and significantly different from zero (Q (5) = 15.089, p = .010). This indicates that

Page 102: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

95  

Lower Upper

Clark et al. (2014) Parkinson's 0.532 0.011 0.324 0.740 <.001

Obeid et al. (2016) SLI 0.432 0.016 0.181 0.683 .001

Lum et al. (2013) Dyslexia 0.440 0.015 0.199 0.681 <.001

Siegert et al. (2008) Schizophrenia 0.523 0.012 0.311 0.735 <.001

Wilson et al. (2013) DCD 0.891 0.072 0.365 1.418 .001

Obeid et al. (2016) ASD -0.159 0.033 -0.513 0.195 .379

Study group performs worse

Study Hedges' g Variance95% C.I.

p -valueControl group

performs worseStudy group

-1.0 0.0 1.0

66.86% of the variability between first-order meta-analysis effect sizes is due to one or more

systematic influences that likely includes disorder type. The remaining 33.14% of variability

is thus attributed to second-order sampling error.

Figure 5.3. Forest plot depicting summary effect sizes of each first-order meta-analysis. Parkinson’s = Parkinson’s disease, SLI = specific language impairment, DCD = developmental coordination disorder, ASD = autism spectrum disorder.

Based on the data summarised in Figure 5.3, it seems likely that the elevated I2 value

can be attributed to the influence of ASD. This is because the average effect size from ASD

falls outside the confidence intervals of the other disorder types. To investigate this further

the I2 statistic was recalculated after removing ASD. The ensuing value was found to be less

than 1, and non-significant (Q (4) = 2.755, p = .600). That is, after removing the ASD meta-

analysis, all variability between effect sizes from remaining meta-analyses can be explained

with respect to second-order sampling error.

5.3.3 Mixed-effects Subgroup Analysis

To address the exploratory aim of this report, that is to determine whether disorder

type moderated effect sizes, mixed-effects subgroup analysis was undertaken. This indicated

a significant difference between effect sizes based on the type of disorder (Q (5) = 15.119, p

= .010). To investigate this finding further, pairwise comparisons between each disorder

were undertaken. To correct for multiple comparisons, p-values were adjusted using

Page 103: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

96  

Benjamini and Hochberg’s (1995) procedure that controls for the false discovery rate. The

Q-values and associated p-values for each comparison are presented in Table 5.2. These

analyses show that the ASD effect size was significantly different from each of the other

disorders, and that there were no significant differences between any other pair of disorders.

Table 5.2

Results of Subgroup Analyses Comparing Pairs of First-Order Meta-Analyses

5.4 Discussion

This report used second-order meta-analysis to compare SRTT performance in

Parkinson’s disease, SLI, DCD, ASD, schizophrenia, and dyslexia. The data presented

summarised the results from six meta-analyses, representing data from 1412 individuals with

a disease/disorder and 1415 age-matched controls. The hypothesis tested was that disorder

type would be a moderator variable on SRTT task performance. This was forwarded under

the assumption that poor procedural learning on the SRTT would be linked to motor

problems. Results showed that, while disorder type did moderate effect sizes, this was

attributable to ASD. Differences between Parkinson’s disease and DCD and the remaining

neurodevelopmental disorders was due to second order sampling error (i.e., chance).

1 2 3 4 5 6

1. Parkinson's (Clark et al., 2014) — 0.365 0.324 1.547 0.004 10.864 2. SLI (Obeid et al., 2016) .706 — 0.002 2.387 0.295 7.107 3. Dyslexia (Lum et al., 2013) .706 .963 — 2.338 0.257 7.505 4. DCD (Wilson et al., 2013) .357 .270 .270 — 1.621 10.526 5. Schizophrenia (Siegert et al., 2008)

.963 .706 .706 .357 — 10.469

6. ASD (Obeid et al., 2016) .005* .024* .023* .005* .005* — Note. Q-values are presented above the diagonal, and associated (corrected) p-values are presented below the diagonal. Significant Q-values are in bold. Parkinson's = Parkinson's disease, SLI = specific language impairment, DCD = developmental coordination disorder, ASD = autism spectrum disorder. * p < .05

Page 104: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

97  

The second order meta-analysis showed that differences in average effect sizes

computed from the SRTT between Parkinson’s disease, SLI, dyslexia, DCD, and

schizophrenia can be attributed to second or sampling error. Nicolson and Fawcett’s (2007)

model might explain this finding. According to their model dyslexia, SLI, and DCD arise

from impairments to the procedural memory system. The extent to which problems with

reading, language, or motor functioning arise depends on which network is affected. In this

second order meta-analysis we demonstrate that if this is the case, the SRTT is sensitive to

dysfunction or impairment to any part of the brain the supports procedural learning.

In this report, disorder type was found to moderate performance on the SRTT.

Against expectation this moderator affect was attributable to ASD. Specifically, the second-

order meta-analysis revealed that performance on the task in ASD was reliably better than

Parkinson’s disease, SLI, dyslexia, DCD, and schizophrenia. At a conceptual level this result

is unexpected given that ASD is associated with abnormalities to cerebellar and cortico-

striatal regions that support SRTT performance (Fatemi et al., 2012; Langen et al., 2012;

Nayate et al., 2005). One suggestion to account for this finding is that the abnormalities in

ASD are related to over-activity of these circuits. While the neural abnormalities that

characterise ASD are under debate (e.g., Hull, Jacokes, Torgerson, Irimia, & Van Horn,

2017; Picci, Gotts, & Scherf, 2016) there is evidence showing cortico-striatal

hyperconnectivity in ASD (Picci et al., 2016). This has been linked to restricted interests and

repetitive behaviours that are characteristic of the disorder (Delmonte, Gallagher, O'Hanlon,

McGrath, & Balsters, 2013). The working hypothesis to emerge from this second order

meta-analysis is that hyperconnectivity of cortico-striatal networks might lead to superior

procedural learning on the SRTT compared to the other studied disorders. Thus neural

dysfunction of procedural system networks might be operationalised as impaired and

enhanced SRTT performance. In order to investigate this suggestion, one avenue for future

Page 105: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

98  

research may be to investigate procedural learning in disorders such as Tourette’s syndrome

or obsessive compulsive disorder, which are also associated with cortico-striatal

hyperconnectivity (Harrison et al., 2009; Worbe et al., 2015). Indeed, there is some evidence

to suggest intact SRTT performance in both of these conditions (Channon, Pratt, &

Robertson, 2003; Rauch, Savage, et al., 1997).

The finding that first-order effect sizes between Parkinson’s disease, SLI, dyslexia,

DCD, and schizophrenia reflect second order sampling error has implications in

understanding the neuropsychology of the SRTT. The result of the Parkinson’s disease meta-

analysis indicate that neurodegeneration of the basal ganglia results in poor performance on

the task (Clark et al., 2014; Siegert, Taylor, Weatherall, & Abernethy, 2006). However, it

appears that this is not the only cause of poor procedural learning on the SRTT. Atypical

neurological development of the kind present in DCD, SLI, dyslexia, and schizophrenia can

also cause procedural learning problems. Future work is need to better specify the nature of

neurological problems in these conditions to better understand the origin of procedural

learing problems in these groups. However, given the types of neurological problems found

in DCD, SLI, dyslexia, and schizophrenia differ (ref), it appears there is more than one

‘route’ to poor procedural learning.

The idea that dysfunction to multiple sites or networks results in poor procedural

learning is consistent with data from brain stimulation studies (Clerget et al., 2011; Pascual-

Leone et al., 1996; Torriero et al., 2004; Wilkinson et al., 2009). Several studies have

administered transcranial magnetic stimulation to disrupt neural activity while participants

undergo a SRTT. It has been found that inhibiting activity in primary motor cortex

(Wilkinson et al., 2009), dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (Pascual-Leone et al., 1996), Broca’s

area (Clerget et al., 2011), or the cerebellum (Torriero et al., 2004) all significantly disrupt

Page 106: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

99  

performance on the task. Overall, our results show that performance on the SRTT is sensitive

to deficits to a wide range of cortical regions or cortico-subcortical networks. However, it is

not the case that any type of neurodevelopmental problem will result in poor performance on

the SRTT. In this report we found procedural learning to be significantly better in ASD

compared to the other studied disorders. The implication of this finding is that the type of

neurological problems present in ASD may be different to those in DCD, SLI, dyslexia,

schizophrenia, and Parkinson’s disease.

The second order meta-analysis undertaken in this report highlights one important

limitation in using the SRTT to make inferences about the underlying nature of neurological

dysfunction in clinical populations. Based on the analyses presented in this report,

performance on the SRTT can be disrupted by a number of different types of neurological

insults either through the course of development or neurodegeneration. To identify brain

networks responsible for procedural learning in disordered populations more neuroimaging

studies will be required.

Conclusion

The initial study by Nissen and Bullemer (1987) that first described the SRTT has

been cited more than 2000 times in research investigating procedural learning in clinical and

non-clinical groups. For the first time, this report demonstrated equivalent performance

deficits on the task across Parkinson’s disease, SLI, dyslexia, schizophrenia, and DCD. Thus

it appears that these disorders can be characterised as having a procedural learning

impairment. This report also provides new evidence that this type of impairment is not

present in all neurodevelopmental disorders. Procedural learning in ASD appears to be

superior to the other studied disorders. The findings highlight that abnormalities to different

neural regions or networks can lead to comparable procedural learning deficits. This report

Page 107: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

100  

points to important limitations in the extent to which the SRTT can further our knowledge of

procedural learning. Future research is required to more closely examine the processes that

underlie procedural learning difficulties across disorders.

Page 108: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

101  

Conflict of Interest: The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

References

Altmann, L. J., & Troche, M. S. (2011). High-level language production in Parkinson's

disease: A review. Parkinson's Disease, 2011, 238956. doi: 10.4061/2011/238956

Andreasen, N. C., & Pierson, R. (2008). The role of the cerebellum in schizophrenia.

Biological Psychiatry, 64(2), 81-88. doi: 10.1016/j.biopsych.2008.01.003

Archer, K., Savage, R., Sanghera-Sidhu, S., Wood, E., Gottardo, A., & Chen, V. (2014).

Examining the effectiveness of technology use in classrooms: A tertiary meta-

analysis. Computers and Education, 78, 140-149. doi:

10.1016/j.compedu.2014.06.001

Archibald, L. M., & Alloway, T. P. (2008). Comparing language profiles: children with

specific language impairment and developmental coordination disorder. International

Journal of Language and Communication Disorders, 43(2), 165-180. doi:

10.1080/13682820701422809

Barrick, M. R., Mount, M. K., & Judge, T. A. (2001). Personality and performance at the

beginning of the new millennium: What do we know and where do we go next?

International Journal of Selection and Assessment, 9(1 2), 9-30. doi: 10.1111/1468-

2389.00160

Benjamini, Y., & Hochberg, Y. (1995). Controlling the false discovery rate: A practical and

powerful approach to multiple testing. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society. Series

B (Methodological), 57(1), 289-300.

Borenstein, M., Hedges, L. V., Higgins, J. P. T., & Rothstein, H. R. (2005). Comprehensive

meta-analysis (Version 2). Englewood, NJ: Biostat.

Page 109: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

102  

Borenstein, M., Hedges, L. V., Higgins, J. P. T., & Rothstein, H. R. (2011). Introduction to

meta-analysis: Wiley. com.

Channon, S., Pratt, P., & Robertson, M. M. (2003). Executive function, memory, and learning

in Tourette's syndrome. Neuropsychology, 17(2), 247-254. doi: 10.1037/0894-

4105.17.2.247

Clark, G. M., Lum, J. A. G., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). A meta-analysis and meta-regression

of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease. Neuropsychology,

28(6), 945-958. doi: 10.1037/neu0000121

Clerget, E., Poncin, W., Fadiga, L., & Olivier, E. (2011). Role of Broca's area in implicit skill

learning: Evidence from continuous theta-burst magnetic stimulation. Journal of

Cognitive Neuroscience, 24(1), 80-92. doi: 10.1162/jocn_a_00108

Cohen, A., Ivry, R., & Keele, S. W. (1990). Attention and structure in sequence learning.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 16(1), 17-

30. doi: 10.1037/0278-7393.16.1.17

Condray, R., Steinhauer, S. R., van Kammen, D. P., & Kasparek, A. (2002). The language

system in schizophrenia: Effects of capacity and linguistic structure. Schizophrenia

Bulletin, 28(3), 475-490. doi: 10.1093/oxfordjournals.schbul.a006955

Daselaar, S. M., Rombouts, S. A., Veltman, D. J., Raaijmakers, J. G., & Jonker, C. (2003).

Similar network activated by young and old adults during the acquisition of a motor

sequence. Neurobiology of Aging, 24(7), 1013-1019. doi: 10.1016/s0197-

4580(03)00030-7

Delmonte, S., Gallagher, L., O'Hanlon, E., McGrath, J., & Balsters, J. H. (2013). Functional

and structural connectivity of frontostriatal circuitry in Autism Spectrum Disorder.

Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 7, 430. doi: 10.3389/fnhum.2013.00430

Page 110: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

103  

Deroost, N., Zeischka, P., Coomans, D., Bouazza, S., Depessemier, P., & Soetens, E. (2010).

Intact first- and second-order implicit sequence learning in secondary-school-aged

children with developmental dyslexia. Journal of Clinical and Experimental

Neuropsychology, 32(6), 561-572. doi: 10.1080/13803390903313556

Fatemi, S. H., Aldinger, K. A., Ashwood, P., Bauman, M. L., Blaha, C. D., Blatt, G. J., . . .

Welsh, J. P. (2012). Consensus paper: pathological role of the cerebellum in autism.

Cerebellum, 11(3), 777-807. doi: 10.1007/s12311-012-0355-9

Fawcett, A. J., & Nicolson, R. I. (1995). Persistent deficits in motor skill of children with

dyslexia. Journal of Motor Behavior, 27(3), 235-240. doi:

10.1080/00222895.1995.9941713

Ferraro, F. R., Balota, D. A., & Connor, L. T. (1993). Implicit memory and the formation of

new associations in nondemented Parkinson's disease individuals and individuals with

senile dementia of the Alzheimer type: A serial reaction time (SRT) investigation.

Brain and Cognition, 21, 163-180. doi: 10.1006/brcg.1993.1013

Flapper, B. C., & Schoemaker, M. M. (2013). Developmental coordination disorder in

children with specific language impairment: co-morbidity and impact on quality of

life. Research in Developmental Disabilities, 34(2), 756-763. doi:

10.1016/j.ridd.2012.10.014

Foti, F., De Crescenzo, F., Vivanti, G., Menghini, D., & Vicari, S. (2015). Implicit learning in

individuals with autism spectrum disorders: a meta-analysis. Psychological Medicine,

45(5), 897-910. doi: 10.1017/S0033291714001950

Gheysen, F., Van Waelvelde, H., & Fias, W. (2011). Impaired visuo-motor sequence learning

in Developmental Coordination Disorder. Research in Developmental Disabilities,

32(2), 749-756. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2010.11.005

Page 111: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

104  

Gordon, B., & Stark, S. (2007). Procedural learning of a visual sequence in individuals with

autism. Focus on Autism and Other Developmental Disabilities, 22(1), 14-22. doi:

10.1177/10883576070220010201

Grafton, S. T., Hazeltine, E., & Ivry, R. (1995). Functional mapping of sequence learning in

normal humans. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 7(4), 497-510. doi:

10.1162/jocn.1995.7.4.497

Harrison, B. J., Soriano-Mas, C., Pujol, J., Ortiz, H., Lopez-Sola, M., Hernandez-Ribas, R., . .

. Cardoner, N. (2009). Altered corticostriatal functional connectivity in obessive-

compulsive disorder. Archives of General Psychiatry, 66, 1189-1200. doi:

10.1001/archgenpsychiatry.2009.152

Hill, E. L. (2001). Non-specific nature of specific language impairment: a review of the

literature with regard to concomitant motor impairments. International Journal of

Language and Communication Disorders, 36(2), 149-171. doi:

10.1080/13682820118418

Hull, J. V., Jacokes, Z. J., Torgerson, C. M., Irimia, A., & Van Horn, J. D. (2017). Resting-

state functional connectivity in autism spectrum disorders: A review. Frontiers in

Psychiatry, 7, 205. doi: 10.3389/fpsyt.2016.00205

Hunter, J. E., & Schmidt, F. L. (2004). Methods of meta-analysis. Correcting error and bias

in research findings (Second ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Jackson, G. M., Jackson, S. R., Harrison, J., Henderson, L., & Kennard, C. (1995). Serial

reaction time learning and Parkinson's disease: Evidence for a procedural learning

deficit. Neuropsychologia, 33(5), 577-593. doi: 10.1016/0028-3932(95)00010-z

Kaplan, B., J., Wilson, B. N., Dewey, D., & Crawford, S. G. (1998). DCD may not be a

discrete disorder. Human Movement Science, 17, 471-490.

Page 112: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

105  

Knopman, D., & Nissen, M. J. (1991). Procedural learning is impaired in Huntington's

disease: Evidence from the serial reaction time task. Neuropsychologia, 29(3), 245-

254. doi: 10.1016/0028-3932(91)90085-m

Lang, A. E., & Lozano, A. M. (1998). Parkinson's disease. New England Journal of

Medicine, 339(15), 1044-1053.

Langen, M., Leemans, A., Johnston, P., Ecker, C., Daly, E., Murphy, C. M., . . . Murphy, D.

G. (2012). Fronto-striatal circuitry and inhibitory control in autism: findings from

diffusion tensor imaging tractography. Cortex, 48(2), 183-193. doi:

10.1016/j.cortex.2011.05.018

Leyfer, O. T., Tager-Flusberg, H., Dowd, M., Tomblin, J. B., & Folstein, S. E. (2008).

Overlap between autism and specific language impairment: comparison of Autism

Diagnostic Interview and Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule scores. Autism

Res, 1(5), 284-296. doi: 10.1002/aur.43

Lum, J. A. G., Conti-Ramsden, G., Morgan, A. T., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). Procedural

learning deficits in specific language impairment (SLI): A meta-analysis of serial

reaction time task performance. Cortex, 51, 1-10. doi: 10.1016/j.cortex.2013.10.011

Lum, J. A. G., Conti-Ramsden, G., Page, D., & Ullman, M. T. (2012). Working, declarative

and procedural memory in specific language impairment. Cortex, 48(9), 1138-1154.

doi: 10.1016/j.cortex.2011.06.001

Lum, J. A. G., Ullman, M. T., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2013). Procedural learning is impaired

in dyslexia: evidence from a meta-analysis of serial reaction time studies. Research in

Developmental Disabilities, 34(10), 3460-3476. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2013.07.017

McArthur, G. M., Hogben, J. H., Edwards, V. T., Heath, S. M., & Mengler, E. D. (2000). On

the "specifics" or specific reading disability and specific language impairment.

Page 113: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

106  

Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 41(7), 869-874. doi:

10.1017/s0021963099006186

McLeod, K. R., Langevin, L. M., Goodyear, B. G., & Dewey, D. (2014). Functional

connectivity of neural motor networks is disrupted in children with developmental

coordination disorder and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Neuroimage

Clinical, 4, 566-575. doi: 10.1016/j.nicl.2014.03.010

Moher, D., Liberati, A., Tetzlaff, J., Altman, D. G., & The PRISMA Group. (2009). Preferred

reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses: The PRISMA statement.

PLoS Medicine, 6. doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.1000097

Murray, L. L., & Rutledge, S. (2014). Reading comprehension in Parkinson's disease.

American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 23(2), S246-S258. doi:

10.1044/2014_ajslp-13-0087

Nayate, A., Bradshaw, J. L., & Rinehart, N. J. (2005). Autism and Asperger's disorder: are

they movement disorders involving the cerebellum and/or basal ganglia? Brain

Research Bulletin, 67(4), 327-334. doi: 10.1016/j.brainresbull.2005.07.011

Nicolson, R. I., & Fawcett, A. J. (2007). Procedural learning difficulties: reuniting the

developmental disorders? Trends in Neurosciences, 30(4), 135-141. doi:

10.1016/j.tins.2007.02.003

Nicolson, R. I., Fawcett, A. J., & Dean, P. (2001). Developmental dyslexia: the cerebellar

deficit hypothesis. Trends in Neurosciences, 24(9), 208-511. doi: 10.1016/s0166-

2236(00)01896-8

Nissen, M. J., & Bullemer, P. (1987). Attentional requirements of learning: Evidence from

performance measures. Cognitive Psychology, 19, 1-32. doi: 10.1016/0010-

0285(87)90002-8

Page 114: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

107  

Obeid, R., Brooks, P. J., Powers, K. L., Gillespie-Lynch, K., & Lum, J. A. G. (2016).

Statistical learning in specific language impairment and autism spectrum disorder: A

meta-analysis. Frontiers in Psychology, 7. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01245

Pascual-Leone, A., Grafman, J., Clark, K., Stewart, M., Massaquoi, S., Lou, J.-S., & Hallett,

M. (1993). Procedural learning in Parkinson's disease and cerebellar degeneration.

Annals of Neurology, 34, 594-602. doi: 10.1002/ana.410340414

Pascual-Leone, A., Wassermann, E. M., Grafman, J., & Hallett, M. (1996). The role of the

dorsolateral prefrontal cortex in implicit procedural learning. Experimental Brain

Research, 107, 479-485. doi: 10.1007/bf00230427

Peterson, R. A. (2001). On the use of college students in social science research: Insights

from a second-order meta-analysis. Journal of Consumer Research, 28(3), 450-461.

doi: 10.1086/323732

Picci, G., Gotts, S. J., & Scherf, K. S. (2016). A theoretical rut: revisiting and critically

evaluating the generalized under/over-connectivity hypothesis of autism. Dev Sci,

19(4), 524-549. doi: 10.1111/desc.12467

Rauch, S. L., Savage, C. R., Alpert, N. M., Dougherty, D., Kendrick, A., Curran, T., . . .

Jenike, M. A. (1997). Probing striatal function in obsessive-compulsive disorder: A

PET study of implicit sequence learning. Journal of Neuropsychiatry, 9(4). doi:

10.1176/jnp.9.4.568

Rauch, S. L., Whalen, P. J., Savage, C. R., Curran, T., Kendrick, A., Brown, H. D., . . .

Rosen, B. R. (1997). Striatal recruitment during an implicit sequence learning task as

measured by functional magnetic resonance imaging. Human Brain Mapping, 5, 124-

132. doi: 10.1002/(sici)1097-0193(1997)5:2<124::aid-hbm6>3.3.co;2-p

Reiss, J. P., Campbell, D. W., Leslie, W. D., Paulus, M. P., Stroman, P. W., Polimeni, J. O., .

. . Sareen, J. (2005). The role of the striatum in implicit learning: A functional

Page 115: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

108  

magnetic resonance imaging study. Neuroreport, 16(12), 1291-1295. doi:

10.1097/01.wnr.0000175615.93312.1a

Revheim, N., Butler, P. D., Schechter, I., Jalbrzikowski, M., Silipo, G., & Javitt, D. C.

(2006). Reading impairment and visual processing deficits in schizophrenia.

Schizophrenia Research, 87(1), 238-245. doi: 10.1016/j.schres.2006.06.022

Robbins, T. W. (1990). The case for frontostriatal dysfunction in Schizophrenia.

Schizophrenia Bulletin, 16(3), 391-402. doi: 10.1093/schbul/16.3.391

Robertson, E. M. (2007). The serial reaction time task: Implicit motor skill learning? The

Journal of Neuroscience, 27(38), 10073-10075. doi: 10.1523/JNEUROSCI.2747-

07.2007

Schwartz, B. L., Howard, D. V., Howard, J. H., Hovaguimian, A., & Deutsch, S. I. (2003).

Implicit learning of visuospatial sequences in schizophenia. Neuropsychology, 17(3),

517-533. doi: 10.1037/0894-4105.17.3.517

Siegert, R. J., Taylor, K. D., Weatherall, M., & Abernethy, D. A. (2006). Is implicit sequence

learning impaired in Parkinson's disease? A meta-analysis. Neuropsychology, 20(4),

490-495. doi: 10.1037/08944105.20.4.490.supp

Siegert, R. J., Weatherall, M., & Bell, E. M. (2008). Is implicit sequence learning impaired in

schizophrenia? A meta-analysis. Brain and Cognition, 67(3), 351-359. doi:

10.1016/j.bandc.2008.02.005

Simpson, E. H., Kellendonk, C., & Kandel, E. (2010). A possible role for the striatum in the

pathogenesis of the cognitive symptoms of schizophrenia. Neuron, 65(5), 585-596.

doi: 10.1016/j.neuron.2010.02.014

Squire, L. R., & Zola, S. M. (1996). Structure and function of declarative and nondeclarative

memory systems. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 93, 13515-

13522. doi: 10.1073/pnas.93.24.13515

Page 116: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

109  

Stanberry, L. I., Richards, T. L., Berninger, V. W., Nandy, R. R., Aylward, E. H., Maravilla,

K. R., . . . Cordes, D. (2006). Low-frequency signal changes reflect differences in

functional connectivity between good readers and dyslexics during continuous

phoneme mapping. Magnetic Resonance Imaging, 24(3), 217-229. doi:

10.1016/j.mri.2005.12.006

Tamim, R. M., Bernard, R. M., Borokhovski, E., Abrami, P. C., & Schmid, R. F. (2011).

What forty years of research says about the impact of technology on learning: A

second-order meta-analysis and validation study. Review of Educational Research,

81(1), 4-28. doi: 10.3102/0034654310393361

Thomas, K. M., & Nelson, C. A. (2001). Serial reaction time learning in preschool- and

school-age children. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 79(4), 364-387. doi:

10.1006/jecp.2000.2613

Tomblin, J. B., Mainela-Arnold, E., & Zhang, X. (2007). Procedural learning in adolescents

with and without specific language impairment. Language Learning and

Development, 3(4), 269-293. doi: 10.1080/15475440701377477

Torriero, S., Oliveri, M., Koch, G., Caltagirone, C., & Petrosini, L. (2004). Interference of

left and right cerebellar rTMS with procedural learning. Journal of Cognitive

Neuroscience, 16(9), 1605-1611. doi: 10.1162/0898929042568488

Ullman, M. T., & Pierpont, E. I. (2005). Specific language impairment is not specific to

language: The procedural deficit hypothesis. Cortex, 41(3), 399-433. doi:

10.1016/s0010-9452(08)70276-4

Vicari, S., Finzi, A., Menghini, D., Marotta, L., Baldi, S., & Petrosini, L. (2005). Do children

with developmental dyslexia have an implicit learning deficit? Journal of Neurology,

Neurosurgery, and Psychiatry, 76(10), 1392-1397. doi: 10.1136/jnnp.2004.061093

Page 117: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

110  

Walther, S., & Strik, W. (2012). Motor symptoms and schizophrenia. Neuropsychobiology,

66(2), 77-92. doi: 10.1159/000339456

Wilkinson, L., Teo, J. T., Obeso, I., Rothwell, J. C., & Jahanshahi, M. (2009). The

contribution of primary motor cortex is essential for probabilistic implicit sequence

learning: Evidence from theta burst magnetic stimulation. Journal of Cognitive

Neuroscience, 22(3), 427-436. doi: 10.1162/jocn.2009.21208

Willingham, D. B., & Koroshetz, W. J. (1993). Evidence for dissociable motor skills in

Huntington's disease patients. Psychobiology, 21(3), 173-182. doi:

10.3758/BF03327132

Willingham, D. B., Salidis, J., & Gabrieli, J. D. E. (2002). Direct comparison of neural

systems mediating conscious and unconscious skill learning. Journal of

Neurophysiology, 88, 1451-1460.

Wilson, P. H., Maruff, P., & Lum, J. A. G. (2003). Procedural learning in children with

developmental coordination disorder. Human Movement Science, 22(4-5), 515-526.

doi: 10.1016/j.humov.2003.09.007

Wilson, P. H., Ruddock, S., Smits-Engelsman, B., Polatajko, H., & Blank, R. (2013).

Understanding performance deficits in developmental coordination disorder: a meta-

analysis of recent research. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 55(3),

217-228. doi: 10.1111/j.1469-8749.2012.04436.x

Worbe, Y., Marrakchi-Kacem, L., Lecomte, S., Valabregue, R., Poupon, F., Guevara, P., . . .

Poupon, C. (2015). Altered structural connectivity of cortico-striato-pallido-thalamic

networks in Gilles de la Tourette syndrome. Brain, 138, 472-482. doi:

10.1093/brain/awu311

Yoon, J. H., Minzenberg, M. J., Raouf, S., D'Esposito, M., & Carter, C. S. (2013). Impaired

prefrontal-basal ganglia functional connectivity and substantia nigra hyperactivity in

Page 118: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

111  

schizophrenia. Biological Psychiatry, 74(2), 122-129. doi:

10.1016/j.biopsych.2012.11.018

Zwicker, J. G., Missiuna, C., Harris, S. R., & Boyd, L. A. (2011). Brain activation associated

with motor skill practice in children with developmental coordination disorder: an

fMRI study. International Journal of Developmental Neuroscience, 29(2), 145-152.

doi: 10.1016/j.ijdevneu.2010.12.002

Page 119: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

112  

 

Supplementary Material

Supplementary Material 1 - Search syntax.

Search strategy for PsycInfo, Medline, Cinahl, and ERIC

S1 (TI Implicit Memory) OR (TI Implicit Learning) OR (TI serial reaction) OR (TI serial learn*) OR (TI sequence N5 learning) OR (TI implicit N5 sequence) OR (TI implicit learn*) OR (TI implicit N5 visuo-spatial) OR (TI implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (TI procedural learn*) OR (TI procedural mem*) OR (TI srt) OR (TI srtt) OR (TI motor skill learning) OR (TI statistical learning) OR (AB Implicit Memory) OR (AB Implicit Learning) OR (AB serial reaction) OR (AB serial learn*) OR (AB sequence N5 learning) OR (AB implicit N5 sequence) OR (AB implicit learn*) OR (AB implicit N5 visuo-spatial) OR (AB implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (AB procedural learn*) OR (AB procedural mem*) OR (AB srt) OR (AB srtt) OR (AB motor skill learning) OR (AB statistical learning)

S2 (TI meta-analys*) OR (TI metaanalys*) OR (TI meta analys*) OR (TI quantitative review*) OR (TI systematic review*) OR (AB meta-analysis) OR (AB metaanalysis) OR (AB meta analysis) OR (AB quantitative review*) OR (AB systematic review*)

S3 S1 AND S2

Page 120: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

113  

Search strategy for PubMed

S1 (implicit memory[TIAB]) OR (implicit learning[TIAB]) OR (serial reaction[TIAB]) OR (serial learn*[TIAB]) OR (sequence[TIAB] AND

learning[TIAB]) OR (implicit [TIAB] AND sequence[TIAB]) OR (implicit learn*[TIAB]) OR (implicit[TIAB]) AND (visuo?spatial[TIAB]) OR (implicit[TIAB]) AND (visuospatial[TIAB]) OR (procedural learn*[TIAB]) OR (procedural mem*[TIAB]) OR (srt[TIAB]) OR (srtt[TIAB]) OR

(motor skill learning[TIAB]) OR (statistical learning[TIAB])

S2 (meta?analys*[TIAB]) OR (metaanalys*[TIAB]) OR (quantitative review*[TIAB]) OR (meta?analysis[TIAB]) OR (metaanalysis[TIAB]) OR

(quantitative review*[TIAB]) OR (systematic?review*[TIAB])

S3 S1 AND S2

Page 121: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

114  

Supplementary Material - Calculations for first-order meta-analyses.

One meta-analysis (Wilson, Ruddock, Smits-Engelsman, Polatajko, & Blank, 2013) did not provide separate effect sizes and confidence intervals for each study. Thus, it was necessary to extract this data from the original studies and to perform the first-order meta-analysis.

Note that the procedures here are the same as used for every meta-analysis included in the second-order meta-analysis.

Two studies using the SRTT were identified from Wilson et al. (2013):

Wilson, Maruff, and Lum (2003)

Gheysen, Van Waelvelde, and Fias (2011).

The effect size for a Group (DCD, Control) X Block (reaction time for Random block, reaction time for preceding Sequence block) were calculated. Cohen’s d was calculated and then converted to Hedges’ g. The general calculations for Cohen’s d and its variance are below (all equations are taken from Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, and Rothstein (2011):

 

 

 

 

 

1 3

4 1 

 

 

 

 

Where: 

Page 122: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

115  

 

 

= Mean difference in reaction times between final random block and preceding sequence block

SDpooled within = Within-group SD of the difference between the final random block and preceding sequence block, pooled across the study and control groups.

The result of each study was depicted using one effect size, that quantified the comparison between study and control groups on the difference in reaction time between the random block and preceding sequence block.

For Wilson et al. (2003) the data extracted was the t-value (t = 1.780) associated with an independent measures t-test (comparing the groups on the size of the response time difference between the Random and Sequence blocks). Sample sizes (DCD group = 10, control group = 10) were also extracted.

For Gheysen et al. (2011) the data extracted was the F-value (F = 9.210) for the Group X Block interaction. Sample sizes (DCD group = 18, control group = 20) were also extracted.

Conversion to Hedges’ g was undertaken using Comprehensive Meta-Analysis Software (Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2005), according to the equations provided above.

The summary effect size (M*) was calculated using a random effects model according to the equation below.

 

∗ ∑ ∗

∑ ∗  

 

∗ 1∗  

Page 123: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

116  

 

∗  

 

 

 

∑ 

 

df = k – 1 (where k is number of studies) 

 

∑∑

 

 

Y is the notation given for the Hedges’ g value from above.

VY (i.e., without the asterisk) is the Var(g) from above.

Similarly, W (without the asterisk) is the inverse variance (1/VY)

The variance of the summary effect (M*) is estimated as:

∗ 1

∑ ∗ 

 

And the standard error of the summary effect is the square root of the variance.

Page 124: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

117  

Applying the equations to the DCD-SRTT studies results in the following:

Y  V  W  C  Q  df  T2  V*  W*  M*  VM*  SEM* 

Wilson et 

al. (2003) 

0.762  0.198  5.051  0.198  5.051  

   

Gheysen et 

al. (2011) 

0.965  0.113  8.850  0.113  8.850  

(Sum)  

13.900  13.900  

6.431 0.133  1  0  0.891  0.072  0.268

 

Note that T2 is set to 0 when the value is less than 0 (as was the case here). The T2 value is the between-studies variance.

Note that the value for M* and its variance were then used in the second-order meta-analysis. It is these values that appear in the forest plot.

References

Borenstein, M., Hedges, L. V., Higgins, J. P. T., & Rothstein, H. R. (2005). Comprehensive

meta-analysis (Version 2). Englewood, NJ: Biostat.

Borenstein, M., Hedges, L. V., Higgins, J. P. T., & Rothstein, H. R. (2011). Introduction to

meta-analysis: Wiley. com.

Gheysen, F., Van Waelvelde, H., & Fias, W. (2011). Impaired visuo-motor sequence learning

in Developmental Coordination Disorder. Research in Developmental Disabilities,

32(2), 749-756. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2010.11.005

Wilson, P. H., Maruff, P., & Lum, J. A. G. (2003). Procedural learning in children with

developmental coordination disorder. Human Movement Science, 22(4-5), 515-526.

doi: 10.1016/j.humov.2003.09.007

Wilson, P. H., Ruddock, S., Smits-Engelsman, B., Polatajko, H., & Blank, R. (2013).

Understanding performance deficits in developmental coordination disorder: a meta-

Page 125: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

118  

analysis of recent research. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 55(3),

217-228. doi: 10.1111/j.1469-8749.2012.04436.x

Supplementary Material - Details of calculations used to estimate second-order I2

Equations taken from Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, and Rothstein (2011), with adjustments made to apply to second-order meta-analysis. All calculations were undertaken using Comprehensive Meta-Analysis Software (Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2005).

 

100 

 

Where

  ∑ ∑

∑ 

 

W = inverse of meta-analysis variance

Y = meta-analysis summary effect

df = k – 1

k = number of meta-analyses

The table below shows values used to calculate the I2 statistic, when including all six meta-analyses.

Study  Y  Variance  W  WY2  WY  df  Q  I2 

ASD (Obeid et al., 

2016) 

‐0.16  0.03  30.52  0.77  ‐4.85  5.00  15.09  66.86 

DCD (Wilson et 

al., 2013) 

0.89  0.07  13.82  10.97  12.31 

Dyslexia (Lum et 

al., 2013) 

0.44  0.02  66.10  12.80  29.08 

Page 126: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

119  

Parkinson's (Clark 

et al., 2014) 

0.53  0.01  89.00  25.19  47.35 

Schizophrenia 

(Siegert et al., 

2008) 

0.52  0.01  85.73  23.45  44.84 

SLI (Obeid et al., 

2016) 

0.43  0.02  61.04  11.39  26.37 

(Sum)  

346.21  84.57  155.10 

 

References

Borenstein, M., Hedges, L. V., Higgins, J. P. T., & Rothstein, H. R. (2005). Comprehensive

meta-analysis (Version 2). Englewood, NJ: Biostat.

Borenstein, M., Hedges, L. V., Higgins, J. P. T., & Rothstein, H. R. (2011). Introduction to

meta-analysis: Wiley. com.

Clark, G. M., Lum, J. A. G., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). A meta-analysis and meta-regression

of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease. Neuropsychology,

28(6), 945-958. doi: 10.1037/neu0000121

Lum, J. A. G., Ullman, M. T., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2013). Procedural learning is impaired

in dyslexia: evidence from a meta-analysis of serial reaction time studies. Research in

Developmental Disabilities, 34(10), 3460-3476. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2013.07.017

Obeid, R., Brooks, P. J., Powers, K. L., Gillespie-Lynch, K., & Lum, J. A. G. (2016).

Statistical learning in specific language impairment and autism spectrum disorder: A

meta-analysis. Frontiers in Psychology, 7. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01245

Siegert, R. J., Weatherall, M., & Bell, E. M. (2008). Is implicit sequence learning impaired in

schizophrenia? A meta-analysis. Brain and Cognition, 67(3), 351-359. doi:

10.1016/j.bandc.2008.02.005

Page 127: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

120  

Wilson, P. H., Ruddock, S., Smits-Engelsman, B., Polatajko, H., & Blank, R. (2013).

Understanding performance deficits in developmental coordination disorder: a meta-

analysis of recent research. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 55(3),

217-228. doi: 10.1111/j.1469-8749.2012.04436.x

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Page 128: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

121  

Chapter 6

Study 3: The Influence of Sequence Structure on SRTT Performance in SLI

The study presented in this chapter tested the hypothesis outlined in Chapter 4 that in

SLI, implicit learning of first order conditional (FOC), but not higher order sequences, should

be impaired. According to the PDH (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005), it is only the learning and

memory of information for information that relies on cortico-striatal structures that should be

impaired in SLI. In Chapter 4, it was suggested that learning FOC sequences most likely rely

on this network and should therefore should be impaired in SLI. However, learning of higher

order sequences (such as SOC sequences) appears to rely on other networks in the brain and

should be intact or less affected in this SLI. This study tested this claim.

The manuscript presented in this chapter is the post-publication version, except that

table and figure numbers have been altered to improve flow within the thesis. ©American

Psychological Association, 2017. This paper is not the copy of record and may not exactly

replicate the authoritative document published in the APA journal. Please do not copy or cite

without author's permission. The final article is available, at

http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/neu0000316.

Page 129: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

122  

AUTHORSHIP STATEMENT 

1.  Details of publication and executive author 

Title of Publication  Publication details 

First-order and higher order sequence learning in specific language impairment 

Clark, G. M., & Lum, J. A. G. (2017). First-order and higher order sequence learning in specific language impairment. Neuropsychology, 34(2), 149-159. doi: 10.1037/neu0000316

Name of executive author School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin; Organisation and address if non‐Deakin 

Email or phone 

Gillian Clark  School of Psychology, Deakin University 

[email protected] 

2.  Inclusion of publication in a thesis 

Is it intended to include this publication in a higher degree by research (HDR) thesis? 

Yes  

If Yes, please complete Section 3If No, go straight to Section 4. 

3.  HDR thesis author’s declaration 

Name of HDR thesis author if different from above. (If the same, write “as above”) 

School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin 

Thesis title 

 As above 

School of Psychology The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language impairment: An investigation using the serial reaction time task 

If there are multiple authors, give a full description of HDR thesis author’s contribution to the publication (for example, how much did you contribute to the conception of the project, the design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Conceptualised the study, designed the methodology, collected the data, ran the analyses, drafted the manuscript   

I declare that the above is an accurate description of my contribution to this paper, and the contributions of other authors are as described below. 

Signature and date 

 04/07/2017 

4.  Description of all author contributions 

Name and affiliation of author   Contribution(s) (for example,  conception of the project, design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Jarrad Lum, Deakin University   

Thesis supervisor ‐ Involved in study design and development, advised on recruitment methods, assisted with analyses, revised manuscript. 

  

 

Page 130: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

123  

5.  Author Declarations 

I agree to be named as one of the authors of this work, and confirm:  vi. that I have met the authorship criteria set out in the Deakin University Research Conduct Policy, vii. that there are no other authors according to these criteria, viii. that the description in Section 4 of my contribution(s) to this publication is accurate,  ix. that the data on which these findings are based are stored as set out in Section 7 below. 

If this work is to form part of an HDR thesis as described in Sections 2 and 3, I further  

x. consent to the incorporation of the publication into the candidate’s HDR thesis submitted to Deakin University and, if the higher degree is awarded, the subsequent publication of the thesis by the university (subject to relevant Copyright provisions).   

 

Name of author  Signature* Date 

Jarrad Lum   

04/07/2017 

6.  Other contributor declarations 

I agree to be named as a non‐author contributor to this work. 

Name and affiliation of contributor  Contribution Signature* and date

N/A  

 

* If an author or contributor is unavailable or otherwise unable to sign the statement of authorship, the Head of Academic Unit may sign on their behalf, noting the reason for their unavailability, provided there is no evidence to suggest that the person would object to being named as author 

7.  Data storage 

The original data for this project are stored in the following locations. (The locations must be within an appropriate institutional setting. If the executive author is a Deakin staff member and data are stored outside Deakin University, permission for this must be given by the Head of Academic Unit within which the executive author is based.) 

Data format  Storage Location Date lodged Name of custodian if other than the executive author 

Hardcopy forms  Locked cabinet at Deakin University, Burwood 

01/01/2016 Jarrad Lum 

Electronic data  Password‐protected folder in Research Data Storage on the Deakin server  

01/01/2016  

This form must be retained by the executive author, within the school or institute in which they are based. 

If the publication is to be included as part of an HDR thesis, a copy of this form must be included in the thesis with the publication. 

Page 131: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

124  

RUNNING HEAD: First-order and higher-order sequence learning in SLI

First-order and higher-order sequence learning in specific language impairment

Gillian M. Clark and Jarrad A. G. Lum

Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin University, Australia

Author Note

Gillian M. Clark, Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin

University; Jarrad A. G. Lum, Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin

University.

The authors thank Scott Ruddock for his assistance with data collection, and Gery

Karantzas for his statistical advice.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Gillian Clark,

Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin University, 221 Burwood

Highway, Burwood, Victoria, Australia, 3121.

Email: [email protected]  

Page 132: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

125  

Abstract

Objective: A core claim of the Procedural Deficit Hypothesis of specific language

impairment (SLI) is that the disorder is associated with poor implicit sequence learning. This

study investigated whether implicit sequence learning problems in SLI are present for first-

order conditional (FOC) and higher-order conditional (HOC) sequences. Method: Twenty-

five children with SLI and 27 age-matched, non-language impaired children completed two

serial reaction time tasks. On one version, the sequence to be implicitly learnt comprised a

FOC sequence and on the other a HOC sequence. Results: Results showed that the SLI

group learnt the HOC sequence (partial η2 = .285, p = .005), but not FOC sequence (partial

η2 = .099, p = .118). The control group learned both sequences (FOC partial η2 = .497, HOC

partial η2 = .465, ps < .001). Conclusions: The SLI group’s difficulty learning the FOC

sequence is consistent with the Procedural Deficit Hypothesis. However, the study provides

new evidence that multiple mechanisms may underpin the learning of FOC and HOC

sequences.

Keywords: Specific language impairment; implicit sequence learning; serial reaction time

task; procedural memory

Page 133: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

126  

First-order and higher-order sequence learning in specific language impairment

Specific language impairment (SLI) is a neurodevelopmental disorder characterized

by varying degrees of difficulty associated with the production and comprehension of

language (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013; World Health Organization,

1992). The language problems in this group occur even though there are no sensory or

intellectual impairments, and the child’s environment is conducive to language development

(APA, 2013; Leonard, 2014). In recent times studies have demonstrated implicit sequence

learning deficits in SLI (e.g., Hsu & Bishop, 2014; Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014; Lum, Conti-

Ramsden, Page, & Ullman, 2012), which may be related to the grammatical difficulties in

this group (e.g., Lum et al., 2012; Tomblin, Mainela-Arnold, & Zhang, 2007).

Implicit Sequence Learning and the Procedural Deficit Hypothesis

The idea that implicit sequence learning problems might be present in SLI was

proposed by Ullman and Pierpont (2005). The claim forwarded was that the language and

non-linguistic problems, such as motor difficulties, were caused by cortico-striatal

dysfunction arising from abnormalities of the basal ganglia and/or regions of the prefrontal

cortex, especially Broca’s area. It was further hypothesized that not all neural networks are

compromised in SLI. In particular, structures that comprise the medial temporal lobes such

as the hippocampus and parahippocampal regions are argued to be spared. This profile is

proposed to lead to a dissociation in memory functioning, whereby the basal ganglia

supported procedural memory is impaired, and medial temporal lobe supported declarative

memory is intact (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005; Ullman & Pullman, 2015).

Procedural memory underlies the acquisition, storage, and retrieval of motor and

cognitive skills (Gabrieli, 1998). The system is suited to encoding information that is

inherently statistical, sequential, or rule-like in structure (Packard & Knowlton, 2002; Squire

& Zola, 1996). Learning via this system is usually gradual and requires repeated exposure to

Page 134: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

127  

information before storage occurs (Squire, 2004). Ullman and Pierpont (2005) proposed

that in SLI, poor procedural memory leads to the difficulties with the learning and use of

grammar. Also, other skills that rely on the procedural memory system, such as implicit

sequence learning of non-verbal information (Grafton, Hazeltine, & Ivry, 1995) are also

likely to be impaired.

The Serial Reaction Time Task

Implicit sequence learning in SLI has been tested using the Serial Reaction Time Task

(SRTT; Nissen & Bullemer, 1987). There is particular interest in the performance of children

with SLI on SRTTs. This is because the task has long been shown to be dependent on the

procedural memory system (e.g., Nissen & Bullemer, 1987; Rauch et al., 1997; Reiss et al.,

2005; Willingham, Nissen, & Bullemer, 1989). Additionally, lower levels of implicit

sequence learning on the task is observed following striatal (Clark, Lum, & Ullman, 2014;

Knopman & Nissen, 1991) or prefrontal (Pascual-Leone, Wassermann, Grafman, & Hallett,

1996; Siegert, Weatherall, & Bell, 2008) dysfunction. On the SRTT a visual stimulus

repeatedly appears in one of four positions on a computer display. Participants are instructed

to press one of four buttons on a response box that corresponds to the stimulus’ location on

the display. Unknown to participants, on some blocks of trials the order in which the

stimulus appears follows a predetermined sequence. However, on control blocks of trials the

stimulus appears in random positions. Reaction times (RTs) that measure how long it takes

the participant to press the button after stimulus onset are the main dependent variable of

interest on the task.

In non-clinical paediatric and adult groups RTs decrease (i.e., become faster) across

blocks comprising sequenced trial presentations. However, when the block of random trials

is presented RTs increase (Nissen & Bullemer, 1987). This increase in RTs (i.e., responses

become slower) is argued to occur because knowledge about the sequence has been obtained,

Page 135: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

128  

but can no longer used to anticipate the stimulus’ location (Robertson, 2007). Subsequently,

responses need to be adjusted and more time is required to press the correct response button.

For implicit versions of the SRTT, learning is incidental because no indication is given to

participants that the location of the stimulus follows a sequence or pattern. Furthermore,

even when participants are informed that there was a recurring sequence, they often cannot

replicate or recognise it (Destrebecqz & Cleeremans, 2001). If no information about the

sequence had been obtained, the expectation would be for RTs to continue to decrease or

reach asymptote as participants become proficient pressing buttons in response to a visual

stimulus. This result has been observed in individuals with basal ganglia pathology. In these

groups little or no change in RT is observed between sequence and random trial presentations

(Clark et al., 2014; Kim et al., 2004; Knopman & Nissen, 1991). These findings provide one

line of evidence linking the basal ganglia to the learning and memory functions of the

procedural memory system, and implicit sequence learning. 

Because implicit sequence learning on the SRTT is supported by the basal ganglia and

procedural memory system, Ullman and Pierpont (2005) predicted that children with SLI

would perform more poorly on the task compared to non-language impaired controls. In

some studies this has indeed been the case (e.g., Hsu & Bishop, 2014; Lukacs & Kemeny,

2014; Lum et al., 2012; Lum, Gelgic, & Conti-Ramsden, 2010). For instance, Lum et al.

(2012) administered the SRTT to children with and without SLI. In this study the RT

increase from sequence to random blocks was significantly smaller in the SLI group

compared to controls. More recently, a meta-analysis summarising the SRTT-SLI literature

revealed that overall, individuals with SLI perform significantly more poorly on the SRTT

than controls (Lum, Conti-Ramsden, Morgan, & Ullman, 2014). There is also evidence

potentially indicating differences in the pattern of implicit learning on the SRTT between

individuals with and without SLI. Tomblin et al. (2007) and Hsu and Bishop (2014) found

Page 136: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

129  

that the rate RTs decreased across the blocks comprising sequenced presentations was faster

for the TD group than the SLI group. In accounting for this finding Tomblin et al. suggested

that sequence learning might be slower in SLI.

However, poor implicit sequence learning in SLI has not been universally observed.

Close inspection of Lum et al.’s (2014) meta-analysis reveals that six out of eight studies did

not observe significant differences between SLI and control groups. A series of studies by

Gabriel and colleagues (Gabriel, Maillart, Guillaume, Stefaniak, & Meulemans, 2011;

Gabriel, Meulemans, Parisse, & Maillart, 2014; Gabriel, Stefaniak, Maillart, Schmitz, &

Meulemans, 2012) found intact sequence learning in children with SLI. In these studies

implicit sequence learning was investigated in both the visuo-spatial and auditory domains

(Gabriel et al., 2014) and using a response method that places fewer demands on fine motor

skills (Gabriel et al., 2012). In each of these studies the increase in RTs from sequence to

random blocks was comparable between SLI and control groups. One suggestion forwarded

by this group is that the complexity of the sequences may account for some discrepancies in

findings (Gabriel et al., 2013).

Implicit Learning of First and Higher Order Sequences

One aspect of the SRTT that may lead to discrepant findings in the SLI literature is

the statistical structure of the sequence presented to participants. Within the SRTT literature

sequences have been classified as either first-order conditional (FOC), second or higher-order

conditional (HOC) sequences (Cohen, Ivry, & Keele, 1990; Curran, 1997; Reed & Johnson,

1994). In a FOC sequence each element in the sequence predicts the following element with

varying degrees of probability. For example, in the sequence 4-2-4-3-1-2-3-1-4-2, the

occurrence of a 4 predicts a 2 (66% probability) or a 3 (33% probability) and never a 1 (0%

probability). Similarly, the occurrence of a 3 predicts a 1 with 100% probability. In the case

of second and higher-order conditional sequences, the probability of all pairwise or first-order

Page 137: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

130  

transitions is equal, and so all pairwise transitions can be considered ‘ambiguous’ (Cohen,

Ivry, & Keele, 1990). That is, the occurrence of one position does not provide unique

information about the subsequent position. For example, in the sequence 1-3-4-2-3-1-4-3-2-

4-1-2, the occurrence of a 1 predicts a 2, 3, or 4 with equal probability (i.e., 33% probability

each). In second- and higher-order conditional sequences each position in the sequence is

predicted by at least two preceding positions.

While it is known that performance on the SRTT in general relies on the cortico-

striatal system (Clark et al., 2014; Grafton et al., 1995; Rauch et al., 1997), it has been

suggested that learning HOC sequences relies on different or additional cognitive processes

and neurological structures compared to those required to process FOC sequences (Cohen et

al., 1990; Keele, Ivry, Mayr, Hazeltine, & Heuer, 2003; Poldrack & Rodriguez, 2003).

Cohen et al. (1990) proposed that learning a FOC sequence requires a mechanism capable of

learning relationships between adjacent items. The same mechanism would struggle to learn

HOC sequences because pairwise transitions do not provide any unique information about the

sequence. To learn HOC sequences the suggestion is that hierarchical encoding, involving

short-term memory is required to represent local pairwise transitions in the context of a larger

‘set’.

Another proposal implicating distinct mechanisms in the processing of FOC and HOC

sequences was forwarded by Keele et al. (2003). This model posits the existence of

‘unidimensional’ and ‘multidimensional’ sequence learning mechanisms. The basal ganglia

contributes to sequence learning via either mechanism, but other structures differ depending

on which mechanism is engaged. The unidimensional mechanism is claimed to be supported

by structures comprising a dorsal pathway (including parietal cortex, supplementary motor

cortex and primary motor cortex). In contrast, the multidimensional mechanism is supported

Page 138: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

131  

by a ventral pathway (including inferior and medial temporal cortices, prefrontal cortex, and

lateral premotor cortex). The dorsal pathway is suited to learning simple, predictable series

of events. The ventral pathway, but not the dorsal pathway, is able to learn associations that

are ambiguous or temporally remote. Thus, while the dorsal pathway can learn FOC

sequences, the ventral pathway is required to learn the associations of HOC sequences.

Another proposal is that the medial temporal lobes are required to learn HOC

sequences (Poldrack & Rodriguez, 2003; Schendan, Searl, Melrose, & Stern, 2003). Similar

to Keele et al. (2003), it is acknowledged that the medial temporal lobe activation for HOC

sequences is in addition to the involvement of the basal ganglia. Poldrack and Rodriguez

(2003) proposed that learning HOC sequences requires the associative learning mechanisms

of the medial temporal lobes to associate one element in the sequence within the context of

the previous two elements. The hippocampus is known to undertake contextual, associative

learning (Eichenbaum, Sauvage, Fortin, Komorowski, & Lipton, 2012; Wallenstein,

Eichenbaum, & Hasselmo, 1998) which might be necessary for learning statistical structures,

especially the arbitrary pairwise transitions that are inherent to HOC sequences.

To our knowledge no neuroimaging studies have directly tested neurological networks

involved in the learning of FOC and HOC sequences. However, at the behavioral level,

research suggests there might be at least partially separate mechanisms involved in learning

the two types of sequence. In non-clinical groups, the size of the RT difference between

blocks of sequenced and random trials has been found to be larger for FOC than HOC

sequences (Deroost, Kerckhofs, Coene, Wijnants, & Soetens, 2006; Deroost & Soetens,

2006; Kelly, Jahanshahi, & Dirnberger, 2004; Soetens, Melis, & Notebaert, 2004).

Interestingly, evidence has been presented suggesting that individuals with Parkinson’s

disease show the opposite pattern. These individuals appear to show better learning for HOC

Page 139: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

132  

compared to FOC sequences (Deroost et al., 2006; Smith & McDowall, 2004). Given that

Parkinson’s disease is characterized by degeneration of the striatum and basal ganglia (Lang

& Lozano, 1998), HOC sequences may rely on neural structures outside of the basal ganglia

network. It should be noted, however, that general cognitive functioning may also play a role

in whether individuals with Parkinson’s disease are able to learn either sequence (Deroost et

al., 2006).

In summary, evidence has been presented showing implicit learning and memory for

FOC sequences is supported by the procedural memory system (Clark et al., 2014; Hardwick,

Rottschy, Miall, & Eickhoff, 2013). But it seems that processing of HOC sequences may

require a different or additional network used to learn FOC sequences (Keele et al., 2003;

Poldrack & Rodriguez, 2003; Schendan et al., 2003). In the case of SLI, the possibility that

different networks are involved in the processing of FOC and HOC sequences, might mean

implicit sequence learning is not universally impaired in this disorder. Poldrack and

Rodriguez’ (2003) proposal that learning HOC sequences requires support from the

hippocampal associative learning mechanisms is of particular relevance for understanding

implicit sequence learning in SLI. Learning via the declarative memory system is intact in

SLI, especially for non-verbal information (see Lum & Conti-Ramsden, 2013). For example,

for tasks involving associating an abstract shape with a spatial location, it has been shown

that groups with SLI perform equally as well as their TD peers (e.g., Bavin, Wilson, Maruff,

& Sleeman, 2005). Thus it might be expected that children with SLI are more proficient at

learning HOC sequences than FOC sequences.

Aims and Hypothesis

The aim of this study was to investigate the implicit learning of FOC and HOC

sequences in children with SLI and a control group comprising typically developing non-

language impaired (TD) children. In this study children were presented with two SRTTs. On

Page 140: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

133  

one task the sequence comprised a FOC sequence and in the other a HOC sequence. Two

hypotheses were forwarded in this study on the basis that FOC sequences are processed by

the basal ganglia supported procedural memory system and HOC rely on additional networks.

First, the SLI group would show poorer implicit learning of a FOC sequence compared to a

control group. Second, implicit learning of a HOC sequence would be comparable between

SLI and TD groups.

Method

Participants

Twenty-seven children with SLI (16 males, 11 females), and 27 typically developing

(TD) children (16 males, 11 females) participated in the study. However, two children with

SLI failed to complete the assessment battery and their data was excluded from all analyses

(see Summary of Dependent Variables section for details). The groups were matched on age

(ages ranged from 7-12 years) and non-verbal reasoning skills (see below). Informed written

consent was given by the children’s parents prior to participating in the study.

Identification of children with and without SLI. Language skills were assessed

using the Core Language (CLS) subtests of the Clinical Evaluation of Language

Fundamentals – Fourth Edition: Australian Standardisation (CELF-4: Australian; Semel,

Wiig, & Secord, 2006). The CELF-4 is a standardized language test suitable for children

aged between 5 and 16 years. The CLS summarizes performance across four subtests and

provides an overall estimate of children’s expressive and receptive language skills.

Performance on the CLS is described as a standardized score which has a mean of 100 and

standard deviation of 15. A score of 85 or less (i.e., language skills 1SD or more below the

normative mean) has been shown to have a high level of diagnostic accuracy in an Australian

sample (sensitivity = .83, specificity = .90; Semel et al., 2006). All TD children obtained a

CLS between 91 and 113. Thus their language scores were in the average range.

Page 141: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

134  

Table 1. Summary Statistics showing Age and Scores from Language and Non-Verbal IQ Standardised Tests.

Mean SD Range Mean SD Range t p Cohen's dAge (months) 117.75 20.41 92.10-151.07 116.36 16.73 97.5-148.10 -0.27 0.790 -0.07

CLS 74.74 5.5 63-82 100.52 6.29 91-113 15.56 <.001 4.36Non-verbal

Reasoninga 103.84 7.31 94-119 105.30 6.31 95-122 0.77 0.444 0.21

Variable SLI (n =25b) TD (n =27) Comparison

aMeasured by either the Matrix Reasoning subtest of the Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence, or by Raven's Coloured

Progressive Matrices. bTwo children from the SLI group were excluded from all analyses due to their performance on the SRTTs. See

Data Analysis section for details. CLS = Core Language Score

Non-verbal intelligence was assessed using either the Matrix Reasoning subtest of the

Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence (WASI; Wechsler, 1999) or the Raven’s

Coloured Progressive Matrices (RCPM; Raven, 1998). Scores on both of these measures

were transformed to standardized scores with a mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15.

All children obtained a standardized non-verbal intelligence score between 94 and 122.

Table 6.1 presents summary statistics and results of analyses comparing the two

groups on the CLS, non-verbal reasoning score, and age. Analyses reported in Table 6.1

show significant differences only on the language scores, but not on the non-verbal

intelligence scores or age.

Materials

Serial reaction time task (SRTT). Implicit sequence learning was examined using a

version of the SRTT (Nissen & Bullemer, 1987). Responses were collected using four

horizontally adjacent buttons on a computer keyboard number pad. To administer the task

children were first seated in front of the computer screen, so that their eyes were

approximately 650 mm from the screen. The SRTT was presented to children as a game in

which they needed to ‘swat’ flies. The visual stimulus was a cartoon picture of a fly that was

presented on the background of a colored shape (see the Supplemental Material for examples

of the stimuli). There were 17 variations of the background colored shape (e.g., pink square,

Page 142: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

135  

green triangle, blue star). For each presentation within a group of 10 trials, the colored shape

was selected randomly without replacement. Thus within each set of 10 trials, the order and

location of each stimulus picture was different. Each visual stimulus subtended

approximately 7° X 7° of visual angle. Children were instructed that the visual stimulus or

‘fly’ would repeatedly appear in one of four horizontally arranged locations on the screen. It

was explained that the task was to swat the fly by pressing one of the four horizontally

arranged buttons that corresponded to the location of the stimulus. To familiarize children

with the task, they were initially given 10 practice trials, where all four positions were

demonstrated.

Once children understood the task test trials were presented. Each test trial

commenced with a blank gray screen that appeared for 400 ms. The visual stimulus, which

was a fly, then appeared. If children pressed the button on the response pad that matched the

location of the visual stimulus, feedback was provided in the form of a ‘squashed’ fly picture

appearing on the screen. If the incorrect button was pressed, the feedback provided was a red

border that appeared around the stimulus (see the Supplemental Material for examples of the

task layout). In both cases feedback was provided for 150 ms. We included this feedback

with the aim of keeping the children motivated throughout the task. However, it should be

noted that feedback of this nature is not usually provided during the SRTT. Feedback during

non-declarative learning tasks has been shown to increase activation in the cortico-striatal

system (e.g., Shohamy et al., 2004).

The test trials were grouped into five blocks, each comprising 60 stimulus

presentations. Unknown to participants, presentation of the stimulus on Blocks 1, 2, 3, and 5

followed a 10-item sequence that was presented six items. On Block 4, hereafter referred to

as the ‘Random Block’ the presentation of the stimulus was presented in pseudorandom

Page 143: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

136  

order. On this block the stimulus appeared in each spatial location with equal frequency as

on the Sequence Blocks. Also, the frequency of each pairwise transition between stimulus

presentations in the Random Block was the same as those in the Sequence Blocks. This

controlled for the possibility that potential differences between sequence and random blocks

of trials reflected knowledge only about the relative frequencies of each position or pairwise

transitions (Jackson, Jackson, Harrison, Henderson, & Kennard, 1995; Reed & Johnson,

1994). Following methodologies used previously in both adult (e.g., Cohen et al., 1990;

Curran & Keele, 1993; Deroost et al., 2006) and paediatric (e.g., Deroost et al., 2010;

Jimenez-Fernandez, Vaquero, Jimenez, & Defior, 2011) populations, the final Sequence

Block (Block 5) was included to ensure that any RT increase to the Random Block was not

due simply to fatigue.

At the end of each block of trials feedback was provided. This consisted of a message

that appeared on the computer display indicating the number of flies that were “swatted”. To

maintain children’s interest in the task, at the end of Block 1 and Block 5 pseudo-feedback

was provided in the form of a picture showing their response speed on a scale of animals

ordered from slow (a snail) to fast (a cheetah). All children received identical pseudo-

feedback regarding their speed. E-Prime 2.0 software (Schneider, Eschman, & Zuccoloto,

2007) was used to present the stimuli.

The children completed two SRTTs that were presented on different days (see

Procedure). On one SRTT a FOC sequence was used. Labelling the left most box that the

visual stimulus could appear on the screen as ‘1’ and the right most position as ‘4’, the

sequence was 3-4-1-2-4-1-3-4-2-1. In this sequence, each position is predicted with varying

degrees of probability from the previous position. Specifically, Position 1 predicts Position 2

(33% probability) or Position 3 (66% probability). Position 2 predicts Positions 1 and 4 with

Page 144: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

137  

50% probability each. Position 3 predicts Position 4 with 100% probability, and Position 4

predicts Position 1 (66% probability) and Position 2 (33% probability). The sequence used

on the other SRTT comprised HOC transitions. The HOC sequence was created by swapping

just two adjacent items from the FOC sequence described above. This single change altered

the transitional probabilities of the entire sequence. Using the same numeric labelling

method to describe the previous sequence, the position the visual stimulus appeared for the

HOC sequence was 4-3-1-2-4-1-3-4-2-1. In this sequence, the presence of one position does

not give unique information about the location of the next stimulus. Specifically, Position 1

is followed by Positions 2, 3, and 4 with equal probability (33% probability each). Position 4

also predicts Positions 1, 2, and 3 with 33% probability each. Position 2 predicts Position 4

or 1 with 50% probability each, and Position 3 predicts Position 1 (50% probability) and

Position 4 (50% probability). It should be noted that the occurrence of Position 2 or Position

3 may also be conceptualized as giving some information about the following position. That

is, while Position 2 may be followed by Position 4 or 1 with equal probability, it provides the

information that the next stimulus will not be in Position 3. However, in this sequence the

two elements of every pairwise transition predict the following element. For example, the

pairwise transition of Position 4 to Position 3 in turn predicts Position 1. Similarly, the

transition of Position 2 to Position 1 in turn predicts Position 4.

The FOC and HOC sequences were matched with respect to sequence length and the

number of times the visual stimulus appeared in each location. It should be noted that given

the length of the HOC sequence it was not possible to make every pairwise transition

ambiguous. Rather, six of the 10 pairwise transitions are ambiguous (i.e., one position in the

sequence predicts the next with 33% probability). The only difference between the FOC and

HOC tasks were the underlying transitional probabilities of the sequences and their respective

Page 145: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

138  

Random Blocks. The Random Block of the two versions of the task were different since they

reflected characteristics of the respective FOC and HOC sequence.

Summary of Dependent Variables

Two dependant variables were obtained from each SRTT; these were accuracy and

reaction times (RTs). Accuracy measured whether the child pressed the corresponding button

on the response pad on each stimulus presentation. The proportion of correct responses,

computed separately for each block, was used in the analyses. RTs measured the time taken,

in milliseconds, to press the response button following stimulus onset. Only RTs associated

with correct button presses were used in the analyses. The data from two children with SLI

were excluded from all analyses. Both of these children were highly distracted during the

SRTTs, resulting in excessively long RTs (e.g., trials up to 30 seconds). Also, for all children

trials in which RTs were 5000 ms or longer were excluded. This resulted in excluding a total

of 12 trials from the SLI data, and 16 trials from the TD data. To control for individual

differences in perceptual-motor responses normalized RTs were used in the analyses (Lukacs

& Kemeny, 2014; Lum et al., 2012; Thomas et al., 2004). For each child the mean z-score

transformed RT, referenced to the median, was computed for each block.

Procedure

The SRTTs along with the language and non-verbal tests were presented individually

to each child in a quiet room at his/her school. Tasks were administered over three to four

sessions, over an average of three months. The two SRTTs were presented during different

sessions, separated by an average of 13 days. In both SLI and TD groups, 17 participants

completed the HOC sequence first, and 10 participants completed the FOC sequence first.

Page 146: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

139  

Block 1 Block 2 Block 3 Block 4 Block 5

Panel B

SLI

TD

‐0.05

0.05

0.15

0.25

0.35

0.45

0.55

0.65

Block 1 Block 2 Block 3 Block 4 Block 5

Mean Norm

alised

 RTs (z‐scores)

Panel A

SLI

TD

Results

Reaction Time Data

The primary dependent variable was RT. Figure 6.1 presents normalized RTs

reported by Group and Block. Panel A in Figure 6.1 presents data from the FOC sequence

and Panel B the HOC sequence. Performance on the SRTT was analysed using two

approaches. First, to examine sequence-specific learning, the RTs of the Random Block (i.e.,

Block 4) were compared to the mean RTs of the surrounding Sequence Blocks (i.e., Blocks 3

& 5). This approach is standard for similar versions of the SRTT. (e.g., Deroost et al., 2010;

Smith & McDowall, 2004; Werheid, Zysset, Müller, Reuter, & von Cramon, 2003). Evidence

that the sequence has been learnt is observed, at the group level, when the RTs on the

Random Block are significantly slower compared to the Sequence Blocks. Second, following

Tomblin et al. (2007) and Hsu and Bishop (2014), analyses examined the pattern of the RT

change across the Sequence Blocks (Blocks 1-3).

Figure 6.1. Mean normalized response times reported by Block and Group for the FOC (Panel A) and HOC (Panel B) tasks. Error bars show standard error.

Sequence Specific Learning. Figure 6.2 shows the mean RT from the Random

Block (Block 4) and the average of the surrounding Sequence Blocks (Blocks 3 & 5) reported

by Group and Sequence Type. A 2 (Group: SLI, TD) X 2 (Sequence Type: FOC, SOC) X 2

(Block: Random Block, Average of Blocks 3 & 5) Mixed Design ANOVA was conducted.

Page 147: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

140  

The Group X Sequence Type X Block Interaction was not significant (p = .509, partial η2 =

.009). However, a noted concern (Howell, 2002) with detecting high level interactions in

ANOVA is the effect of interest can be diluted when group means are equal to each other on

all but one contrast. This occurs as variance is averaged over the degrees of freedom. In this

study differences between SLI and control groups were only expected to differ on one pair of

means, specifically performance on the FOC sequence. In this situation an analysis of simple

main effects is recommended (Howell, 2002; O'Brien, 1983; Wilcox, 1987). In this study,

differences were tested at each level of Group and Sequence Type. For post-hoc tests, p-

values were adjusted using the Holm’s procedure (Holm, 1979) to control for an inflated

Type I error rate arising from multiple comparisons.

The first set of analyses examined data from the FOC sequence. Reaction time data

were submitted to a 2 (Group: SLI, TD) X 2 (Block: Block 4, Average of Blocks 3 & 5)

Mixed Design ANOVA. In this analysis the main effect for Block was significant (F (1, 50)

= 21.206, p < .001, partial η2 = .298), but not Group (F (1, 50) = 2.083, p = .155, partial η2 =

.040). However, a significant Group X Block Interaction, with a medium to large effect size

was observed (F (1, 50) =4.785, p = .033, partial η2 = .087). Post-hoc tests examined within-

group differences between the Random Block (Block 4) and average of surrounding

Sequence Blocks (Blocks 3 & 5). For the TD group this difference was significant (t (26) =

5.064, p = .004, partial η2 = .497) but not for the SLI group (t (24) = 1.622, p = .118, partial

η2 = .099). The presence of the Random Block of trials only influenced RTs of the TD group.

The next set of analyses examined sequence learning of the HOC sequence. Results

from a Mixed Design ANOVA revealed a significant main effect for Block (F (1, 50) =

30.082, p < .001, partial η2 = .376) whereby RTs were longer for the Random Block

compared to surrounding Sequence Blocks. Neither the main effect for Group (F (1, 50) =

Page 148: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

141  

.010, p = .920, partial η2 < .001), nor the interaction between Block and Group was

significant (F (1, 50) = 0.725, p = .399, partial η2 = .014).

This result was observed even when comparing changes in RT between Sequence and

Random Blocks separately for each group. One-way repeated measures ANOVAs revealed

that the mean RT was significantly slower for the Random Block for both the SLI group (t

(24) = 3.091, p = .01, partial η2 = .285) and the TD group (t (26) = 4.753, p = .004, partial η2

= .465). Interestingly, the effect size for the SLI group was found to be smaller compared to

the TD group. Thus even though a reliable difference in RTs between Random and Sequence

Blocks was observed for both groups, the effect size for the analysis was smaller in the SLI

group compared to the TD group.

Finally, an analysis was conducted to directly compare the magnitude of learning

between FOC and HOC sequences. This analysis was undertaken separately for each group.

Repeated Measures ANOVAs were undertaken with Sequence Type (FOC, HOC) and Block

(Random Block, average of Blocks 3 & 5) as repeated-measured variables. A significant

Interaction would indicate that the magnitude of learning was significantly higher for one

sequence than the other. For the SLI group the difference between FOC and HOC sequence

learning was not significant (Sequence Type X Block Interaction: F (1, 24) = 1.619, p = .215,

partial η2 = .063), although the effect size for this comparison was medium in magnitude.

For the TD group, the difference was also non-significant (Sequence Type X Block

Interaction: F (1, 26) = .170, p = .684, partial η2 = .006). Unlike the SLI group, the effect

size associated with this analysis was small in magnitude.

Learning over Sequence Blocks. The next set of analyses examined the pattern of

learning between the two groups and across FOC and HOC sequences. It was not feasible to

undertake latent growth curve modelling or hierarchical linear modelling given the sample

Page 149: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

142  

Figure 6.2. Mean normalized response time difference between Random block (Block 4) and average of surrounding Sequence blocks (Blocks 3 and 5), reported by Sequence Type and Group. Error bars show standard error.

size and number of observed variables. Instead, to determine whether change in RTs over

Blocks 1-3 differed for each group and each sequence, RT data from the first three Sequence

Blocks were submitted to a 2 (Group: SLI, TD) X 2 (Sequence Type: FOC, HOC) X 3

(Block: Block 1, 2, 3) Mixed Design ANOVA. This approach has been used previously to

compare RT changes over sequence blocks between groups (e.g., Deroost et al., 2006;

Gabriel et al., 2012). Results revealed a significant main effect of Group (F (1, 50) = 4.780, p

= .033, partial η2 = .087). The interaction between Group and Sequence Type (F (1, 50) =

.009, p = .926, partial η2 = .001) was not significant. Thus the children with SLI were slower

to respond than the TD group on both FOC and HOC sequences.

Next, planned polynomial contrasts, undertaken in SPSS Version 23, were used to

examine the trends in learning across Blocks 1 – 3 in which the sequence was repeatedly

presented. As there were three separate data points (Block 1, Block 2, Block 3) for these

analyses, only linear and quadratic contrasts could be tested. For the SLI group, on the FOC

Page 150: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

143  

sequence only the quadratic contrast was significant (F (1, 24) = 16.015, p = .001, partial η2

= .400; Linear: F (1, 24) = 1.962, p = .174, partial η2 = .076). For the TD group, data from

the FOC sequence revealed a significant contrast for the linear (F (1, 26) = 5.469, p = .027,

partial η2 = .174) and quadratic comparisons (F (1, 26) = 26.236, p < .001, partial η2 = .502).

For the HOC sequence, the planned contrasts revealed significant linear and quadratic

contrasts for the SLI group (Linear: F (1, 24) = 32.535, p < .001, partial η2 = .575; Quadratic:

F (1, 24) = 19.887, p < .001, partial η2 = .453), as well as the TD group (Linear: F (1, 26) =

27.119, p < .001, partial η2 = .511; Quadratic: F (1, 26) = 24.418, p < .001, partial η2 = .484).

Accuracy

Analyses also examined whether accuracy was sensitive to sequence learning.

Accuracy reported by Group, Block, and Sequence Type is presented in Figure 6.3. This

figure shows that accuracy approached ceiling for both groups across Blocks and Sequences.

The mean proportion of correct responses was at least .86 for all blocks and groups. It was

necessary to apply an arcsine transformation to the accuracy data prior to the analyses, to

correct for non-normality.

Sequence Specific Learning. First, the extent to which accuracy was sensitive to the

sequence was investigated. Mirroring the analysis of RT data, this was achieved by testing

whether the mean accuracy observed on the Random Block was significantly different to the

average of the surrounding Sequence Blocks. The dependent variable for these analyses was

a difference score in which the accuracy observed on the Random Block was subtracted from

the mean accuracy observed on the surrounding Sequence blocks. Results from a 2 (Group:

SLI, TD) X 2 (Sequence Type: FOC, HOC) Mixed Design ANOVA revealed non-significant

results for the main effects (Group: F (1, 50) = 0.897, p = .348, partial η2 = .018; Sequence

Type: F (1, 50) = 0.292, p = .591, partial η2 = .006) and the Group X Sequence Type

Page 151: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

144  

Block 1 Block 2 Block 3 Block 4 Block 5

SLI

TD

0.7

0.8

0.9

1

Block 1 Block 2 Block 3 Block 4 Block 5

Proportion of accurate responses

SLI

TD

Panel A Panel B

interaction (F (1, 50) = 0.517, p = .475, partial η2 = .01). Thus accuracy was not sensitive to

the sequence for either group across FOC and HOC sequences.

Learning over Sequence Blocks.  Accuracy data were also submitted to a 2 (Group:

SLI, TD) X 2 (Sequence Type: FOC, HOC) X 3 (Block: Blocks 1-5) Mixed Design ANOVA.

Results revealed a main effect of Block (F (2, 100) = 5.607, p = .005, partial η2 = .101),

reflecting a decrease in accuracy across Blocks 1 to 3. The main effects of Group (F (1, 50)

= 1.634, p = .207, partial η2 = .032) and Sequence Type (F (1, 50) = .078, p = .781, partial η2

= .002), and the Interaction terms were all non-significant (Group X Sequence Type X Block:

F (2, 100) = 0.339, p = .713, partial η2 = .007; Group X Sequence Type: F (1, 100) = 1.685, p

= .200, partial η2 = .033; Group X Block: F (2, 100) = 0.364, p = .696, partial η2 = .007;

Sequence Type X Block: F (2, 100) = 1.471, p = .235, partial η2 = .029).

 

 

 

Figure 6.3. Mean accuracy reported by Block and Group for the FOC (Panel A) and HOC (Panel B) tasks. Error bars show standard error. 

Discussion

This study investigated implicit learning of FOC and HOC sequences in children with

and without SLI. In comparison to the TD group, the SLI group demonstrated a smaller

difference in RTs between Sequence and Random Blocks for the FOC sequence. However,

for the HOC sequence, the size of the RTs difference between the Sequence and Random

Blocks was not different between groups. Another result to emerge from this study was that

Page 152: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

145  

over Blocks 1 to 3, the SLI group had slower RTs compared to the TD group for both

sequences.

As noted earlier, sensitivity to the sequence on the SRTT is evidenced when RTs

decrease following exposure to the visuo-spatial sequence and then increase when the random

trials are presented (e.g., Deroost et al., 2006; Gabriel et al., 2012; Lum et al., 2012). For the

SLI group this pattern of results was observed for the HOC but not FOC sequence. For the

TD group, the mean RT for the Random Block was significantly larger compared to the

Sequence Blocks for both FOC and HOC sequences. This indicates that both sequence types

were learnt (Robertson, 2007). Thus it appears that while implicit sequence learning is an

area of weakness in SLI, it is not the case that this aspect of functioning is universally

impaired. Rather, differences in the extent learning takes place appear to be related to the

statistical structure of the sequence. Collectively, these results lend support to the

suggestions (Cohen et al., 1990; Keele et al., 2003; Poldrack & Rodriguez, 2003) that the

learning of FOC and HOC sequences are supported by different cognitive processes and/or

neural mechanisms.

The finding in this study that children with SLI evidenced poor learning of the FOC

sequence is consistent with past research (e.g., Hsu & Bishop, 2014; Lum et al., 2014; Lum et

al., 2012; Lum et al., 2010). Since performance on the SRTT has been shown to rely on the

cortico-striatal network (Clark et al., 2014; Grafton et al., 1995; Pascual-Leone et al., 1996;

Rauch et al., 1997), these findings are also consistent with the suggestion this network and

procedural memory may be impaired in SLI (Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014; Lum et al., 2012;

Tomblin et al., 2007; Ullman & Pierpont, 2005).

The analyses investigating the change in RTs over the Sequence Blocks (i.e., Blocks 1

– 3) using linear and quadratic contrasts revealed a difference between SLI and TD groups.

Page 153: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

146  

Explanations forwarded to account for these findings are tentatively offered and will need to

be investigated further. One possibility is that the linear and quadratic contrasts capture

different influences on RTs. For both groups, and for both sequences, the significant

quadratic contrasts indicate that RTs for Block 2 were faster than for Blocks 1 and 3. This

may reflect the influence of feedback that prompted children to response faster after Block 1.

The linear contrast was significant for the SLI group only on the HOC sequence and for the

TD group on both the FOC and HOC sequences. Following from other studies using similar

version of the SRTT, one possibility is that the linear decrease in RTs across Blocks 1 – 3

reflects a combination of sequence learning and perceptual-motor learning (e.g., Curran &

Keele, 1993; Deroost et al., 2010; Russeler, Gerth, & Munte, 2006; Smith & McDowall,

2004). Thus, the non-significant linear contrast for the SLI group on the FOC sequence

might reflect sequence learning difficulties.

Data from the SLI group suggests intact learning of HOC sequences, but poor

learning of FOC sequences. This difference in learning appears to be at least modulated by

the statistical structure of the sequence, which in turn may reflect that learning and memory

for HOC sequences relies on neurological networks and memory systems that are not

compromised in SLI. Interestingly, these findings can be interpreted as consistent with both

Poldrack and Rodriguez’ (2003) and Keele et al.’s (2003) proposals. As explained in the

Introduction, both theories suggest that while the basal ganglia are involved for both types of

sequence, HOC sequences additionally involve other structures. Poldrack and Rodriguez

implicate the medial temporal lobes, specifically the hippocampi. Keele et al. propose that

the medial temporal lobes along with prefrontal and lateral premotor cortices are involved.

Given the medial temporal lobes and declarative memory system appear to be intact in SLI

(Lum & Conti-Ramsden, 2013; Lum, Ullman, & Conti-Ramsden, 2015), the results of this

study are consistent with either proposal. That is, structures of the declarative memory

Page 154: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

147  

system play a role in learning HOC sequences, perhaps through ‘chunking’ or hierarchical

encoding (Cohen et al., 1990), or through associative learning of the ambiguous transitions

(Keele et al., 2003; Poldrack & Rodriguez, 2003). Indeed, application of a chunking strategy

might explain why children with SLI are able to learn HOC sequences with equal proficiency

as controls. For both groups, HOC sequences might be easier to process since two elements,

represented as a single piece of information, can now be used to predict the location of a

third.

A remaining issue to be addressed in this study concerns the non-significant

difference between the measure of learning for HOC and FOC sequences for both SLI and

TD groups. If FOC but not HOC sequence learning is impaired in SLI, then it would be

expected for the measure of learning to be sensitive to this difference. For the SLI group,

statistical power might be an issue. As noted earlier, a medium effect size (partial η2 = .063)

was observed for the comparison testing differences in learning between FOC and HOC

sequences in the SLI group. Statistical power for this analysis was 23%. Thus a reliable

difference between the implicit learning of FOC and HOC sequences might be present in SLI,

but additional participants are required to return a statistically significant result. It should be

noted that statistical power does not explain the non-significant result observed for the TD

group. The effect size comparing FOC and HOC sequence learning for this group was very

small (partial η2 = .006). Thus in non-language impaired children, the statistical structure of

the sequence in this study had a negligible influence on this group’s RTs.

Another methodological issue that may have contributed to the non-significant

differences comparing FOC and HOC sequences was the similarities of the two sequences.

As explained in the Method section, the HOC sequence was created by transposing a single

pair of items in the FOC sequence. A strength of this approach was that the sequences were

Page 155: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

148  

matched with respect to position frequency, and they contained most of the same pairwise

transitions. However, achieving this level of methodological rigour may have also increased

the likelihood that learning of the FOC and HOC sequences both engaged similar memory

systems. Also since the two sequences were 10-items in length both contained some

transitions that are neither purely first- nor higher-order conditional transitions. The next step

in this area would be to compare more distinct FOC and HOC sequences, using a design

which permits comparison of individual transitions (e.g., Curran, 1997; Smith & McDowall,

2004).

The non-significant difference in learning the two sequences could also potentially be

explained by the neural structures used for learning. As discussed, both types of sequences

appear to activate the cortico-striatal system, although HOC sequences may use additional

resources as well. If children with SLI do have some impairment to the cortico-striatal

network, it is likely that this impairment i) is not so severe that the system is rendered

completely non-functional, and ii) means that the additional structures that HOC sequences

engage are unable to bring performance on these sequences to the same level as unaffected

individuals. In other words, an impaired cortico-striatal system may be able to partly learn a

FOC sequence, but when it interacts with an intact system (such as the declarative memory

system) after being presented with a HOC sequence, learning is more readily able to occur. It

is interesting to note that the interaction between the two systems did not lead to a higher

level of learning the FOC sequence for the SLI group. It has been suggested that in SLI, the

declarative memory system is able to compensate for impairments of the procedural memory

system (Ullman & Pullman, 2015). The results of the current study, however, suggest that if

this type of compensation occurred, it did not result in behavioral performance equal to TD

individuals. Future research using neuroimaging techniques is required to examine the

interaction between memory systems in individuals with SLI compared to TD individuals.

Page 156: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

149  

While sequence structure may influence the performance of children with SLI on the

SRTT, there are other factors as well. Evidence has been presented showing intact HOC

sequence learning in SLI (Hedenius et al., 2011; Mayor-Dubois, Zesiger, Van der Linden, &

Roulet-Perez, 2012) though this result has not been universally observed (Gabriel et al., 2013;

Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014). Also, some studies report intact FOC sequence learning in SLI

(e.g., Lum & Bleses, 2012; Tomblin et al., 2007). Thus there appear to be other variables,

not examined in the current study that are influencing results. For instance, the meta-analysis

by Lum et al. (2014) indicated that participant’s age and the number of exposures to the

sequence before the introduction of the Random Block contributed to the size of the

difference between SLI and TD groups. Furthermore, subject-centred factors such as

attention or motor skills might influence how well an individual performs on the task. Also,

consistent with past research (e.g., Gabriel et al., 2012; Hsu & Bishop, 2014) we found that

the children with SLI took longer to press the buttons than the non-language impaired

children across the Sequence Blocks for both the FOC and HOC sequences. Thus the extent

to which implicit sequence learning can take place on the SRTT might be influenced by

motor proficiency. We note that a limitation of the current study is that the influence of

subject-related variables on SRTT performance could not be investigated.

Finally, an outstanding question from this study concerns FOC and HOC sequence

learning in relation to language learning. Since difficulties learning and using grammar are a

particular area of difficulty in SLI (Leonard, 2014), it could be that the systems that underpin

FOC sequence learning is related to this aspect of language. Indeed, there is some evidence

to show that in TD children, visual statistical learning performance (which relies on the

cortico-striatal network; Karuza et al., 2013) predicts comprehension of passive sentences

and object relative clauses (Kidd & Arciuli, 2016). Perhaps this is also related to FOC

sequence learning. However, intuitively it appears that a system or mechanism that is suited

Page 157: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

150  

to learning the higher-order associations in HOC sequences might also be suited to learning

grammatical structures that involve non-adjacent dependencies. This idea conflicts with the

findings of this study, since children with SLI struggle with these types of structures (Hsu,

Tomblin, & Christiansen, 2014; van der Lely & Battell, 2003), but were able to learn the

HOC sequence. To our knowledge no studies have investigated the types of transitions in

FOC versus HOC sequences in relation to particular linguistic structures, though the results

of this study suggest that this might be a worthwhile area for future research.

Conclusion

This is the first study to compare FOC and HOC sequence learning in the same group

of children with SLI and non-language impaired children. In comparison to the TD group,

children with SLI performed worse on a SRTT based on a FOC, but not a HOC sequence.

This finding has important implications for research in SLI, and for research involving the

SRTT. The findings suggest that while implicit sequence learning may be poorer in SLI, this

problem does not extend to all types of sequences. In moving the field forward, this study

also highlights the need to take the statistical structure of information into account when

assessing implicit learning.

Page 158: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

151  

References

American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental

disorders: DSM 5. Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing.

Bavin, E. L., Wilson, P. H., Maruff, P., & Sleeman, F. (2005). Spatio-visual memory of

children with specific language impairment: Evidence for generalized processing

problems. International Journal of Language and Communication Disorders, 40(3),

319-332. doi: 10.1080/13682820400027750

Clark, G. M., Lum, J. A. G., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). A meta-analysis and meta-regression

of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease. Neuropsychology,

28(6), 945-958. doi: 10.1037/neu0000121.supp

Cohen, A., Ivry, R., & Keele, S. W. (1990). Attention and structure in sequence learning.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 16(1), 17-

30.

Curran, T. (1997). Higher-order associative learning in amnesia: Evidence from the serial

reaction time task. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 9(4), 522-533.

Curran, T., & Keele, S. W. (1993). Attentional and nonattentional forms of sequence

learning. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition,

19(1), 189-202.

Deroost, N., Kerckhofs, E., Coene, M., Wijnants, G., & Soetens, E. (2006). Learning

sequence movements in a homogenous sample of patients with Parkinson's disease.

Neuropsychologia, 44(10), 1653-1662. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2006.03.021

Deroost, N., & Soetens, E. (2006). Perceptual or motor learning in SRT tasks with complex

sequence structures. Psychological Research, 70(2), 88-102. doi: 10.1007/s00426-

004-0196-3

Page 159: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

152  

Deroost, N., Zeischka, P., Coomans, D., Bouazza, S., Depessemier, P., & Soetens, E. (2010).

Intact first- and second-order implicit sequence learning in secondary-school-aged

children with developmental dyslexia. Journal of Clinical and Experimental

Neuropsychology, 32(6), 561-572. doi: 10.1080/13803390903313556

Destrebecqz, A., & Cleeremans, A. (2001). Can sequence learning be implicit? New

evidence with the process dissociation procedure. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review,

8(2), 343-350.

Eichenbaum, H., Sauvage, M., Fortin, N., Komorowski, R., & Lipton, P. (2012). Towards a

functional organization of episodic memory in the medial temporal lobe.

Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 36(7), 1597-1608. doi:

10.1016/j.neubiorev.2011.07.006

Gabriel, A., Maillart, C., Guillaume, M., Stefaniak, N., & Meulemans, T. (2011). Exploration

of serial structure procedural learning in children with language impairment. Journal

of the International Neuropsychological Society, 17(2), 336-343. doi:

10.1017/S1355617710001724

Gabriel, A., Maillart, C., Stefaniak, N., Lejeune, C., Desmottes, L., & Meulemans, T. (2013).

Procedural learning in specific language impairment: Effects of sequence complexity.

Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society, 1-8. doi:

10.1017/S1355617712001270

Gabriel, A., Meulemans, T., Parisse, C., & Maillart, C. (2014). Procedural learning across

modalities in French-speaking children with specific language impairment. Applied

Psycholinguistics, 1-23. doi: 10.1017/s0142716413000490

Gabriel, A., Stefaniak, N., Maillart, C., Schmitz, X., & Meulemans, T. (2012). Procedural

visual learning in children with specific language impairment. American Journal of

Speech-Language Pathology, 21(4), 329-341. doi: 10.1044/1058-0360(2012/11-0044)

Page 160: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

153  

Gabrieli, J. D. E. (1998). Cognitive neuroscience of human memory. Annual Review of

Psychology, 49, 87-115.

Grafton, S. T., Hazeltine, E., & Ivry, R. (1995). Functional mapping of sequence learning in

normal humans. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 7(4), 497-510.

Hardwick, R. M., Rottschy, C., Miall, R. C., & Eickhoff, S. B. (2013). A quantitative meta-

analysis and review of motor learning in the human brain. NeuroImage, 67, 283-297.

doi: 10.1016/j.neuroimage.2012.11.020

Hedenius, M., Persson, J., Tremblay, A., Adi-Japha, E., Verissimo, J., Dye, C. D., . . .

Ullman, M. T. (2011). Grammar predicts procedural learning and consolidation

deficits in children with specific language impairment. Research in Developmental

Disabilities, 32(6), 2362-2375. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2011.07.026

Holm, S. (1979). A simple sequentially rejective multiple test procedure. Scandinavian

Journal of Statistics, 6(2), 65-70.

Howell, D. C. (2002). Statistical methods for psychology (Fifth ed.). Pacific Grove, CA:

Thomson Learning.

Hsu, H. J., & Bishop, D. V. M. (2014). Sequence-specific procedural learning deficits in

children with specific language impairment. Developmental Science. doi:

10.1111/desc.12125

Hsu, H. J., Tomblin, J. B., & Christiansen, M. H. (2014). Impaired statistical learning of non-

adjacent dependencies in adolescents with specific language impairment. Front

Psychol, 5, 175. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00175

Jackson, G. M., Jackson, S. R., Harrison, J., Henderson, L., & Kennard, C. (1995). Serial

reaction time learning and Parkinson's disease: Evidence for a procedural learning

deficit. Neuropsychologia, 33(5), 577-593.

Page 161: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

154  

Jimenez-Fernandez, G., Vaquero, J. M., Jimenez, L., & Defior, S. (2011). Dyslexic children

show deficits in implicit sequence learning, but not in explicit sequence learning or

contextual cueing. Ann Dyslexia, 61(1), 85-110. doi: 10.1007/s11881-010-0048-3

Keele, S. W., Ivry, R., Mayr, U., Hazeltine, E., & Heuer, H. (2003). The cognitive and neural

architecture of sequence representation. Psychological Review, 110(2), 316-339. doi:

10.1037/0033-295x.110.2.316

Kelly, S. W., Jahanshahi, M., & Dirnberger, G. (2004). Learning of ambiguous versus hybrid

sequences by patients with Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychologia, 42(10), 1350-

1357. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2004.02.013

Kidd, E., & Arciuli, J. (2016). Individual differences in statistical learning predict children's

comprehension of syntax. Child Development, 87(1), 184-193. doi:

10.1111/cdev.12461

Kim, J. S., Reading, S. A., Brashers-Krug, T., Calhoun, V. D., Ross, C. A., & Pearlson, G. D.

(2004). Functional MRI study of a serial reaction time task in Huntington's disease.

Psychiatry Research: Neuroimaging, 131(1), 23-30. doi:

10.1016/j.pscychresns.2004.03.002

Knopman, D., & Nissen, M. J. (1991). Procedural learning is impaired in Huntington's

disease: Evidence from the serial reaction time task. Neuropsychologia, 29(3), 245-

254.

Lang, A. E., & Lozano, A. M. (1998). Parkinson's disease. New England Journal of

Medicine, 339(15), 1044-1053.

Leonard, L. B. (2014). Children with specific language impairment (2nd ed.). Cambridge:

MIT Press.

Lukacs, A., & Kemeny, F. (2014). Domain-general sequence learning deficit in specific

language impairment. Neuropsychology, 28(3), 472-483. doi: 10.1037/neu0000052

Page 162: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

155  

Lum, J. A. G., & Bleses, D. (2012). Declarative and procedural memory in Danish speaking

children with specific language impairment. Journal of Communication Disorders,

45(1), 46-58. doi: 10.1016/j.jcomdis.2011.09.001

Lum, J. A. G., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2013). Long-term memory. A review and meta-

analysis of studies of declarative and procedural memory in specific language

impairment. Topics in Language Disorders, 33(4), 282-297. doi:

10.1097/01.TLD.0000437939.01237.6a

Lum, J. A. G., Conti-Ramsden, G., Morgan, A. T., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). Procedural

learning deficits in specific language impairment (SLI): A meta-analysis of serial

reaction time task performance. Cortex, 51, 1-10. doi: 10.1016/j.cortex.2013.10.011

Lum, J. A. G., Conti-Ramsden, G., Page, D., & Ullman, M. T. (2012). Working, declarative

and procedural memory in specific language impairment. Cortex, 48(9), 1138-1154.

doi: 10.1016/j.cortex.2011.06.001

Lum, J. A. G., Gelgic, C., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2010). Procedural and declarative memory

in children with and without specific language impairment. International Journal of

Language and Communication Disorders, 45(1), 96-107. doi:

10.3109/13682820902752285

Lum, J. A. G., Ullman, M. T., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2015). Verbal declarative memory

impairments in specific language impairment are related to working memory deficits.

Brain and Language, 142, 76-85. doi: 10.1016/j.bandl.2015.01.008

Mayor-Dubois, C., Zesiger, P., Van der Linden, M., & Roulet-Perez, E. (2012).

Nondeclarative learning in children with specific language impairment: Predicting

regularities in the visuomotor, phonological, and cognitive domains. Child

Neuropsychology. doi: 10.1080/09297049.2012.734293

Page 163: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

156  

Nissen, M. J., & Bullemer, P. (1987). Attentional requirements of learning: Evidence from

performance measures. Cognitive Psychology, 19, 1-32.

O'Brien, P. C. (1983). The appropriateness of analysis of variance and multiple-comparison

procedures. Biometrics, 39(3), 787-788.

Packard, M. G., & Knowlton, B. J. (2002). Learning and memory functions of the basal

ganglia. Annual Review of Neuroscience, 25, 563-593. doi:

10.1146/annurev.neuro.25.112701.142937

Pascual-Leone, A., Wassermann, E. M., Grafman, J., & Hallett, M. (1996). The role of the

dorsolateral prefrontal cortex in implicit procedural learning. Experimental Brain

Research, 107, 479-485.

Poldrack, R. A., & Rodriguez, P. (2003). Sequence learning: What's the hippocampus do?

Neuron, 891-893.

Rauch, S. L., Whalen, P. J., Savage, C. R., Curran, T., Kendrick, A., Brown, H. D., . . .

Rosen, B. R. (1997). Striatal recruitment during an implicit sequence learning task as

measured by functional magnetic resonance imaging. Human Brain Mapping, 5, 124-

132.

Raven, J. (1998). Raven's Progressive Matrices and Vocabulary Scales. London:

Psychological Corporation.

Reed, J., & Johnson, P. (1994). Assessing implicit learning with indirect tests: Determining

what is learned about sequence structure. Journal of Experimental Psychology:

Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 20(3), 585-594.

Reiss, J. P., Campbell, D. W., Leslie, W. D., Paulus, M. P., Stroman, P. W., Polimeni, J. O., .

. . Sareen, J. (2005). The role of the striatum in implicit learning: A functional

magnetic resonance imaging study. Neuroreport, 16(12), 1291-1295.

Page 164: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

157  

Robertson, E. M. (2007). The serial reaction time task: Implicit motor skill learning? The

Journal of Neuroscience, 27(38), 10073-10075. doi: 10.1523/JNEUROSCI.2747-

07.2007

Russeler, J., Gerth, I., & Munte, T. F. (2006). Implicit learning is intact in adult

developmental dyslexic readers: evidence from the serial reaction time task and

artificial grammar learning. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology,

28(5), 808-827. doi: 10.1080/13803390591001007

Schendan, H. E., Searl, M. M., Melrose, R. J., & Stern, C. E. (2003). An fMRI study of the

role of the medial temporal lobe in implicit and explicit sequence learning. Neuron,

37, 1013-1025.

Schneider, W., Eschman, A., & Zuccoloto, A. (2007). E-prime 2.0. Pittsburgh: Psychological

Software Inc.

Semel, E., Wiig, E. H., & Secord, W. A. (2006). Clinical evaluation of language

fundamentals - fourth edition Australian. Marrickville: Harcourt Assessment.

Shohamy, D., Myers, C. E., Grossman, S., Sage, J., Gluck, M. A., & Poldrack, R. A. (2004).

Cortico-striatal contributions to feedback-based learning: converging data from

neuroimaging and neuropsychology. Brain, 127, 851-859.

Siegert, R. J., Weatherall, M., & Bell, E. M. (2008). Is implicit sequence learning impaired in

schizophrenia? A meta-analysis. Brain and Cognition, 67(3), 351-359. doi:

10.1016/j.bandc.2008.02.005

Smith, J. G., & McDowall, J. (2004). Impaired higher order implicit sequence learning on the

verbal version of the serial reaction time task in patients with Parkinson's disease.

Neuropsychology, 18(4), 679-691. doi: 10.1037/0894-4105.18.4.679

Soetens, E., Melis, A., & Notebaert, W. (2004). Sequence learning and sequential effects.

Psychological Research, 69(1-2), 124-137. doi: 10.1007/s00426-003-0163-4

Page 165: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

158  

Squire, L. R. (2004). Memory systems of the brain: A brief history and current perspective.

Neurobiology of Learning and Memory, 82(3), 171-177. doi:

10.1016/j.nlm.2004.06.005

Squire, L. R., & Zola, S. M. (1996). Structure and function of declarative and nondeclarative

memory systems. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 93, 13515-

13522.

Thomas, K. M., Hunt, R. H., Vizueta, N., Sommer, T., Durston, S., Yang, Y., & Worder, M.

S. (2004). Evidence of developmental differences in implicit sequence learning: An

fMRI study of children and adults. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 16(8), 1339-

1351.

Tomblin, J. B., Mainela-Arnold, E., & Zhang, X. (2007). Procedural learning in adolescents

with and without specific language impairment. Language Learning and

Development, 3(4), 269-293. doi: 10.1080/15475440701377477

Ullman, M. T., & Pierpont, E. I. (2005). Specific language impairment is not specific to

language: The procedural deficit hypothesis. Cortex, 41(3), 399-433. doi:

10.1016/s0010-9452(08)70276-4

Ullman, M. T., & Pullman, M. Y. (2015). A compensatory role for declarative memory in

neurodevelopmental disorders. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 51, 205-

222. doi: 10.1016/j.neubiorev.2015.01.008

van der Lely, H. K., & Battell, J. (2003). WH-Movement in children with grammatical SLI:

A test of the RDDR hypothesis. Language, 79(1), 153-181.

Wallenstein, G. V., Eichenbaum, H., & Hasselmo, M. E. (1998). The hippocampus as an

associator of discontiguous events. Trends in Neurosciences, 21, 317-323.

Wechsler, D. (1999). Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence (WASI). San Antonio:

Psychological Corporation.

Page 166: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

159  

Werheid, K., Zysset, S., Müller, A., Reuter, M., & von Cramon, D. Y. (2003). Rule learning

in a serial reaction time task: An fMRI study on patients with early Parkinson’s

disease. Cognitive Brain Research, 16(2), 273-284. doi: 10.1016/s0926-

6410(02)00283-5

Wilcox, R. R. (1987). New designs in analysis of variance. Annual Review of Psychology, 38,

29-60.

Willingham, D. B., Nissen, M. J., & Bullemer, P. (1989). On the development of procedural

knowledge. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition,

15(6), 1047-1060.

World Health Organization. (1992). The ICD-10 classification of mental and behavioural

disorders: clinical descriptions and diagnostic guidelines. Geneva: World Health

Organization.

 

Page 167: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

160  

Supplementary Material

See below for an outline of the task design, including two examples of the stimuli used in the tasks.

Page 168: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

161  

Page 169: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

162  

Chapter 7

Study 4: Using Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation to Examine the Neural Substrates of

FOC and SOC Sequence Learning

The data presented in Study 3 was interpreted to suggest that the implicit learning of

FOC and HOC/SOC sequences on the SRTT are supported by different neural structures.

Study 4 tested this hypothesis using transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS).

TMS is a method of non-invasively stimulating the brain (Barker, Jalinous, &

Freeston, 1985). It involves running an electric current through a coil of wire, which is

placed over the scalp. The electric current generates a brief magnetic field which travels

through the skull to the underlying cortex. This in turn induces an electrical current in the

cortical region directly beneath the coil, which results in neuronal firing in this region

(Kobayashi & Pascual-Leone, 2003). The diagram presented in Figure 7.1 outlines this

process. A single TMS pulse administered causes action potentials. Administering multiple

pulses, also known as repetitive TMS (rTMS), can decrease or increase neural excitability

(Huang, Edwards, Rounis, Bhatia, & Rothwell, 2005). In other words, rTMS can be used to

either inhibit or facilitate neural activity in a cortical region.

In Study 4, rTMS was used to disrupt or inhibit networks proposed to underpin the

implicit learning of FOC and SOC sequences on the SRTT. This was achieved using a type of

rTMS referred to as theta-burst stimulation (Huang et al., 2005). Theta-burst stimulation

involves applying pulses in bursts of three at 50 Hz, with an inter-burst interval of 5 Hz. For

continuous theta-burst stimulation (cTBS), these bursts are applied in an uninterrupted train

for 40 seconds, resulting in a total of 600 pulses (Huang et al., 2005). cTBS has been shown

to decrease cortical excitability for up to 60 minutes, though effects are most reliable up to

Page 170: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

163  

20-30 minutes post-stimulation (Chung, Hill, Rogasch, Hoy, & Fitzgerald, 2016). While it is

noted that there is substantial variability in response to cTBS both within and between

Figure 7.1. Overview of transcranial magnetic stimulation, taken from Ridding and Rothwell

(2007).

individuals, on average it has been shown to produce the expected decrease in excitability.

cTBS can interfere with learning on the SRTT (Clerget et al., 2011; Rosenthal, Roche-Kelly,

Husain, & Kennard, 2009; Steel et al., 2016; Wilkinson et al., 2015; Wilkinson et al., 2009).

The most common stimulation site has been the primary motor area (M1) (Rosenthal et al.,

2009; Steel et al., 2016; Wilkinson et al., 2015; Wilkinson et al., 2009). M1 is part of the

procedural memory system, and is part of one of the cortico-striatal circuits (Alexander,

DeLong, & Strick, 1986; Middleton & Strick, 2000). cTBS over M1 can lead to changes in

connectivity between motor regions, as well as alter activity or connectivity with more distant

regions that connect with M1 (Bestmann, Baudewig, Siebner, Rothwell, & Frahm, 2004;

Cárdenas‐Morales, Grön, & Kammer, 2011; Steel et al., 2016).

Page 171: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

164  

40 seconds

5Hz

50Hz

Figure 7.2 Schematic diagram representing cTBS protocol. Each vertical line represents a

TMS pulse.

In Study 4, cTBS was administered to M1 in order to affect functioning of the

procedural memory system. Participants were presented with two SRTTs, on of which

required the learning of a FOC, and the other a SOC sequence. If the claim made in Study 3

is correct, the expectation is that disrupting the procedural memory system should impact on

the implicit learning of a FOC sequence. Study 4 tested this hypothesis.

Study 4 was submitted to the journal Brain Structure and Function on the 7th of

September 2017, and is currently under review. Note that figure numbers in the manuscript

have been changed to aid flow in the thesis.

Page 172: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

165  

AUTHORSHIP STATEMENT 

1.  Details of publication and executive author 

Title of Publication  Publication details 

Dissociable implicit sequence learning mechanisms revealed by continuous theta burst stimulation 

Submitted to peer‐reviewed journal 

Name of executive author School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin; Organisation and address if non‐Deakin 

Email or phone 

Gillian Clark  School of Psychology  [email protected] 

2.  Inclusion of publication in a thesis 

Is it intended to include this publication in a higher degree by research (HDR) thesis? 

Yes  

If Yes, please complete Section 3If No, go straight to Section 4. 

3.  HDR thesis author’s declaration 

Name of HDR thesis author if different from above. (If the same, write “as above”) 

School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin 

Thesis title 

As above  

School of Psychology The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language impairment: An investigation using the serial reaction time task 

If there are multiple authors, give a full description of HDR thesis author’s contribution to the publication (for example, how much did you contribute to the conception of the project, the design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Conceptualised the study, designed the methodology, collected the data, ran the analyses, drafted the manuscript.  

I declare that the above is an accurate description of my contribution to this paper, and the contributions of other authors are as described below. 

Signature and date   

03/07/2017 

4.  Description of all author contributions 

Name and affiliation of author   Contribution(s) (for example,  conception of the project, design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Jarrad Lum  Thesis supervisor – assisted with conceptualisation of the study, methodology design, data collection and analysis, and drafting of the manuscript 

Michael Barham  

Assisted with data collection and manuscript revisions 

Anna Ware  

Assisted with data collection and manuscript revisions 

James Plumridge  

Assisted with data collection and manuscript revisions 

Bernadette O’Sullivan  

Assisted with participant recruitment and data collection 

Page 173: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

166  

Kristie Lyons  

Assisted with participant recruitment and data collection 

Tegan Fitzgibbon  

Assisted with participant recruitment and data collection 

Bree Buck  Assisted with participant recruitment and data collection 

George Youssef  Assisted with data analysis and manuscript revisions 

Peter Enticott  Assisted with training in use of equipment, and manuscript revisions 

5.  Author Declarations 

I agree to be named as one of the authors of this work, and confirm:  xi. that I have met the authorship criteria set out in the Deakin University Research Conduct Policy, xii. that there are no other authors according to these criteria, xiii. that the description in Section 4 of my contribution(s) to this publication is accurate,  xiv. that the data on which these findings are based are stored as set out in Section 7 below. 

If this work is to form part of an HDR thesis as described in Sections 2 and 3, I further  

xv. consent to the incorporation of the publication into the candidate’s HDR thesis submitted to Deakin University and, if the higher degree is awarded, the subsequent publication of the thesis by the university (subject to relevant Copyright provisions).   

 

Name of author  Signature* Date 

Jarrad Lum  

04/07/2017 

Michael Barham  

04/07/2017 

Anna Ware  

04/07/2017 

James Plumridge  

04/07/2017 

Bernadette O’Sullivan  

* 04/04/2017 

Kristie Lyons  

* 04/04/2017 

Tegan Fitzgibbon  

* 04/04/2017 

Bree Buck  

* 04/04/2017 

George Youssef  

04/07/2017 

Peter Enticott  

04/07/2017 

* Signed on behalf of author, due to author’s unavailability. 

6.  Other contributor declarations 

I agree to be named as a non‐author contributor to this work. 

Name and affiliation of contributor  Contribution Signature* and date

N/A   

* If an author or contributor is unavailable or otherwise unable to sign the statement of authorship, the Head of Academic Unit may sign on their behalf, noting the reason for their unavailability, provided there is no evidence to suggest that the person would object to being named as author 

Page 174: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

167  

7.  Data storage 

The original data for this project are stored in the following locations. (The locations must be within an appropriate institutional setting. If the executive author is a Deakin staff member and data are stored outside Deakin University, permission for this must be given by the Head of Academic Unit within which the executive author is based.) 

Data format  Storage Location Date lodged Name of custodian if other than the executive author 

Electronic files  Deakin online research data storage folder (password protected).  

01/04/2017  

Hardcopy forms  Locked cabinet at Deakin University 

01/04/2017  

This form must be retained by the executive author, within the school or institute in which they are based. 

If the publication is to be included as part of an HDR thesis, a copy of this form must be included in the thesis with the publication. 

Page 175: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

168  

RUNNING HEAD: cTBS reveals dissociable sequence learning networks

Dissociable implicit sequence learning mechanisms revealed by continuous theta-burst

stimulation

Gillian M. Clarka,*, Michael P. Barhama, Anna T. Warea, James M. A. Plumridgea, Bernadette

O’Sullivana, Kristie Lyonsa, Tegan Fitzgibbona, Bree Bucka, George J. Youssefa,b, Peter G.

Enticotta, & Jarrad A. G. Luma.

a Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin University, Geelong, Australia

b Centre for Adolescent Health, Murdoch Children’s Research Institute, Parkville, Australia

* Address correspondence to

Gillian M. Clark

Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin University, 221 Burwood

Highway, Burwood, Victoria, Australia, 3121

e-mail: [email protected]

phone: +61 3 925 17185

Page 176: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

169  

Abstract

Background. The primary motor area (M1) has been implicated in visuomotor sequence

learning. However, it has been suggested there are multiple neural networks that undertake

visuomotor sequence learning. The role of M1 in sequence learning may be specific to

learning simple sequences comprising predictable associations between adjacent movements.

Objective. This study aimed to investigate the role of M1 in learning simple (“first-order

conditional”) and more complex (“second-order conditional”) sequences. It was

hypothesised that continuous theta burst stimulation (cTBS) over M1 would result in poorer

learning of the simple sequence only.

Method. Forty-eight healthy adults received cTBS to either M1 or the parietal lobe, or

received sham cTBS before immediately completing two visuomotor sequence learning tasks.

The tasks only differed in relation to the structure (i.e., simple versus complex) of the

sequence.

Results. The group who received cTBS over M1 demonstrated significantly poorer learning

of the simple sequence in comparison to the more complex sequence. The parietal lobe

stimulation and sham stimulation did not influence learning of either sequence.

Conclusions. This is the first study to show differential involvement of M1 in visuomotor

sequence learning, dependent on sequence structure. The contribution of M1 to sequence

learning appears to be most important for learning simple item-to-item associations.

Keywords: Implicit sequence learning; Procedural memory; Serial reaction time task;

Transcranial magnetic stimulation

Page 177: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

170  

The learning and memory functions of the procedural memory system are supported

by a corticostriatal network comprising the basal ganglia and neocortical areas that include

primary and supplementary motor regions, prefrontal cortex, and parietal cortex (Barnes,

Kubota, Hu, Jin, & Graybiel, 2005; Hikosaka et al., 1999; Packard & Knowlton, 2002). This

corticostriatal network underpins the learning and execution of a range of cognitive and

motor skills, including the implicit learning of sequentially structured information. The role

of the procedural memory system in implicit sequence learning has been widely examined

using the serial reaction time task (SRTT) (Nissen & Bullemer, 1987). On the SRTT

participants implicitly or incidentally learn a visuomotor sequence. Neuroimaging studies

have demonstrated activation of the basal ganglia and cerebellum, and cortical areas

including primary and supplementary motor regions and prefrontal cortices when healthy

controls complete the SRTT (Daselaar, Rombouts, Veltman, Raaijmakers, & Jonker, 2003;

Grafton, Hazeltine, & Ivry, 1995; Hazeltine, Graftib, & Ivry, 1997; Seidler et al., 2005;

Willingham, Salidis, & Gabrieli, 2002).

The primary motor cortex (M1) has received particular attention in the sequence

learning literature. M1 has been implicated in the initial encoding of sequences (Ben-Shaul

et al., 2004; Seidler et al., 2005), as well as the early consolidation of learned sequences

(Muellbacher et al., 2002). Several studies have reported poorer sequence learning in a

probabilistic version of the SRTT following inhibitory TMS (continuous theta-burst

stimulation) to M1 (Rosenthal, Roche-Kelly, Husain, & Kennard, 2009; Steel et al., 2016;

Wilkinson et al., 2015; Wilkinson, Teo, Obeso, Rothwell, & Jahanshahi, 2009). Further

evidence for a role of M1 in sequence learning was provided in a study involving non-human

primates, which showed neuronal firing in M1 that was specific to sequential information

(Carpenter, Georgopoulos, & Pellizzer, 1999). One suggestion is that during motor sequence

Page 178: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

171  

learning M1 is needed for encoding item-to-item associations. That is, for associating one

movement element in a sequence with the next (Ashe, Lungu, Basford, & Lu, 2006).

However, item-to-item associations supported by M1 may not be necessary or

sufficient for the implicit learning of all types of motor sequences. In the SRTT literature,

sequences have been classified as either first-order conditional (FOC) or second-order

conditional (SOC) sequences (Cohen, Ivry, & Keele, 1990; Curran, 1997; Reed & Johnson,

1994). In FOC sequences, each item or position in the sequence predicts the next, with

varying degrees of probability. In contrast, for SOC sequences the probability of all item-to-

item transitions is equal. In SOC sequences, a single position in the sequence is predicted by

the combination of the preceding two positions. In order to learn SOC sequences, one item

cannot be uniquely associated with the previous, but rather with an ambiguous pair of

preceding items. It has been suggested that the hippocampus (Schendan, Searl, Melrose, &

Stern, 2003), or a network including medial and inferior temporal cortices and dorsolateral

prefrontal cortex (Keele, Ivry, Mayr, Hazeltine, & Heuer, 2003), may be required for learning

the ambiguous, temporally remote associations that make up SOC sequences.

To date, evidence consistent with the idea that multiple systems underlie implicit

motor sequence learning has emerged from studies undertaken with clinical samples. In this

literature a number of reports have appeared demonstrating dissociations with the implicit

sequence learning of FOC and SOC. Curran (1997) found that individuals with temporal

lobe amnesia performed more poorly than controls with respect to implicit learning of a SOC,

but not FOC sequence. In Parkinson’s disease, there is some evidence for the opposite

pattern, with better performance on SOC than FOC sequences (Deroost, Kerckhofs, Coene,

Wijnants, & Soetens, 2006; Smith & McDowall, 2004). A recent study has also reported a

similar dissociation in developmental language disorder (Clark & Lum, 2017) thought to

Page 179: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

172  

have a basal ganglia dysfunction (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005). In this group evidence was

presented demonstrating poor learning of a FOC but not SOC sequence. Taken together,

these neuropsychological studies potentially indicate multiple systems underpin implicit

sequence learning.

In the current study, we used continuous theta burst stimulation (cTBS), which

typically has an inhibitory effect on motor cortical excitability (Chung, Hill, Rogasch, Hoy,

& Fitzgerald, 2016), to examine whether the implicit learning of a FOC and SOC sequences

could be dissociated in healthy controls. In this study healthy adults completed two SRTTs

based on a FOC and a SOC sequence (order of presentation was counterbalanced, see

Method). We aimed to disrupt FOC sequence learning in one group, by administering cTBS

over M1. A second group received cTBS over a region of parietal cortex that has previously

been shown to influence connectivity with hippocampal regions. A third group received

Sham cTBS. It was hypothesised that the group receiving cTBS over M1 would perform

more poorly on the FOC than the SOC sequence. It was also hypothesised that the group

receiving cTBS over parietal cortex would perform more poorly on the SOC than the FOC

sequence. The group receiving sham stimulation were expected to show comparable

performance on both sequence types.

Method

Participants

Forty-eight healthy adults (35 female; mean age = 25.85 years; SD = 3.93)

participated in the study. Participants were assigned to one of three stimulation conditions

(stimulation over M1, stimulation over parietal lobe, or sham stimulation), resulting in 16

participants per group. Allocation to stimulation conditions was pseudo-randomised to

ensure comparability between groups with respect to age, handedness (as measured by the

Edinburgh Handedness Inventory (Oldfield, 1971)), and female:male ratio. All participants

Page 180: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

173  

completed the Matrix Reasoning and Vocabulary subtests of the Wechsler Abbreviated Scale

of Intelligence (WASI; Wechsler, 1999), allowing estimation of Full Scale IQ (M = 106, SD

= 10.2). There were no group differences on IQ scores (p = .479). Participants had no

contraindications for TMS, as determined by a questionnaire. Ethical approval for the study

was obtained from Deakin University, and informed consent was obtained from each

participant before taking part in the study. Participants received a $30 voucher as

compensation for their participation.

Materials

Serial Reaction Time Tasks (SRTTs). Participants were seated approximately 600

mm from a computer monitor and presented with a game controller. A visual stimulus

repeatedly appeared in one of four locations on the computer screen. Participants’ only

instruction was to press the button on the controller that corresponded to the position that the

visual stimulus appeared (see Figure 7.3A). The visual stimulus was a black and white line

drawing of an everyday object. There were 120 different black and white drawings that were

shown throughout the tasks.

Each trial commenced with a blank screen that appeared for 200 ms. The visual

stimulus then appeared and remained on screen for 550 ms. If a button was pressed during

the stimulus presentation period, feedback was provided for the remainder of the 550 ms.

Feedback was a grey square outline, which appeared over the location corresponding to the

button that was pressed (see Figure 7.3B).

Each SRTT comprised five blocks of 96 trials. There was a 5 second pause between

each block. Unknown to participants, trials in Blocks 1, 2, 3, and 5 followed a 12-item

sequence that was presented eight times. Each block began at a different point in the

sequence. In one SRTT, the sequence was FOC and in the other it was SOC. The FOC

Page 181: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

174  

sequence, where the numbers 1-4 represent each location (where ‘1’ is for the top position,

‘2’ for the right position etc.), was 1-3-2-3-4-2-1-3-4-1-4-2. The SOC sequence, taken from

Schendan et al. (2003), was 4-1-3-2-4-3-1-2-1-4-2-3. The trials in Block 4 were presented in

pseudorandom order, with the two following restrictions. First, the stimulus appeared at each

of the four locations an equal number of times. Second, the stimulus did not appear in the

same location on consecutive trials. In the SRTT, reaction times are recorded to gauge

learning. Typically, reaction times decrease as the sequence is presented more times, and

increase during the block of randomly ordered trials (Nissen & Bullemer, 1987). It is the

increase in reaction time during the random block that is taken as evidence that information

about the sequence has been learnt.

The visual stimulus was selected from the 120 images randomly on each trial. Images

depicted easily identifiable objects (e.g., elephant, toothbrush, paperclip). Each image was

shown four times during each SRTT. The purpose of showing a different picture on each

trial was to mask the presence of the sequence.

Awareness. To gauge any level of awareness of the sequence, after completing both

SRTTs participants were informed of the presence of a 12-item sequence, and asked to recall

or guess any part of the sequence. Additional prompting was given if participants were

reluctant to guess the sequence, in the form of pointing to the top location of the screen and

asking participants “If the picture appeared here at the top, where do you feel it would most

likely appear next?”. No participant recalled more than five items (M = 2.02, SD = 1.79), and

there were no differences between the groups on the number of items correctly recalled

(F(2,45) = 1.625, p = .208).

Recognition. To ensure that using different pictures throughout the tasks did not

influence groups differently, a recognition task was administered. Prior to the task,

Page 182: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

175  

participants were not informed that they were to be tested on their recognition of the pictures.

One picture was presented at a time in the centre of the screen, and remained onscreen for

1500 ms. All 120 pictures were shown, along with 120 foils. Participants indicated whether

the picture was presented during the SRTTs (“Old”) or was not (“New”). The groups did not

differ on recognition accuracy as measured by the d-prime statistic (p = .572), nor on the

speed with which they made correct responses (p = .715).

TMS

Theta burst stimulation was delivered with a Magstim Rapid stimulator (Magstim,

UK) connected to an air-cooled figure of eight coil with an internal wing diameter of 70 mm.

The coil was held with the handle pointing posterolaterally. Resting motor threshold (RMT)

was obtained for each participant. Motor-evoked potentials were measured from the first

dorsal interosseous muscle of the right hand. The motor “hot spot” was defined as the scalp

site that led to the largest motor-evoked potential. RMT was defined as the minimum

intensity that produced a clear motor-evoked potential of at least 50 uV (peak-to-peak) in at

least 5 out of 10 consecutive trials.

cTBS was administered at 70% of each participant’s RMT, according to procedures

outlined by Huang et al. (Huang, Edwards, Rounis, Bhatia, & Rothwell, 2005). Each burst

consisted of 3 pulses at 50 Hz, repeated every 200 ms (5 Hz), for a total of 600 pulses over

approximately 40 seconds (Huang et al., 2005). cTBS was applied either to left M1 or left

parietal cortex. The M1 site was taken as the “hotspot” located during RMT. Coordinates for

the parietal site were taken from Wang et al. (Wang et al., 2014). In that study, it was shown

that multiple sessions of rTMS over a region of parietal cortex increased functional

connectivity in cortical-hippocampal networks, and improved declarative memory

performance. While Wang et al. used individual MRIs to determine unique stimulation

locations for each of their participants, in the current study we used the average coordinates

Page 183: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

176  

(MNI: x = -47, y = -68, z = +36) reported by Wang et al., referenced to a common template

brain for all participants. A Visor2 neuronavigation system (ANT neuro, Netherlands) was

used to locate the parietal site for each participant.

Sham cTBS was delivered using a coil that was the same in appearance and acoustic

properties as the stimulation coil, but it did not emit any magnetic pulse. Half of the

participants in the Sham group received sham cTBS over the M1 site, and the other half over

the Parietal site.

Procedure

This study followed a single-blind design. Figure 7.3C outlines the steps taken for

each session. Following safety screening, participants were fitted with an EEG cap. RMT

was determined, and a sticker was placed over the relevant M1 or Parietal site. Participants

completed the IQ and handedness measures, as well as a single block comprising 120

randomly ordered trials. Each visual stimulus picture was shown once in this block. This

was presented to participants as a practice to familiarise them with the task, and to provide a

baseline measure of reaction time. Participants then received the cTBS, and immediately

began the SRTTs. The order in which the SRTTs was presented was counterbalanced such

that half (n = 8) of the participants in each group were presented with the FOC first. The

time from the cTBS delivery to the end of both SRTTs was approximately 18 minutes. The

awareness questioning and the recognition task were administered after the SRTTs were

completed.

Data analysis

Reaction times and accuracy were obtained from each SRTT. Reaction times measured the

time taken from stimulus onset to a response. Only reaction times associated with a correct

response were used in the analyses. To control for individual differences in general reaction

Page 184: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

177  

Figure 7.3. (A) Location on screen and corresponding button on the controller for Positions 1 (top),

4, and 3. (B) Timing of trials. The stimulus showed for 550 ms, including the time that the feedback

square appeared. For example, if the response was made 300 ms after stimulus onset, the stimulus

with the feedback square showed for the remaining 250 ms. (C) Procedure of the experiment. During

the SRTT, reaction times are measured. Slower reaction times to the random trials (Block 4) in

comparison to the surrounding blocks of sequence trials (average of Blocks 3 and 5) indicates

learning.

speed variability, normalised reaction times were used in the analyses (Thomas et al., 2004).

For each participant, the mean z-score transformed reaction time, referenced to the median,

was computed for each block. For the pre-cTBS block of random trials, z-score transformed

reaction time for the block was referenced to the median reaction time across all blocks of

both sequences. The dependent variable used to probe sequence-specific learning was

Page 185: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

178  

calculated as the reaction time difference between Block 4 (Random block) and the average

of Blocks 3 and 5 (Sequence blocks), hereafter referred to as the ‘rebound’. A positive value

for the rebound indicates that information about the sequence was learnt. In the SRTT

literature, this is the common method used to gauge learning on the task. All three groups

demonstrated a significant rebound (ps < .05) on both sequences (see Figure 7.4 below),

however the key comparison of interest is whether the rebounds for FOC and SOC sequences

were different within each group. Thus, the main analyses investigated the difference

between FOC and SOC sequence learning within each group, using repeated measures t-tests.

Analyses were conducted in Stata 14 (StataCorp., 2015).

Results

The primary dependent variable was reaction time. Figure 7.4 presents the average

normalised reaction time reported by group, block, and sequence type. Sequence learning

was measured as the reaction time rebound. That is, the difference in reaction time recorded

for the random block (Block 4) and the average of the surrounding sequence blocks (Block 3

and 5). The normalised reaction time rebound reported by group and sequence type is

presented in Figure 7.5. Repeated measures t-tests comparing FOC and SOC rebounds were

undertaken for each group separately. Analyses revealed that the size of the rebound between

FOC and SOC sequences was significantly different for the M1 group, with a large effect size

(t(15) = 3.599, p = .003, d = 0.82). This result shows that the M1 group evidenced a

significantly smaller rebound for the FOC than the SOC sequence. There were no significant

differences in FOC and SOC rebounds for the Sham group (t(15) = .241, p = .813, d = .083)

or the Parietal group (t(15) = .091, p = .929, d = .039).

Page 186: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

179  

0

0.05

0.1

0.15

0.2

0.25

0.3

0.35

0.4

0.45

0.5

Sham M1 Parietal

Norm

alised

 Reaction Tim

e Rebound 

(z‐scores)

n.s * n.s

Figure 7.4. Mean normalised reaction time for each block of trials, reported by group and sequence type. Error bars show standard error.

Figure 7.5. Normalised reaction time rebound (difference between Random and surrounding

Sequence blocks), reported by sequence type and group. Solid bars are for the FOC, unfilled

bars for the SOC sequence. Error bars show standard error.

Accuracy

The effect of cTBS on reaction times was not explained by the accuracy with which

participants pressed buttons in response to the visual stimuli. Accuracy measured the

Page 187: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

180  

proportion of correct responses per block. Across the five blocks, all groups pressed the

buttons with a high level of accuracy in both the FOC sequence (Sham: M = .96, SD = .02;

M1 Group: M = .97, SD = .02; Parietal Group: M = .97, SD = .02), and the SOC sequence

(Sham: M = .97, SD = .02; M1 Group: M = .96, SD = .04; Parietal Group: M = .97, SD = .03).

A 3 (Group: Sham, M1, Parietal) X 2 (Sequence Type: Average accuracy for FOC; Average

accuracy for SOC) mixed-design ANOVA was undertaken on these data. The ANOVA

revealed non-significant main effects of Group (F(2, 44) = .166, p = .848), Sequence Type

(F(1, 44) = .798, p = .377), and a non-significant interaction (F(2, 44) = 1.047, p = .360).

Discussion

This study is the first to compare the effects of TMS on FOC and SOC sequence

learning. The key result to emerge was that inhibitory cTBS over M1 disrupted FOC

sequence learning but not SOC sequence learning. The groups who received either sham

stimulation or active cTBS over the parietal lobe, performed comparably on both sequence

types. These findings show that the neural regions involved in motor sequence learning are

influenced by the statistical structure of the sequence.

The study demonstrates M1 is more heavily involved in learning FOC than SOC

sequences. While previous research has implicated M1 in motor sequence learning generally

(Ben-Shaul et al., 2004; Rosenthal et al., 2009; Seidler et al., 2005; Steel et al., 2016), the

result from the current study indicates M1 involvement may not necessarily be required for

learning all sequence types. In line with previous proposals, it may be that M1 (Ashe et al.,

2006), or a network that includes M1 (Keele et al., 2003), is particularly involved in

processing simple, first-order associations within a sequence. M1 may not process the

higher-order transitions required for learning SOC sequences. Thus, inhibiting this region

leads to difficulties learning FOC sequences, but not SOC sequences.

Page 188: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

181  

The influence of cTBS on FOC sequence learning may be due either to local

inhibition of M1, or to changes in activation or connectivity in distant regions. A previous

study (Steel et al., 2016) investigating the influence of cTBS on SRTT performance found

that the stimulation led to changes in connectivity. Steel et al. found that after administering

cTBS to M1, functional connectivity rather than neural activation was altered during the

SRTT. It was found that connectivity between motor and visual areas decreased, and

connectivity between frontal and temporal regions increased. It may be that a similar change

in connectivity occurred in the current study, with this change negatively affecting the

learning of FOC more than SOC sequences. This suggestion can also be interpreted in terms

of the proposal that temporal lobe structures are required for learning SOC sequences. That

is, learning SOC sequences might be facilitated or compensated via increased connectivity

between temporal and frontal regions. Thus, cTBS over M1 did not negatively affect

learning of the SOC sequence.

Based on the findings of this study we suggest that SOC sequence learning is

supported by a different brain region or network than that required for FOC sequence

learning. However, one limitation of the study is that the data did not indicate potential

neural correlates of SOC sequence learning. The findings do not support proposals that

implicate the hippocampal-declarative memory system in SOC learning (Keele et al., 2003;

Schendan et al., 2003). The results showed that the group who received cTBS over the

parietal lobe did not evidence poorer learning of the SOC sequence. As noted earlier, TMS

over the parietal lobe can affect functioning of hippocampal-based declarative memory, via

altering cortico-hippocampal connectivity (Wang et al., 2014). Thus, if the hippocampus is

required for SOC sequence learning, the Parietal group would be expected to perform poorly

on this sequence. There are two potential reasons for the null finding. One possibility is that

the hippocampus and parietal area are not involved in sequence learning, or at least not

Page 189: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

182  

involved more for SOC than FOC sequences. A second explanation relates to the

methodology used to locate the parietal site. Our use of the average coordinates reported in

Wang et al., rather than coordinates based on individual MRI data for each participant, may

have resulted in stimulating a region other than that we aimed to target. Indeed, the finding

that the Parietal group performed comparably to the other two groups on the picture

recognition task (see Method) also suggests that the hippocampus and associated declarative

memory network was not inhibited via cTBS. Thus, it appears likely that cTBS to the

parietal site did not alter functioning of the hippocampus. While the Parietal group’s findings

highlight the specificity of the M1 stimulation, future research that targets regions thought to

be involved for SOC sequence learning are warranted.

Conclusion

Overall, the findings indicate that learning FOC and SOC sequences rely on

somewhat dissociable neural networks. While both FOC and SOC sequences are learnt

implicitly, the findings of the current study indicate the learning that takes place is not

equally supported by M1. In relation to the SRTT, it is suggested that it is the statistical

structure of the sequence used which determines the involvement of M1 in learning.

Page 190: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

183  

References

Ashe, J., Lungu, O. V., Basford, A. T., & Lu, X. (2006). Cortical control of motor sequences.

Current Opinion in Neurobiology, 16(2), 213-221. doi: 10.1016/j.conb.2006.03.008

Barnes, T. D., Kubota, Y., Hu, D., Jin, D. Z., & Graybiel, A. M. (2005). Activity of striatal

neurons reflects dynamic encoding and recoding of procedural memories. Nature,

437(7062), 1158-1161. doi: 10.1038/nature04053

Ben-Shaul, Y., Drori, R., Asher, I., Stark, E., Nadasdy, Z., & Abeles, M. (2004). Neuronal

activity in motor cortical areas reflects the sequential context of movement. Journal of

Neurophysiology, 91, 1748-1762.

Carpenter, A. F., Georgopoulos, A. P., & Pellizzer, G. (1999). Motor cortical encoding of

serial order in a context-recall task. Science, 283, 1752-1757.

Chung, S. W., Hill, A. T., Rogasch, N. C., Hoy, K. E., & Fitzgerald, P. B. (2016). Use of

theta-burst stimulation in changing excitability of motor cortex: A systematic review

and meta-analysis. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 63, 43-64. doi:

10.1016/j.neubiorev.2016.01.008

Clark, G. M., & Lum, J. A. G. (2017). First-order and higher order sequence learning in

specific language impairment. Neuropsychology, 34(2), 149-159. doi:

10.1037/neu0000316

Cohen, A., Ivry, R., & Keele, S. W. (1990). Attention and structure in sequence learning.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 16(1), 17-

30. doi: 10.1037/0278-7393.16.1.17

Curran, T. (1997). Higher-order associative learning in amnesia: Evidence from the serial

reaction time task. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 9(4), 522-533.

Daselaar, S. M., Rombouts, S. A., Veltman, D. J., Raaijmakers, J. G., & Jonker, C. (2003).

Similar network activated by young and old adults during the acquisition of a motor

Page 191: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

184  

sequence. Neurobiology of Aging, 24(7), 1013-1019. doi: 10.1016/s0197-

4580(03)00030-7

Deroost, N., Kerckhofs, E., Coene, M., Wijnants, G., & Soetens, E. (2006). Learning

sequence movements in a homogenous sample of patients with Parkinson's disease.

Neuropsychologia, 44(10), 1653-1662. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2006.03.021

Grafton, S. T., Hazeltine, E., & Ivry, R. (1995). Functional mapping of sequence learning in

normal humans. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 7(4), 497-510. doi:

10.1162/jocn.1995.7.4.497

Hazeltine, E., Graftib, S. T., & Ivry, R. (1997). Attention and stimulus characteristics

determine the locus of motor-sequence encoding. A PET study. Brain, 120, 123-140.

Hikosaka, O., Nakahara, H., Rand, M. K., Sakai, K., Lu, X., Nakamura, K., . . . Doya, K.

(1999). Parallel neural networks for learning sequential procedures. Trends in

Neurosciences, 22(10), 464-471. doi: 10.1016/s0166-2236(99)01439-3

Huang, Y. Z., Edwards, M. J., Rounis, E., Bhatia, K. P., & Rothwell, J. C. (2005). Theta burst

stimulation of the human motor cortex. Neuron, 45(2), 201-206. doi:

10.1016/j.neuron.2004.12.033

Keele, S. W., Ivry, R., Mayr, U., Hazeltine, E., & Heuer, H. (2003). The cognitive and neural

architecture of sequence representation. Psychological Review, 110(2), 316-339. doi:

10.1037/0033-295x.110.2.316

Muellbacher, W., Ziemann, U., Wissel, J., Dang, N., Kofler, M., Facchini, S., . . . Hallett, M.

(2002). Early consolidation in human primary motor cortex. Nature, 415, 640-644.

Nissen, M. J., & Bullemer, P. (1987). Attentional requirements of learning: Evidence from

performance measures. Cognitive Psychology, 19, 1-32. doi: 10.1016/0010-

0285(87)90002-8

Page 192: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

185  

Oldfield, R. C. (1971). The assessment and analysis of handedness: The Edinburgh inventory.

Neuropsychologia, 9, 97-113.

Packard, M. G., & Knowlton, B. J. (2002). Learning and memory functions of the basal

ganglia. Annual Review of Neuroscience, 25, 563-593. doi:

10.1146/annurev.neuro.25.112701.142937

Reed, J., & Johnson, P. (1994). Assessing implicit learning with indirect tests: Determining

what is learned about sequence structure. Journal of Experimental Psychology:

Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 20(3), 585-594.

Rosenthal, C. R., Roche-Kelly, E. E., Husain, M., & Kennard, C. (2009). Response-

dependent contributions of human primary motor cortex and angular gyrus to manual

and perceptual sequence learning. Journal of Neuroscience, 29(48), 15115-15125.

doi: 10.1523/JNEUROSCI.2603-09.2009

Schendan, H. E., Searl, M. M., Melrose, R. J., & Stern, C. E. (2003). An fMRI study of the

role of the medial temporal lobe in implicit and explicit sequence learning. Neuron,

37, 1013-1025.

Seidler, R. D., Purushotham, A., Kim, S. G., Ugurbil, K., Willingham, D., & Ashe, J. (2005).

Neural correlates of encoding and expression in implicit sequence learning.

Experimental Brain Research, 165(1), 114-124. doi: 10.1007/s00221-005-2284-z

Smith, J. G., & McDowall, J. (2004). Impaired higher order implicit sequence learning on the

verbal version of the serial reaction time task in patients with Parkinson's disease.

Neuropsychology, 18(4), 679-691. doi: 10.1037/0894-4105.18.4.679

StataCorp. (2015). Stata Statistical Software: Release 14. College Station: StatCorp LP.

Steel, A., Song, S., Bageac, D., Knutson, K. M., Keisler, A., Saad, Z. S., . . . Wilkinson, L.

(2016). Shifts in connectivity during procedural learning after motor cortex

Page 193: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

186  

stimulation: A combined transcranial magnetic stimulation/functional magnetic

resonance imaging study. Cortex, 74, 134-148. doi: 10.1016/j.cortex.2015.10.004

Thomas, K. M., Hunt, R. H., Vizueta, N., Sommer, T., Durston, S., Yang, Y., & Worder, M.

S. (2004). Evidence of developmental differences in implicit sequence learning: An

fMRI study of children and adults. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 16(8), 1339-

1351.

Ullman, M. T., & Pierpont, E. I. (2005). Specific language impairment is not specific to

language: The procedural deficit hypothesis. Cortex, 41(3), 399-433. doi:

10.1016/s0010-9452(08)70276-4

Wang, J. X., Rogers, L. M., Gross, E. Z., Ryals, A. J., Dokucu, M. E., Brandstatt, K. L., . . .

Voss, J. L. (2014). Targeted enhancement of cortical-hippocampal brain networks and

associative memory. Science, 345(6200), 1054-1058.

Wechsler, D. (1999). Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence (WASI). San Antonio:

Psychological Corporation.

Wilkinson, L., Steel, A., Mooshagian, E., Zimmermann, T., Keisler, A., Lewis, J. D., &

Wassermann, E. M. (2015). Online feedback enhances early consolidation of motor

sequence learning and reverses recall deficit from transcranial stimulation of motor

cortex. Cortex, 71, 134-147. doi: 10.1016/j.cortex.2015.06.012

Wilkinson, L., Teo, J. T., Obeso, I., Rothwell, J. C., & Jahanshahi, M. (2009). The

contribution of primary motor cortex is essential for probabilistic implicit sequence

learning: Evidence from theta burst magnetic stimulation. Journal of Cognitive

Neuroscience, 22(3), 427-436. doi: 10.1162/jocn.2009.21208

Willingham, D. B., Salidis, J., & Gabrieli, J. D. E. (2002). Direct comparison of neural

systems mediating conscious and unconscious skill learning. Journal of

Neurophysiology, 88, 1451-1460.

Page 194: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

187  

Chapter 8

Study 5: The Relationship between Procedural Memory, Grammar, Reading, and

Motor skills in SLI.

Study 5 investigated whether procedural memory is related to language, reading, and

motor skills in children with and without SLI. Study 3 demonstrated that in SLI, the implicit

learning of FOC sequences appears to be most affected. In Study 4, evidence was presented

suggesting learning this type of information relies on parts of the brain that support the

procedural memory system. Collectively, this pattern of results is largely consistent with the

PDH that was summarised in Chapter 4. That is, in SLI cortico-striatal dysfunction leads to

procedural memory impairments in this group. However, the PDH (Ullman & Pierpont,

2005) further predicts that co-occurring problems in SLI can be explained by dysfunction of

procedural memory system structures. That is, the claim is that poor procedural memory

leads to deficits in other types of skills that also rely on this memory system. Evidence

presented in Study 2 indicated this potentially includes reading and motor skills. If this claim

is correct, it would be expected that performance on the SRTT might be related not only to

language, but also to motor and reading skills proficiency in SLI and TD children. This

possibility was tested in Study 5.

The manuscript presented in this chapter is the pre-publication version, except that

table, figure, and subheading numbers have been altered to improve flow within the thesis.

The manuscript was accepted for publication in Research in Developmental Disabilities on

the 16th of October, 2017. Note that the title of the final published version is ‘Procedural

memory and speed of grammatical processing: Comparison between typically developing

children and language impaired children’.

Page 195: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

188  

AUTHORSHIP STATEMENT 

1.  Details of publication and executive author 

Title of Publication  Publication details 

Procedural learning is uniquely associated with speed of grammatical processing in typically developing, but not language impaired children

Under review at Research in Developmental Disabilities 

Name of executive author School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin; Organisation and address if non‐Deakin 

Email or phone 

Gillian Clark  School of Psychology, Deakin University 

[email protected] 

2.  Inclusion of publication in a thesis 

Is it intended to include this publication in a higher degreeby research (HDR) thesis? 

Yes  

If Yes, please complete Section 3If No, go straight to Section 4. 

3.  HDR thesis author’s declaration 

Name of HDR thesis author if different from above. (If the same, write “as above”) 

School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin 

Thesis title 

 As above 

School of Psychology The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language impairment: An investigation using the serial reaction time task 

If there are multiple authors, give a full description of HDR thesis author’s contribution to the publication (for example, how much did you contribute to the conception of the project, the design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Conceptualised the study, designed the methodology, collected the data, ran the analyses, drafted the manuscript   

I declare that the above is an accurate description of my contribution to this paper, and the contributions of other authors are as described below. 

Signature and date 

 04/07/2017 

4.  Description of all author contributions 

Name and affiliation of author   Contribution(s) (for example,  conception of the project, design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Jarrad Lum, Deakin University   

Thesis supervisor ‐ Involved in study design and development, advised on recruitment methods, assisted with analyses, revised manuscript. 

  

 

Page 196: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

189  

5.  Author Declarations 

I agree to be named as one of the authors of this work, and confirm:  xvi. that I have met the authorship criteria set out in the Deakin University Research Conduct Policy, xvii. that there are no other authors according to these criteria, xviii. that the description in Section 4 of my contribution(s) to this publication is accurate,  xix. that the data on which these findings are based are stored as set out in Section 7 below. 

If this work is to form part of an HDR thesis as described in Sections 2 and 3, I further  

xx. consent to the incorporation of the publication into the candidate’s HDR thesis submitted to Deakin University and, if the higher degree is awarded, the subsequent publication of the thesis by the university (subject to relevant Copyright provisions).   

 

Name of author  Signature* Date 

Jarrad Lum  

04/07/2017 

6.  Other contributor declarations 

I agree to be named as a non‐author contributor to this work. 

Name and affiliation of contributor  Contribution Signature* and date

N/A  

 

* If an author or contributor is unavailable or otherwise unable to sign the statement of authorship, the Head of Academic Unit may sign on their behalf, noting the reason for their unavailability, provided there is no evidence to suggest that the person would object to being named as author 

7.  Data storage 

The original data for this project are stored in the following locations. (The locations must be within an appropriate institutional setting. If the executive author is a Deakin staff member and data are stored outside Deakin University, permission for this must be given by the Head of Academic Unit within which the executive author is based.) 

Data format  Storage Location Date lodged Name of custodian if other than the executive author 

Hardcopy forms  Locked cabinet at Deakin University, Burwood 

01/01/2016 Jarrad Lum 

Electronic data  Password‐protected folder in Research Data Storage on the Deakin server  

01/01/2016  

This form must be retained by the executive author, within the school or institute in which they are based. 

If the publication is to be included as part of an HDR thesis, a copy of this form must be included in the thesis with the publication. 

Page 197: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

190  

RUNNING HEAD: Procedural memory and grammar

Procedural learning is uniquely associated with speed of grammatical processing in

typically developing, but not language impaired children.

Gillian M. Clark and Jarrad A. G. Lum

Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin University, Australia

Author Note

Gillian M. Clark, Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin

University; Jarrad A. G. Lum, Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin

University.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Gillian Clark,

Cognitive Neuroscience Unit, School of Psychology, Deakin University, 221 Burwood

Highway, Burwood, Victoria, Australia, 3121.

Email: [email protected]  

Page 198: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

191  

Abstract

Background. Procedural memory has been posed to underlie the acquisition of a

range of skills including grammar, reading, and motor skills. In specific language

impairment (SLI) it has been suggested that procedural memory problems lead to the

difficulties with grammar in this group.

Aims. This study aimed to extend previous research by exploring associations

between procedural memory and a range of cognitive skills, in children with and without

language impairments.

Methods and Procedures. Twenty children with SLI and 20 age-matched non-

language impaired children undertook tasks assessing procedural memory, grammatical

processing speed, single word and nonword reading, and motor skills.

Outcomes and Results. The SLI group evidenced no significant correlations

between procedural memory and any of the measured variables. The TD group showed a

significant correlation (r = .482, p < .05) between the measure of procedural memory and

grammatical processing speed. Neither reading nor motor skills correlated with procedural

memory.

Conclusions and Implications. This study provides new evidence showing that

grammatical processing speed is correlated with procedural memory. Furthermore, results

suggest that the relationship with procedural memory does not extend to reading or motor

skills. For the SLI group the pattern of result indicate grammatical processing, reading, and

motor sequencing are not supported by procedural memory or a common memory system.

Keywords: procedural memory; specific language impairment

Page 199: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

192  

What this paper adds

A dominant theory suggests that procedural memory underlies the ability to process

grammar, and that procedural memory problems lead to the grammatical problems found in

children with SLI. However, procedural memory is also thought to underlie reading and

motor skills. This is the first study to directly investigate associations between each of these

variables in groups of children with and without SLI. We suggest that grammatical

processing speed may be a better measure than the often-used measure of accuracy in tapping

into procedural system functioning. Results show that relationships between skills are

different in SLI and TD groups. It appears that procedural memory, grammar, reading, and

motor skills each rely on different processes or networks in SLI.

Page 200: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

193  

8.1 Introduction

Specific language impairment (SLI) is a neurodevelopmental disorder characterised

by varying levels of expressive and receptive language problems (American Psychiatric

Association, 2013; World Health Organization, 1992). A key characteristic of SLI is that the

language impairments found in this group do not appear to be attributable to any medical

condition or deficiencies with linguistic input (Leonard, 2014). While the diagnostic criteria

for SLI suggests a potential dissociation between language and non-language skills, research

indicates this is certainly not the case. Children with SLI typically present with a range of co-

occurring problems as well (e.g., Bishop & Snowling, 2004; Hill, 2001; Vugs, Cuperus,

Hendriks, & Verhoeven, 2013). Chief amongst these include motor (Hill, 2001) and reading

(McArthur, Hogben, Edwards, Heath, & Mengler, 2000) skill deficits. A growing body of

literature suggests that skills and abilities supported by the procedural memory system may

underlie the language problems in SLI (Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007; Ullman & Pierpont,

2005). However, poor procedural memory has also been linked to motor and reading deficits

(Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007), both of which are often present in SLI (Hill, 2001; McArthur et

al., 2000). The extent to which procedural memory problems in SLI relate to the language

problems in this group has yet to be tested and is the focus of the current study.

8.1.1 Procedural Memory in Specific Language Impairment

The initial claim implicating procedural memory in SLI was forwarded by Ullman

and Pierpont (2005). According to the Procedural Deficit Hypothesis (PDH), dysfunction of

the caudate and/or prefrontal regions gives rise to a procedural memory impairment in SLI.

The procedural memory system is supported by a network of subcortical structures including

the basal ganglia and cerebellum, and cortical structures including motor and prefrontal areas

(Eichenbaum & Cohen, 2004; Graybiel, 1995; Knowlton, Mangels, & Squire, 1996). This

Page 201: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

194  

memory system is responsible for the implicit acquisition, storage, and retrieval of a range of

information that is sequential, statistical, or rule-like in structure. Ullman (2001, 2004;

Ullman et al., 1997) argues that the acquisition and use of grammar is also supported by the

procedural memory system. Grammar follows statistical regularities, and like other

information learnt via procedural memory, general rules relating to phonology, grammatical

morphology, and syntax are acquired gradually and incidentally, after repeated exposure to

the input.

One prediction of the PDH is that individuals with SLI should have poorer procedural

memory than their non-language impaired peers (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005). Procedural

memory functioning in SLI has commonly been investigated using the serial reaction time

task (SRTT; e.g., Desmottes, Meulemans, & Maillart, 2015; Gabriel, Maillart, Guillaume,

Stefaniak, & Meulemans, 2011; Hsu & Bishop, 2014; Lum, Conti-Ramsden, Page, &

Ullman, 2012; Tomblin, Mainela-Arnold, & Zhang, 2007). The SRTT involves implicitly

learning a visuo-motor sequence (Nissen & Bullemer, 1987). Participants are required to

press a button that corresponds to the location of a visual stimulus on a computer screen.

Unknown to participants, the location of the stimulus follows a predetermined sequence.

Learning is considered to have taken place if participants respond faster to trials in which the

stimulus follows a sequence compared to trials in which the stimulus appears in random

locations. There is evidence for procedural memory problems in SLI, as indexed by SRTT

performance. Lum, Conti-Ramsden, Morgan, and Ullman (2014) conducted a meta-analysis

that synthesised results of SLI-SRTT studies. It was found that overall, individuals with SLI

performed significantly more poorly on the SRTT than their typically developing (TD) peers.

8.1.2 Associations between Procedural Memory and Grammar

Page 202: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

195  

A second prediction of the PDH is that procedural memory should be related to

grammatical proficiency. A number of studies (Desmottes et al., 2015; Gabriel et al., 2011;

Gabriel et al., 2013; Gabriel, Meulemans, Parisse, & Maillart, 2014; Gabriel, Stefaniak,

Maillart, Schmitz, & Meulemans, 2012; Lum et al., 2012; Lum & Kidd, 2012; Mimeau,

Coleman, & Donlan, 2016) have investigated this relationship by examining correlations

between the ability to learn the sequence in the SRTT, and performance on tasks that assess

expressive and/or receptive grammatical skills. In these studies ‘performance’ has been

operationalised as the ability to correctly comprehend (e.g., Gabriel et al., 2014; Gabriel et

al., 2012; Lum et al., 2012) or produce (e.g., Gabriel et al., 2011; Lum & Kidd, 2012;

Mimeau et al., 2016) one or more sentences. One finding to emerge from this literature is

that the association between performance on the SRTT and grammatical skills are typically

low. In SLI groups, most studies have reported positive non-significant correlations between

.1 and .3 (Gabriel et al., 2011; Gabriel et al., 2012; Lum et al., 2012), although Gabriel et al.

(2013) did find a significant association of .48. The positive values in these studies indicate

that children who were better able to learn the sequence on the SRTT obtained higher scores

on tasks assessing grammatical skills. Interestingly, non-significant, but negative correlations

have also been reported (Desmottes et al., 2015; Gabriel et al., 2014; Gheysen, Van

Waelvelde, & Fias, 2011). These range from -.31 (Desmottes et al., 2015) to -.46 (Gabriel et

al., 2014). Thus, children with worse procedural memory performed better on the test of

grammar.

One explanation for the weak associations between procedural memory and grammar

in SLI is that in this group, grammar is learnt by a different memory system. Ullman and

Pierpont (2005) proposed that the declarative memory system might compensate for poor

procedural system functioning in SLI, and thus grammar might be learnt by the declarative

memory system. However, this explanation does not account for the weak associations

Page 203: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

196  

observed between procedural memory and grammar in TD children. In TD groups,

correlations between procedural memory and grammar are also small and often non-

significant. The magnitude of association has commonly been found to be between .1 and .3

(Gabriel et al., 2011; Gabriel et al., 2013; Gabriel et al., 2012; Lum & Kidd, 2012; Mimeau et

al., 2016), though this varies from -.28 (Gabriel et al., 2014) to .47 (Desmottes et al., 2015).

The implication of these findings is that the ability to accurately comprehend or produce a

grammatical sentence is not strongly related to performance on the SRTT or by extension, to

procedural memory. Thus in both SLI and TD populations it is quite possible to have poor

procedural memory, yet have intact grammatical skills.

There are several explanations for the small associations between performance on the

SRTT and grammatical proficiency. One possibility explored in this study is that the role of

procedural memory in grammar might be more closely related to processing speed, rather

than the typically used measure of accuracy. One feature of procedurally acquired skills is

that, while learning is gradual and incremental, once the skill has been learnt it can be

executed automatically and rapidly. Thus, the speed with which the skill is executed may

reflect procedural system functionality. In terms of grammatical skills, it may be that the

speed with which one can comprehend or produce grammatical sentences is related to

procedural system functionality. This idea was posed previously to account for the finding

that groups with Tourette’s syndrome (Walenski, Mostofsky, & Ullman, 2007) and autism

spectrum disorders (Walenski, Mostofsky, & Ullman, 2014) performed equally accurately,

but significantly faster, than TD groups on several measures of language. As both Tourette’s

syndrome and autism spectrum disorders are associated with abnormal cortico-striatal

circuitry (Albin & Mink, 2006; Bradshaw, 2001; Langen et al., 2012), the results suggest that

in relation to language processing, response speed indexes the cortico-striatal network more

Page 204: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

197  

effectively than accuracy. Whether procedural system functioning is associated with speed of

grammatical processing in children with and without SLI, however, is yet to be investigated.

8.1.3 Procedural Memory in Reading and Motor Skills

Another explanation for the small association between SRTT performance and

grammar is that procedural memory might not be related to grammar. If this is the case past

findings indicating positive, albeit non-significant, correlations between performance on the

SRTT and grammar (e.g., Gabriel et al., 2011; Gabriel et al., 2012; Lum et al., 2012; Mimeau

et al., 2016) might be due to chance. Furthermore, procedural memory in both groups might

be more closely related to other skills. Nicolson and Fawcett’s (2007) model of

neurodevelopmental disorders predicts that disturbances in the procedural memory system

can also negatively impact motor and reading skills. Their proposal is based on the

identification of two distinct procedural memory networks; cortico-striatal and cortico-

cerebellar (Doyon, Penhune, & Ungerleider, 2003). The cortico-striatal network is

considered important for acquiring skills that involve planning, learning, and execution of

sequences. The cortico-cerebellar network is involved in the adaptation or adjustment of

skills (e.g., Debas et al., 2010; Doyon et al., 2003), as well as the automatisation of these

skills (e.g., Lang & Bastian, 2002). Motor skill proficiency is linked to a cortico-striatal

circuit that includes areas of the primary motor cortex, while motor adaptation involves

cortico-cerebellar circuits (Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007). The skills that underpin phonological

processing, and the automatisation of the skills that lead to fluent reading are linked to a

cortico-cerebellar network (Nicolson & Fawcett, 2007; Nicolson, Fawcett, & Dean, 2001).

The implicit learning that takes place on the SRTT relies on areas of both cortico-

striatal (e.g., Clark, Lum, & Ullman, 2014; Rauch et al., 1997; Reiss et al., 2005) and cortico-

cerebellar (e.g., Pascual-Leone et al., 1993; Torriero, Oliveri, Koch, Caltagirone, & Petrosini,

Page 205: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

198  

2004) circuits. Individual and group differences on SRTT performance could potentially be

associated with reading, motor, or language skills. In SLI a deficit in procedural memory

might lead to reading or motor skill deficits, rather than language difficulties. Both reading

and motor problems are highly prevalent in SLI. McArthur et al. (2000) found that

approximately 50% of children with SLI also met the diagnostic criteria for dyslexia, and it

has been estimated that motor problems are present in 90% of children with SLI (Hill, 2001).

Furthermore, children with motor or reading problems have also been found to perform more

poorly on the SRTT compared to controls (Gheysen et al., 2011; Lum, Ullman, & Conti-

Ramsden, 2013). Thus, there is evidence to suggest that poor procedural memory might be

correlated with grammar as well as with reading and motor skills in children with SLI, and

presumably in TD children.

8.1.4 The Current Study

The current study aimed to investigate the relationship between procedural memory

and grammatical processing speed, reading, and motor skills in children with SLI and a

comparison group comprising TD children. In this study associations between performance

on a SRTT and measures of grammar, reading and motor functioning were examined in both

groups. The first hypothesis tested in this study was that performance on a measure of

procedural memory would be correlated with grammatical processing speed in both SLI and

TD groups. The second hypothesis tested was that that reading and motor skills would also

correlate positively with SRTT performance in both TD and SLI groups.

8.2 Method

8.2.1 Participants

Twenty children with SLI (7 female, 13 male) and 20 typically developing (TD)

children (7 female, 13 male) took part in the study. Children were aged between 7 and 10

Page 206: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

199  

years. Data from some of these participants was also described in Clark and Lum (2016).

All children were recruited from primary schools in Melbourne, Australia. Ethical approval

for the study was obtained from Deakin University and the Department of Education Early

Childhood Development, and informed written consent was given by the children’s parents

prior to participating in the study. Details of participant characteristics are presented in Table

8.1.

8.2.1.1 Identification of children with SLI. The Core Language subtests (CLS) of

the Clinical Evaluation of Language Fundamentals – Fourth Edition: Australian

Standardisation (CELF-4: Australian Semel, Wiig, & Secord, 2006) were used to assess

language skills. The CLS is standardised to a mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15, and

provides an estimate of overall expressive and receptive language abilities. A score of 85 or

lower has been shown to have high diagnostic accuracy (sensitivity = .83, specificity = .90,

Semel et al., 2006). All children in the SLI group obtained a CLS of 85 or less. The

language scores of all children in the TD group were in the average range.

Non-verbal reasoning skills were measured using either the Matrix Reasoning subtest

of the Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence (WASI; Wechsler, 1999) or the Raven’s

Coloured Progressive Matrices (RCPM; Raven, 1998). Performance on both measures is

summarised as a standardised score which has a mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15.

All children obtained a standardised non-verbal intelligence score between 94 and 122.

8.2.2 Materials

8.2.2.1 Procedural memory. Procedural memory was measured using a version of the

SRTT (Nissen & Bullemer, 1987). Children were seated at a computer monitor at a distance

of around 650 mm. A visual stimulus, which was a cartoon picture of a fly, appeared

repeatedly in one of four horizontally aligned positions on screen. Children were instructed

Page 207: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

200  

Table 8.1. Summary Statistics showing Age and Scores from Language and Non-Verbal IQ Standardised Tests.

Variable SLI (n=20) TD (n=20) Comparison

Mean SD Range Mean SD Range t p Cohen's d

Age (months) 107.05 11.76 95.67 – 135.10 109.07 8.92 97.50 – 134.77 -0.61 .545 -0.19

CLS 76.45 6.43 63 – 85 101.05 6.72 91 – 113 -

11.83 <.001 -3.74

Non-verbal Reasoninga

104.85 6.95 94 – 118 105.50 6.73 95 – 122 -0.30 .765 -0.10

Note. CLS = Core Language Score a measured by either the Matrix Reasoning subtest of the WASI or Raven's Colored Progressive Matrices

to press one of four horizontally aligned buttons on a computer keyboard that corresponded to

the location of the stimulus on screen. Reaction times that measured the time taken between

the stimulus appearing on screen and a button being pressed were recorded.

Each trial began with a blank gray screen that was displayed for 400 ms. The visual

stimulus then appeared, and remained on screen until a response was made. Immediate

feedback, that indicated which button had been pressed was shown onscreen for 150 ms.

Children were presented with 10 practice trials to ensure that they understood the task. Test

trials were grouped into blocks, each comprising 60 stimulus presentations. Unknown to

participants, on Blocks 1, 2, and 3 the location of the stimulus followed a 10-item sequence

that was presented six times. The sequence, where the numbers 1-4 represent the four

locations from left to right, was 3-4-1-2-4-1-3-4-2-1. This is known as a first-order

conditional sequence, which means that each stimulus location can be predicted to some

extent from the previous position (Curran, 1997). Implicitly learning this type of sequence

has been shown to rely on cortico-striatal and cortico-cerebellar structures of the procedural

memory system (Clark et al., 2014; Knopman & Nissen, 1991; Torriero et al., 2004). In

Block 4, the location of the stimulus appeared in pseudorandom order. On this block the

stimulus appeared in each of the four locations an equal number of times as during each

Page 208: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

201  

Sequence block. The frequency of each pair of locations (e.g., 3 followed by 4) was also the

same as in each Sequence block.

In line with previous studies (Gabriel et al., 2011; Gabriel et al., 2014; Lum & Bleses,

2012; Lum et al., 2012), the variable of interest was the difference in reaction time between

the Random block (Block 4) and the preceding Sequence block (Block 3). The median

reaction time associated with a correct response was computed for each participant for each

block, and then averaged for each group. The average median reaction time for Block 3

(Sequence block) was subtracted from the average median reaction time for Block 4

(Random block), and this difference was used as the dependent variable. According to this

index, positive values indicate longer reaction times for the Random block and thus, that

information about the sequence has been learnt.

8.2.2.2 Grammatical Processing Speed. The measure of grammar was a sentence

comprehension task based on common sentence-picture matching tasks (e.g. Bishop, 2003;

Waters, Caplan, & Rochon, 1995). On this task a stimulus sentence is auditorily presented

along with four pictures. The child’s task is to select one picture that matches the sentence’s

semantics. In the current study the stimulus sentence and pictures were presented using a

computer. This method for presenting the task permitted the recording of both accuracy and

reaction times.

The task consisted of four practice trials, followed by 16 test trials. All sentences

were simple, active, subject-verb-object sentences of five words (e.g., “The dog touches the

tree”) or six words (e.g., “The girl is chasing the boy”) in length. Sentence selection was

based on normative data from the Test of Receptive Grammar-2 (Bishop, 2003), which shows

these types of sentences are correctly answered by at least 80% of 7- to 9-year olds. It was

important that both groups approached ceiling on the task, as only reaction times associated

Page 209: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

202  

with a correct response were used in this study. This is because when a correct response is

made, the reaction time is likely to capture the processes of interest. Of the four pictures that

were shown, one unambiguously matched the sentence, while the remaining three were

incorrect due to lexical errors or a reversal of subject and object. For example, the target

sentence “The girl is chasing the boy” included one picture that matched the sentence, one

picture of a girl chasing a dog, one picture of a boy chasing a duck, and one picture of a boy

chasing a girl.

Each trial began with a blank screen, with a fixation cross in the centre of the screen

which appeared for 350 ms. The sentence, which comprised pre-recorded speech of an adult

female was then presented via headphones, at a comfortable volume. As the sentence started,

four pictures also appeared on the screen. Using a computer mouse, the child aimed to ‘click’

on the picture that matched the sentence. After a response had been made, a blank screen

appeared for 200 ms before the next trial began. Both accuracy and response times were

measured. Accuracy measured the proportion of correct responses. Response times

measured the time taken, in milliseconds, for a picture to be clicked after the end of the

sentence. The end of each sentence was determined by inspecting acoustic waveforms in

Audacity (Audacity Developer Team, 2004). Only response times associated with correct

responses were used in the analyses, and response times longer than 10 seconds or shorter

than -500 ms were excluded.

8.2.2.3 Control Task: Word recognition. A control task, which consisted of a word-

picture matching task, was also presented to participants. Data collected from the word

recognition task was used to control for the influence of basic motor processes (e.g., using a

computer mouse to select a picture), responding to visual and auditory stimuli, and word

recognition speed on the sentence comprehension task. The task format was identical to the

Page 210: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

203  

grammatical sentence-picture matching task, except that single words rather than sentences

were presented. Specifically, on this task a single word was auditorily presented along with

four pictures. The child’s task was to select the picture that matched the word, by using a

computer mouse to click on the picture.

As in the grammar task, four practice trials were presented followed by 16 test trials.

The target words on the task were nouns likely to be known by 5-year old children. Nouns

were selected from the Receptive One Word Picture Vocabulary Test (ROWPVT; Brownell,

2000) and English normative data from the MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development

Inventory (CDI) accessed via the CLEX database (Jørgensen, Dale, Bleses, & Fenson, 2010).

Each trial began with a blank screen, with a fixation cross in the centre of the screen which

appeared for 350 ms. The word was then presented at a comfortable volume via headphones.

As the word was spoken, four pictures also appeared on the screen. One was a picture of the

spoken word, while the remaining three pictures were foils. Using a computer mouse, the

child aimed to ‘click’ on the picture that matched the word. After a response had been made,

a blank screen appeared for 200 ms before the next trial began. Response times and accuracy

were both recorded for each trial. Only response times associated with correct responses

were used in the analyses, and response times longer than 10 seconds or shorter than -500 ms

were excluded.

8.2.2.4 Reading skills. Reading skills were measured using the Test of Word

Reading Efficiency (TOWRE; Torgesen, Wagner, & Rashotte, 1999). The TOWRE

comprises two subtests, Word Efficiency and Phonemic Decoding Efficiency, which measure

the ability to accurately and fluently read individual words and nonwords respectively. On

the Word Efficiency subtest children are asked to read aloud as many real words as they can

from a list of 104, within a 45 second period. Example words from the subtest are ‘on’,

Page 211: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

204  

‘bee’, and ‘most’. On the Phonemic Decoding Efficiency subtest children are given 45

seconds to read aloud as many nonwords as possible from a list of 63. Nonwords included

‘fos’, ‘rup’, and ‘dord’. Each subtest was preceded by a list of eight practice words or

nonwords to familiarise children with the task. The dependent variables used in the analyses

were the total number of words or nonwords correctly pronounced in 45 seconds.

Based on Nicolson and Fawcett’s (2007) proposal, the ability to complete the Word

Efficiency and Phonemic Decoding Efficiency subtests are likely to be supported by the

language-related cortico-cerebellar circuits of the procedural memory system. As noted

earlier, Nicolson and Fawcett (2007) argued that the cortico-cerebellar circuits are needed for

the automatisation of processes involved in reading, and for the implicit acquisition and

manipulation of phonological rules. The extent to which reading processes can be executed

automatically would certainly lead to the an increase in the number of words that can be read

aloud within the 45 second time limit on the Word Efficiency and Phonemic Decoding

Efficiency subtests. Also, the ability to learn and retrieve phonological rules is needed for

grapheme to phoneme conversions. Children with superior procedural memory should also

be able to read more words on the TOWRE.

8.2.2.5 Motor skills. Motor skills were measured using the Purdue Pegboard test

(Tiffin, 1968). On this task children are presented with a pegboard comprising two columns

of 25 holes, along with two tubs each holding approximately 25 small metal pegs. The

children’s task is to place as many pegs as possible into individual holes on the board.

Children practiced placing pegs in the board before the trials began. There are four trials on

the task with each one lasting 30 seconds. Two trials are completed with the left hand and

two with the right. The order that all participants completed trials was right-left-right-left.

On each trial pegs are placed into holes on the pegboard, starting at the top and working

Page 212: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

205  

down. Similar to past research undertaken with SLI (Brookman, McDonald, McDonald, &

Bishop, 2013), the dependent variable used in the analyses was the total number of pegs

placed across all four trials.

The pegboard task requires a speeded, smooth sequence of movements. According to

Nicolson and Fawcett’s (2007) model, these processes are supported by the require cortico-

striatal circuits of the procedural memory system. There is evidence to suggest this is indeed

the case (Pujol, Junque, Vendrell, Grau, & Capdevila, 1992; Vingerhoets, Schulzer, Calne, &

Snow, 1997). Children with better procedural memory should place more pegs during the

task.

8.2.3 Procedure

Children were tested individually in a quiet room at their school. The tasks were

administered over three to four sessions, over an average of three months. The order of the

tasks was randomised for each participant.

8.3 Results

The first set of analyses compared performance of the SLI and TD groups on the tasks

assessing procedural memory (the SRTT), and grammar, word recognition, reading, and

motor skills. Table 8.2 presents the descriptive statistics summarising each group’s

performance on the tasks. Between-groups t-tests were used to investigate differences

between groups on each measure. Results from these analyses are also summarised in Table

8.2. For illustrative purposes, the TD and SLI groups’ performance on the SRTT is presented

in Figure 8.1.

Table 8.2 shows that the SLI group performed more poorly than the TD group on all

administered tasks. On the SRTT, the SLI group evidenced a significantly smaller difference

in reaction time between the block of randomly ordered trials (Block 4) and the preceding

Page 213: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

206  

Table 8.2. Summary Scores and Comparisons of Procedural Memory, Language, Reading, and Motor Tasks

Variable SLI TD Comparison Mean SD Range Mean SD Range t p Cohen's d

Procedural Memory (SRTT)a,b 2.33 89.12 -252.50 – 170.0 62.18 60.58 -40.0 – 197.0 -2.48 .018* -0.79

Grammatical skills (sentence comprehension)

Accuracyc 0.86 0.12 .63 – 1.0 0.87 0.12 .56 – 1.0 193.5g .864 -0.01

Response Timea 1583.57 390.17 1076.13 – 2260.23 1461.29 335.70 800.80 – 2034.08 1.06 .295 0.34

Word recognition

Accuracyc 0.99 0.03 .88 – 1.0 0.98 0.04 .81 – 1.0 190.0g .737 -0.02

Response Timea 1494.35 593.67 700.79 – 3076.56 1244.09 310.16 743.75 – 1700.69 1.67 .103 0.53 Reading (TOWRE)

Wordsd 56.67 12.71 27 – 76 65.00 10.38 38 – 80 -2.27 .029* -0.72

Nonwordse 25.5 12.63 2 – 49 36.05 11.69 12 – 54 -2.74 .009* -0.87

Motor skills (pegboard task)f 50.5 5.43 38 – 58 52.68 6.07 42 – 65 -1.20 .238 -0.38 Note. SRTT = Serial reaction time task TOWRE = Test of Word Reading Efficiency aMeasured in milliseconds. bResponse time difference between Block 4 (Random) and Block 3 (Sequence). cProportion of accurate responses. dTotal number of words accurately read in the Word Efficiency subtest of the TOWRE. eTotal number of nonwords accurately read in the Phonemic Decoding Proficieny subtest of the TOWRE. fTotal number of pegs placed in the Purdue Pegboard test. gMann-Whitney U statistic. Non-parametric test used due to highly skewed data. *p<.05

Page 214: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

207  

Figure 8.1. Average median reaction time for Random block (Block 4) and preceding Sequence block (Block 3) on the serial reaction time task (SRTT) for SLI and TD groups. Error bars represent standard error.

block of sequenced trials (Block 3) compared to the TD group. This result indicates that the

SLI group did not learn the implicit sequence as well as the TD group. Data from the

sentence comprehension task showed that both groups approached ceiling with respect to

accuracy. In relation to reaction times on this task, overall the SLI group were slower than

the TD group, but this difference was not found to be statistically significant. This same

trend was also observed on the word recognition task. For the measure of reading, on

average the SLI group read significantly fewer real words and nonwords than controls.

Finally, on the pegboard task, the SLI group on average placed two to three fewer pegs

compared to the TD group. This difference corresponds to a small-to-medium effect size,

however this effect did not reach significance.

The next analyses investigated whether individual differences in implicit learning on

the SRTT (procedural memory) correlated with performance on the language, reading, and

motor tasks. Two additional variables were calculated, to index grammatical processing

speed while controlling the influence of word recognition speed, and vice versa. This was

500

550

600

650

700

SLI TD

Reaction tim

e (m

s)

Block 3(Sequence)

Block 4(Random)

Page 215: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

208  

achieved using regression. To control for any potential influence that differences in lexical

knowledge might have on an individual’s grammatical comprehension, speed on the word

recognition task was regressed onto speed on the grammar task. The standardised residuals

were then included as a variable in the correlation analyses. This variable represents

grammatical processing speed without the influence of lexical processing speed. The same

process was undertaken to create a second variable that represents lexical processing speed

while controlling for the influence of grammatical processing speed. Before calculating the

correlations, log transformations were applied to reaction time data acquired from the word

recognition task to control for non-normality. Pearson’s correlations were calculated for each

group separately. Correlations for the TD group are presented in Table 3 and corresponding

data for the SLI group in Table 8.4.

Table 8.3 shows that for the TD group, performance on the SRTT was significantly

correlated with reaction times from the sentence comprehension task. That is, larger reaction

time differences between Sequence and Random blocks on the SRTT were associated with

faster responses in the sentence comprehension task. This relationship remained even after

controlling for reaction times from the word recognition task. SRTT performance was not

significantly associated with performance on the word recognition, reading, or motor tasks.

For illustrative purposes, Figures 8.2 and 8.3 present the scatterplots for each group depicting

the relationship between procedural learning and grammatical processing, before (Figure 8.2)

and after (Figure 8.3) controlling for word recognition speed. Interestingly, Table 8.3 also

shows significant associations between the reading tasks and the motor skills task; TD

children who read more words on the TOWRE also placed more pegs in the pegboard task.

Finally, a significant correlation between word recognition (after controlling for the influence

of grammatical processing speed) and word reading was also observed for the TD group.

Page 216: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

209  

Table 8.3. Correlations between Skills for the Typically Developing group

                    

   1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1. Procedural Learning (SRTT) — Grammatical skills (sentence comprehension) 2. Response Time -.475* — 3. Response Time (controlling for word recognition) -.482* .729** — Word recognition    4. Response Time -.180 .685** 0 — 5. Response Time (controlling for grammatical skills) .199 0 -.685** .729** — Reading

6. Words (Word Efficiency) -.240 -.105 .233 -.402† -.452* — 7. Nonwords (Phonemic Decoding Efficiency) -.366 -.051 .190 -.277 -.332 .885** — 8. Motor skills (pegboard task) -.214 .065 .235 -.154 -.273 .565* .556* —

† p < .1 * p < .05 ** p < .001                        

Page 217: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

210  

Table 8.4. Correlations between Skills for the Specific Language Impairment group

                 

                 

   1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1. Procedural Learning (SRTT) — Grammatical skills (sentence comprehension)

2. Response Time -

.066 — 3. Response Time (controlling for word recognition) .074 .659* — Word recognition   

4. Response Time -

.153 .752** 0 —

5. Response Time (controlling for grammatical skills) -

.156 0 -.752** .659* — Reading    6. Words (Word Efficiency) .226 .075 .056 .051 -.009 — 7. Nonwords (Phonemic Decoding Efficiency) .340 -.061 -.009 -.073 -.042 .858** —

8. Motor skills (pegboard task) -

.066 .035 .133 -.070 -.146 -.127 -.184 —

* p < .05 ** p < .001                        

Page 218: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

211 

This result indicates faster responses to the word-picture matching task (word recognition)

were associated with reading more words on the Word Efficiency subtest of the TOWRE.

Table 8.4 shows that for the SLI group, none of the correlations between measures

were found to be statistically significant. For this group, the only significant associations

were those between the language tasks (i.e., faster grammatical processing was associated

with faster lexical processing), and between the reading tasks (i.e., reading more words was

associated with reading more nonwords). These associations were similar to those shown by

the TD group for the same variables.

Figure 8.2. Scatterplot showing the relationship between procedural memory (serial reaction

time task) and speed of grammatical processing for each group.

Page 219: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

212 

Figure 8.3. Scatterplot showing the relationship between procedural memory (serial reaction time task) and speed of grammatical processing (after controlling for speed of word recognition) for each group.

4. Discussion

This study investigated the relationships between procedural memory, grammar,

reading, and motor skills in children with and without SLI. The results partially supported

the first hypothesis. A measure of procedural memory was found to be significantly

correlated with reaction times obtained from a grammatical sentence comprehension task for

the TD group, but not the SLI group. The data did not support the second hypothesis.

Against predictions procedural memory was not found to be significantly correlated with

measures of reading or motor proficiency for either group. Overall, the study’s findings lend

support to the idea that procedural memory might be related to the speed with which

grammar is processed, at least in TD children. We found no evidence that procedural

memory was related to the measures of reading and motor skills in this group. For the SLI

group procedural memory was not found to be significantly correlated with grammatical

processing speed, reading, or motor skills. In SLI, procedural memory does not appear to be

related to any of the measures assessed in this study.

Page 220: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

213 

A new finding to emerge from this study is that in TD children, procedural memory

appears to be related to the speed grammar is processed. As mentioned earlier, Walenski et

al. (2007, 2014) suggested that speed of grammatical processing might be a better measure

than accuracy to index functioning of the cortico-striatal circuits of the procedural memory

system. Their proposal was based on the finding that in comparison to controls, individuals

with suspected abnormal functioning of cortico-striatal circuits performed equally accurately,

but significantly faster on measures of grammatical processing. The current study extends

those findings by showing a direct association between a measure of procedural memory and

grammatical processing speed. Notably, the correlation found in the current study was

significant, whereas previous studies that have used accuracy as the measure of grammar

proficiency have typically reported non-significant associations of a small-to-medium

magnitude (e.g., Gabriel et al., 2013; Gabriel et al., 2012; Lum & Kidd, 2012). We suggest

that response times rather than accuracy in grammatical tasks may be a useful measure to use

in future research.

Another key finding from this study was that for the TD group, the significant

association with procedural memory was observed only for grammatical processing. Neither

reading nor motor skills correlated with SRTT performance. This pattern of results suggest

the aspects of procedural memory assessed by the SRTT are not related to processes used on

the reading and pegboard tasks. This may be due, at least in part, to the specific regions of

the cortico-cerebellar networks that each task engages. For example, while single word

reading appears to be associated with connectivity within the left cerebellum (Travis, Leitner,

Feldman, & Ben-Shachar, 2015), performance on the SRTT, particularly when using the right

hand as in the current study, may engage the right cerebellum (Gomez-Beldarrain, Garcia-

Monco, Rubio, & Pascual-Leone, 1998; Torriero et al., 2004). In relation to the lack of

association between performance on the SRTT and the pegboard task, it may be that the

Page 221: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

214 

pegboard task is more reliant on the cerebellum than the procedural system networks more

widely. It has been suggested previously that the precision grip required for the pegboard

task leads to heavy involvement of the cerebellum (Brookman et al., 2013), and individuals

with cerebellar damage perform poorly on the task (e.g., Claassen et al., 2013). The

significant correlation between the reading and pegboard tasks might thus reflect use of

similar cerebellar regions or networks for these two tasks.

For the SLI group, procedural memory was not found to correlate with grammatical

processing speed, reading, or motor skills. The non-significant concerning grammar and

procedural memory are consistent with past research. However, this body of research has

only examined the relationship between accuracy measures of grammar and procedural

memory (Gabriel et al., 2013; Gabriel et al., 2014; Gabriel et al., 2012; Lum et al., 2012).

When considering the results presented in this study alongside past research it seems that in

SLI, procedural memory is not related to grammatical skills, as measured by accuracy or

processing speed. It might be considered the null results observed in this study can be

explained with respect to low statistical power. However, this consideration can be

discounted for two reasons. First, the size of the correlations were small (r’s < .075). If these

values were found to be significant in a large sample size, one would question the importance

of these results, since the magnitude of the association would be indicating there are a

substantial number of children with poor procedural memory but fast processing speed for

grammar. Second, the sample sizes of the two groups were equal, yet the TD group did show

a significant correlation. Thus, it is not the case that detecting a relationship between the two

variables is simply dependent on a larger sample size.

What might explain the lack of correlation between procedural memory and grammar

in SLI? One possibility, forwarded by Ullman and Pierpont (2005), is that in SLI declarative

memory compensates for procedural memory problems. As a result, individual differences in

Page 222: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

215 

grammatical skills in SLI should be related to declarative memory functioning, leading to the

lack of correlation with procedural memory in the current study. However, declarative

system compensation is unable to account for all of the SLI results in this study. Ullman

(Ullman & Pierpont, 2005; Ullman & Pullman, 2015) also argues that declarative memory

can compensate for reading problems. In the current study, the SLI group performed

significantly more poorly on the measures of word reading than the TD group. If declarative

memory was compensating for procedural memory, grammar and reading should be

correlated in the SLI group. Yet, this was not the case. Therefore it could be that if

compensation does occur in SLI, it is not supported by a single memory system. Indeed, this

might also explain the lack of correlation between reading and motor skills in the SLI group.

Specifically, while the results of the TD group suggest that reading and motor skills are

related and possibly undertaken by the same system, in SLI this is not the case.

Conclusions

This study provides new evidence indicating that speed of grammatical processing is

associated with procedural memory functioning in TD children. This supports Ullman’s

(2004) claim that the processing of grammar is supported by the procedural memory network.

Results also add that the relationship with procedural memory, at least as indexed by the

SRTT, is specific to grammatical processing speed, and unrelated to reading and motor skills.

Results of the SLI group showed that procedural memory, grammatical processing speed,

reading, and motor skills were not significantly associated, yet this group performed more

poorly than the TD group on each measure. It appears that in SLI, different processes might

underlie performance on each skill. An important area for future research is thus to

investigate multiple compensatory processes in developmental disorders.

Page 223: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

216 

References

American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental

disorders: DSM 5. Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing.

Audacity Developer Team. (2004). Audacity (Version 2.0 [Computer Software]).

Bishop, D. V. M. (2003). Test for reception of grammar: Version 2 (TROG-2). London:

Pearson Assessment.

Bishop, D. V. M., & Snowling, M. J. (2004). Developmental dyslexia and specific language

impairment: same or different? Psychological Bulletin, 130(6), 858-886. doi:

10.1037/0033-2909.130.6.858

Brookman, A., McDonald, S., McDonald, D., & Bishop, D. V. M. (2013). Fine motor deficits

in reading disability and language impairment: same or different? PeerJ, 1, e217. doi:

10.7717/peerj.217

Brownell, R. (2000). Receptive one-word picture vocabulary test (ROWPVT). Novato:

Academic Therapy Publications.

Claassen, D. O., Jones, C. R., Yu, M., Dirnberger, G., Malone, T., Parkinson, M., . . .

Jahanshahi, M. (2013). Deciphering the impact of cerebellar and basal ganglia

dysfunction in accuracy and variability of motor timing. Neuropsychologia, 51(2),

267-274. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2012.09.018

Clark, G. M., Lum, J. A. G., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). A meta-analysis and meta-regression

of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease. Neuropsychology,

28(6), 945-958. doi: 10.1037/neu0000121.supp

Curran, T. (1997). Higher-order associative learning in amnesia: Evidence from the serial

reaction time task. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 9(4), 522-533.

Debas, K., Carrier, J., Orban, P., Barakat, M., Lungu, O., Vandewalle, G., . . . Doyon, J.

(2010). Brain plasticity related to the consolidation of motor sequence learning and

Page 224: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

217 

motor adaptation. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 107(41), 17839-

17844. doi: 10.1073/pnas.1013176107

Desmottes, L., Meulemans, T., & Maillart, C. (2015). Later learning stages in procedural

memory are impaired in children with Specific Language Impairment. Research in

Developmental Disabilities, 48, 53-68. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2015.10.010

Doyon, J., Penhune, V., & Ungerleider, L. G. (2003). Distinct contribution of the cortico-

striatal and cortico-cerebellar systems to motor skill learning. Neuropsychologia, 41,

252-262.

Eichenbaum, H., & Cohen, N. J. (2004). From conditioning to conscious recollection:

Memory systems of the brain. New York: Oxford University Press.

Gabriel, A., Maillart, C., Guillaume, M., Stefaniak, N., & Meulemans, T. (2011). Exploration

of serial structure procedural learning in children with language impairment. Journal

of the International Neuropsychological Society, 17(2), 336-343. doi:

10.1017/S1355617710001724

Gabriel, A., Maillart, C., Stefaniak, N., Lejeune, C., Desmottes, L., & Meulemans, T. (2013).

Procedural learning in specific language impairment: Effects of sequence complexity.

Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society, 1-8. doi:

10.1017/S1355617712001270

Gabriel, A., Meulemans, T., Parisse, C., & Maillart, C. (2014). Procedural learning across

modalities in French-speaking children with specific language impairment. Applied

Psycholinguistics, 1-23. doi: 10.1017/s0142716413000490

Gabriel, A., Stefaniak, N., Maillart, C., Schmitz, X., & Meulemans, T. (2012). Procedural

visual learning in children with specific language impairment. American Journal of

Speech-Language Pathology, 21(4), 329-341. doi: 10.1044/1058-0360(2012/11-0044)

Page 225: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

218 

Gheysen, F., Van Waelvelde, H., & Fias, W. (2011). Impaired visuo-motor sequence learning

in Developmental Coordination Disorder. Research in Developmental Disabilities,

32(2), 749-756. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2010.11.005

Gomez-Beldarrain, M., Garcia-Monco, J. C., Rubio, B., & Pascual-Leone, A. (1998). Effect

of focal cerebellar lesions on procedural learning in the serial reaction time task.

Experimental Brain Research, 120, 25-30.

Graybiel, A. M. (1995). Building action repertoires: memory and learning functions of the

basal ganglia. Current Opinion in Neurobiology, 5, 733-741.

Hill, E. L. (2001). Non-specific nature of specific language impairment: a review of the

literature with regard to concomitant motor impairments. International Journal of

Language and Communication Disorders, 36(2), 149-171.

Hsu, H. J., & Bishop, D. V. M. (2014). Sequence-specific procedural learning deficits in

children with specific language impairment. Developmental Science. doi:

10.1111/desc.12125

Jørgensen, R. N., Dale, P. S., Bleses, D., & Fenson, L. (2010). CLEX: A cross-linguistic

lexical norms database. Journal of Child Language, 37(02), 419-428.

Knopman, D., & Nissen, M. J. (1991). Procedural learning is impaired in Huntington's

disease: Evidence from the serial reaction time task. Neuropsychologia, 29(3), 245-

254.

Knowlton, B. J., Mangels, J. A., & Squire, L. R. (1996). A neostriatal habit learning system

in humans. Science, 273(5280), 1399-1402.

Lang, C. E., & Bastian, A. J. (2002). Cerebellar damage impairs automaticity of a recently

practiced movement. Journal of Neurophysiology, 87, 1336-1347.

Leonard, L. B. (2014). Children with specific language impairment (2nd ed.). Cambridge:

MIT Press.

Page 226: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

219 

Lum, J. A. G., & Bleses, D. (2012). Declarative and procedural memory in Danish speaking

children with specific language impairment. Journal of Communication Disorders,

45(1), 46-58. doi: 10.1016/j.jcomdis.2011.09.001

Lum, J. A. G., Conti-Ramsden, G., Morgan, A. T., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). Procedural

learning deficits in specific language impairment (SLI): A meta-analysis of serial

reaction time task performance. Cortex, 51, 1-10. doi: 10.1016/j.cortex.2013.10.011

Lum, J. A. G., Conti-Ramsden, G., Page, D., & Ullman, M. T. (2012). Working, declarative

and procedural memory in specific language impairment. Cortex, 48(9), 1138-1154.

doi: 10.1016/j.cortex.2011.06.001

Lum, J. A. G., & Kidd, E. (2012). An examination of the associations among multiple

memory systems, past tense, and vocabulary in typically developing 5-year-old

children. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 55, 989-1006. doi:

10.1044/1092-4388(2011/10-0137

Lum, J. A. G., Ullman, M. T., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2013). Procedural learning is impaired

in dyslexia: evidence from a meta-analysis of serial reaction time studies. Research in

Developmental Disabilities, 34(10), 3460-3476. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2013.07.017

McArthur, G. M., Hogben, J. H., Edwards, V. T., Heath, S. M., & Mengler, E. D. (2000). On

the "specifics" or specific reading disability and specific language impairment.

Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 41(7), 869-874.

Mimeau, C., Coleman, M., & Donlan, C. (2016). The role of procedural memory in grammar

and numeracy skills. Journal of Cognitive Psychology, 1-10. doi:

10.1080/20445911.2016.1223082

Nicolson, R. I., & Fawcett, A. J. (2007). Procedural learning difficulties: reuniting the

developmental disorders? Trends in Neurosciences, 30(4), 135-141.

Page 227: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

220 

Nicolson, R. I., Fawcett, A. J., & Dean, P. (2001). Developmental dyslexia: the cerebellar

deficit hypothesis. Trends in Neurosciences, 24(9), 208-511.

Nissen, M. J., & Bullemer, P. (1987). Attentional requirements of learning: Evidence from

performance measures. Cognitive Psychology, 19, 1-32.

Pascual-Leone, A., Grafman, J., Clark, K., Stewart, M., Massaquoi, S., Lou, J.-S., & Hallett,

M. (1993). Procedural learning in Parkinson's disease and cerebellar degeneration.

Annals of Neurology, 34, 594-602.

Pujol, J., Junque, C., Vendrell, P., Grau, J. M., & Capdevila, A. (1992). Reduction of the

substantia nigra width and motor decline in aging and Parkinson's disease. Archives of

Neurology, 49, 1119-1122.

Rauch, S. L., Whalen, P. J., Savage, C. R., Curran, T., Kendrick, A., Brown, H. D., . . .

Rosen, B. R. (1997). Striatal recruitment during an implicit sequence learning task as

measured by functional magnetic resonance imaging. Human Brain Mapping, 5, 124-

132.

Raven, J. (1998). Raven's Progressive Matrices and Vocabulary Scales. London:

Psychological Corporation.

Reiss, J. P., Campbell, D. W., Leslie, W. D., Paulus, M. P., Stroman, P. W., Polimeni, J. O., .

. . Sareen, J. (2005). The role of the striatum in implicit learning: A functional

magnetic resonance imaging study. Neuroreport, 16(12), 1291-1295.

Semel, E., Wiig, E. H., & Secord, W. A. (2006). Clinical evaluation of language

fundamentals - fourth edition Australian. Marrickville: Harcourt Assessment.

Tiffin, J. (1968). Purdue Pegboard examiner's manual. Rosemount, IL: London House.

Tomblin, J. B., Mainela-Arnold, E., & Zhang, X. (2007). Procedural learning in adolescents

with and without specific language impairment. Language Learning and

Development, 3(4), 269-293. doi: 10.1080/15475440701377477

Page 228: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

221 

Torgesen, J. K., Wagner, R. K., & Rashotte, C. A. (1999). Test of Word Reading Efficiency.

Austin, Texas: PRO-ED.

Torriero, S., Oliveri, M., Koch, G., Caltagirone, C., & Petrosini, L. (2004). Interference of

left and right cerebellar rTMS with procedural learning. Journal of Cognitive

Neuroscience, 16(9), 1605-1611.

Travis, K. E., Leitner, Y., Feldman, H. M., & Ben-Shachar, M. (2015). Cerebellar white

matter pathways are associated with reading skills in children and adolescents.

Human Brain Mapping, 36(4), 1536-1553. doi: 10.1002/hbm.22721

Ullman, M. T. (2001). The declarative/procedural model of lexicon and grammar. Journal of

Psycholinguistic Research, 30(1), 37-69.

Ullman, M. T. (2004). Contributions of memory circuits to language: the

declarative/procedural model. Cognition, 92(1-2), 231-270. doi:

10.1016/j.cognition.2003.10.008

Ullman, M. T., Corkin, S., Coppola, M., Hickok, G., Growdon, J. H., Korosbetz, W. J., &

Pinker, S. (1997). A neural dissociation within language: Evidence that the mental

dictionary is part of declarative memory, and that grammatical rules are processed by

the procedural system. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 9(2), 266-276.

Ullman, M. T., & Pierpont, E. I. (2005). Specific language impairment is not specific to

language: The procedural deficit hypothesis. Cortex, 41(3), 399-433. doi:

10.1016/s0010-9452(08)70276-4

Ullman, M. T., & Pullman, M. Y. (2015). A compensatory role for declarative memory in

neurodevelopmental disorders. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 51, 205-

222. doi: 10.1016/j.neubiorev.2015.01.008

Page 229: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

222 

Vingerhoets, F. J. G., Schulzer, M., Calne, D. B., & Snow, B. J. (1997). Which clinical sign

of Parkinson's disease best reflects the nigrostriatal lesion? Annals of Neurology, 41,

58-64.

Vugs, B., Cuperus, J., Hendriks, M., & Verhoeven, L. (2013). Visuospatial working memory

in specific language impairment: a meta-analysis. Research in Developmental

Disabilities, 34(9), 2586-2597. doi: 10.1016/j.ridd.2013.05.014

Walenski, M., Mostofsky, S. H., & Ullman, M. T. (2007). Speeded processing of grammar

and tool knowledge in Tourette's syndrome. Neuropsychologia, 45(11), 2447-2460.

doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2007.04.001

Walenski, M., Mostofsky, S. H., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). Inflectional morphology in high-

functioning autism: Evidence for speeded grammatical processing. Res Autism Spectr

Disord, 8(11), 1607-1621. doi: 10.1016/j.rasd.2014.08.009

Waters, G. S., Caplan, D., & Rochon, E. (1995). Processing capacity and sentence

comprehension in patients with Alzheimer's disease. Cognitive Neuropsychology, 12,

30.

Wechsler, D. (1999). Wechsler Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence (WASI). San Antonio:

Psychological Corporation.

World Health Organization. (1992). The ICD-10 classification of mental and behavioural

disorders: clinical descriptions and diagnostic guidelines. Geneva: World Health

Organization.

Page 230: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

223 

Chapter 9

General Discussion

9.1 Summary

This thesis investigated procedural learning in SLI using the serial reaction time task.

There were two broad questions addressed in the research undertaken as part of this thesis.

The first regarded the nature of procedural memory problems in SLI. The second considered

the relationship between procedural memory, and the language and comorbid problems found

in SLI. The research presented in Chapters 6 and 7 collectively showed that in SLI,

procedural learning of a FOC sequence is relatively poor compared to a SOC sequence. It

was further shown that learning of the FOC sequence appears to be supported by neural

structures typically linked to the procedural memory system. The studies presented in

Chapters 5 and 8 explored whether poor procedural memory might be related to some of the

problems that often co-occur with the language problems in SLI. A finding to emerge from

these studies was that poor procedural memory is present in a range of disorders, including

those characterised by poor language, reading, or motor functioning. However, within a

sample of children with SLI there was no association between procedural memory deficits

and the same skills. In this discussion three key questions raised in the literature review are

considered in light of the empirical work conducted as part of this thesis. The first is “Is

procedural memory impaired in SLI?” the second is “Do compensatory processes explain the

language improvements in SLI?”, and the third is “What is the relationship between

procedural memory, grammar, reading, and motor skills?”.

9.2 Procedural Learning and Memory in Specific Language Impairment: What is Impaired?

A core claim of the PDH, outlined in Chapter 4, is that cortico-striatal circuitry

comprising the caudate and Broca’s area is dysfunctional in SLI (Ullman & Pierpont, 2005).

Page 231: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

224 

It is proposed that these neurological problems lead to procedural memory deficits. The

literature reviewed in Chapter 4 showed that the findings regarding poor procedural memory

in SLI are somewhat mixed. Some studies have found that children with SLI perform

comparably to TD children on the SRTT (Gabriel et al., 2011; Gabriel et al., 2012), or the

Weather Prediction task (Lukacs & Kemeny, 2014; Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012). However,

more commonly it has been found that children with SLI perform poorly on procedural

memory tasks, particularly those that involve learning sequences (Evans et al., 2009; Hsu &

Bishop, 2014; Obeid et al., 2016). In two studies presented in this thesis (Chapters 6 and 8),

children with SLI were also found to perform poorly on a SRTT. These findings provide

further support of a procedural memory impairment in SLI.

The studies presented in this thesis highlight the need to distinguish between

procedural learning and procedural memory. ‘Procedural learning’ refers to implicitly

learning information through repeated exposures or training. ‘Procedural memory’ refers to

encoding, storage, and retrieval of information via cortico-striatal circuitry. The studies

presented in Chapters 6 and 7 support the main claim of the PDH that learning and memory

functions supported by the procedural memory system are impaired in SLI. Procedural

learning that is not reliant on the cortico-striatal networks, however, is spared in SLI. In

Chapter 6 it was shown that children with SLI are not impaired at learning SOC sequences.

This was the case even though SOC sequences are learnt procedurally. Chapter 7 showed

that this type of sequence does not heavily rely on structures of the procedural memory

system. In contrast, learning FOC sequences was found to depend on structures that

comprise the procedural memory system. Poor learning of FOC sequences in SLI therefore

reflects poor functioning of the procedural memory system. The intact SOC sequence

learning shows that children with SLI can procedurally learn information that does not rely

on cortico-striatal networks.

Page 232: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

225 

The proposal that procedural learning can be intact, but the procedural memory

system impaired, may help to explain discrepant findings in the SLI literature. As mentioned,

some studies that have aimed to assess procedural memory in SLI have found intact

performance (e.g., Gabriel et al., 2011; Gabriel et al., 2012; Mayor-Dubois et al., 2012). It

may be that the tasks used in these studies require procedural learning, but do not depend on

the procedural memory system. Further support for this proposal is provided by studies that

have found MTL involvement during the Weather Prediction task (Foerde et al., 2006;

Poldrack et al., 2001). This task, like SOC sequence learning, might use the different or

additional neural structures to process information, rather than relying on cortico-striatal

loops. Note that this does not mean that the basal ganglia are not engaged at all during the

task. As described in Chapter 4, both SOC sequence learning as well as tasks such as

Weather Prediction, have also been shown to activate the basal ganglia (e.g., Aron et al.,

2004; Grafton et al., 1995). The findings reported in this thesis, however, specify that the

cortico-striatal circuits of the procedural memory system may not be equally necessary for all

procedural learning tasks. Thus, based on the studies presented in this thesis, it is proposed

that learning and memory difficulties in SLI may be limited to tasks that rely most on the

procedural memory system.

9.3 Are there Compensatory Processes in Specific Language Impairment?

The studies in this thesis do not support the claim that declarative memory

compensates for procedural memory impairments in SLI. Chapters 6 and 7 show that there is

an intact system in SLI that can learn information procedurally. It is unclear whether this

system involves structures of the declarative memory system. However, in SLI there is a

network that can process information in a similar way to the procedural memory system.

Yet, compensation does not appear to occur, at least not in the manner that Ullman (Ullman

& Pierpont, 2005; Ullman & Pullman, 2015) theorised. As found in Chapter 8, the skills that

Page 233: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

226 

are thought to rely on procedural memory, or that would each be compensated for by

declarative memory, are not correlated. If compensation is occurring for the various skills, it

does not seem that this is underpinned by a single system.

A serious concern regarding the feasibility of compensation can also be drawn from

the studies in Chapters 6 and 7 of this thesis. These Chapters show that it is not the integrity

of the memory or processing system that determines which network is used for learning.

Rather, the system recruited for learning depends on the structure of the to-be-learned

information. The findings in Chapters 6 and 7 showed that when procedural memory was

impaired or interrupted, the second intact procedural learning system did not compensate by

learning the FOC sequence. While this was only shown for visuomotor sequences, if we

extend these findings to language learning, it presents a problem for the compensation aspect

of the PDH. Specifically, if grammar is typically learnt via the procedural memory system,

even a second intact procedural learning network might not compensate if procedural

memory is impaired. This may explain why SLI arises. That is, SLI reflects an instance

whereby language problems cannot be compensated, leading to below age-appropriate

language skills.

If procedural memory is impaired in SLI, but declarative memory does not

compensate for these problems, how do language skills develop in children with SLI? As

presented in Chapter 2, receptive and expressive language skills in SLI do improve over time.

One suggestion is that grammar continues to rely on the deficient procedural memory system.

The studies in Chapters 6 and 7 showed that even when the procedural memory system is

impaired, there was some learning of FOC sequences. Perhaps this is the same for grammar.

That is, learning of grammar is poor because the learning is relying on a dysfunctional

system. However, similar to FOC sequences, learning is not absent. The language skills of

children with SLI thus may improve due to general development and increased exposures to

Page 234: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

227 

language, in a similar way the language skills in TD children develop. The language skills in

SLI remain below those of their age-matched peers due to the need to learn through a partly

faulty or dysfunctional network.

A second explanation of language development in SLI relates to interactions between

different memory systems and language components. The procedural and declarative

memory systems might process some parts of language as Ullman (Ullman, 2004; Ullman &

Pierpont, 2005) suggests. However it is likely that the two systems interact with each other,

and also with other networks or regions in the brain. Indeed, the core structures of each

memory system – the basal ganglia and the hippocampus – are also connected with each

other (Alexander et al., 1986; Middleton & Strick, 1996; Parent & Hazrati, 1995). In terms

of language processing, there is also evidence of interactions. Grammatical and lexical

processes interact in order to produce and comprehend complex language (Gleitman, 1990;

Naigles, 1990). During language acquisition, this can be seen with respect to ‘syntactic

bootstrapping’ (Gleitman, 1990). That is, a better understanding of grammar can lead to an

increased ability to learn new words. As new words are often presented within some

grammatical framework, an understanding of that framework can lead to more accurate

understanding of a novel word (Gleitman, 1990; Naigles, 1990). Thus learning a new word,

which is purported to be undertaken by declarative memory, likely also requires input or

processing via procedural memory. Interaction between memory systems may also assist in

explaining the lack of correlations between different skills found in Chapter 8. That is, these

different skills all appear to involve procedural memory to some extent, but interactions with

different regions or networks may differentiate between the skills. A model that more

strongly accounts for the neural networks might be required.

Page 235: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

228 

9.4 What are the Links between Procedural Memory, Grammar, and Other Skills?

It is not yet clear whether the procedural memory system supports the learning and

use of grammar. On the one hand, children with SLI show deficits in both procedural

memory and grammar. This suggests a relationship between the two abilities. However, on

the other hand, as outlined in Chapter 8 grammar has not been found to correlate with

procedural memory performance. The majority of studies that have investigated the

relationship between procedural memory and sentence comprehension or expression accuracy

in TD children have found small, non-significant correlations (Gabriel et al., 2011; Gabriel et

al., 2013; Gabriel et al., 2014). Two additional studies investigated more specific

grammatical structures. Lum and Kidd (2012) and Mimeau, Coleman, and Donlan (2016)

both used a sentence probe task to assess production of past tense ‘-ed’. As consistent use of

past tense ‘-ed’ is one area of particular difficulty in SLI, this might indicate that learning the

regular past tense rule is especially reliant on the procedural memory system. However, both

studies also found small, non-significant correlations of -.01 (Mimeau et al., 2016) and .09

(Lum & Kidd, 2012) between accuracy on the sentence probe task and SRTT performance.

In Chapter 8, it was found that sentence comprehension speed correlated with SRTT

performance for TD children. Future studies that focus on processing speed rather than

accuracy may further elucidate relationships between procedural memory and other skills.

The studies in this thesis also highlight a further problem in identifying relationships

between procedural memory and grammar. SRTT performance, particularly when based on

FOC sequences, appears to be the most valid behavioural measure of procedural memory.

Yet, as shown in Chapter 5, SRTT deficits are common to a range of disorders, each with

different underlying neurological pathology. For example, while SLI is associated with

cortico-striatal abnormalities, dyslexia is associated predominantly with cerebellar

impairments. Because a wide range of disorders are characterised by poor procedural

Page 236: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

229 

memory, attempts to tie SRTT performance to one specific skill or brain structure are

problematic. This does not mean that procedural memory does not underlie learning some

aspects of grammar, reading, or motor skills. Rather, it suggests that correlations, or lack of

correlation, between procedural memory and measures of a particular skill might not reflect

the relationships at a neurological level. In order to further understand the role of procedural

and declarative memory systems in SLI, the field may need to move beyond behavioural

tasks, using neuroimaging or neuromodulation techniques as suggested below.

9.5 Methodological Considerations and Avenues for Future Research

In order to better understand the relationship between procedural memory and

language, the parts of the brain that are active during such tasks need to be identified. One

method available to examine the involvement of cortico-striatal circuits in different skills is

fMRI. A clear advantage of neuroimaging studies in contrast to behavioural measures, is that

the neural regions active during a task can be identified. This could be particularly useful for

examining the compensation hypothesis. As discussed, very few studies have examined

compensation in SLI. It is difficult to rely on behavioural measures to indicate whether a task

is undertaken by procedural memory, declarative memory, or some other system.

Neuroimaging studies are better able to indicate the systems that are active for different

groups. Furthermore, comparing structural and functional connectivity within cortico-striatal

loops, between individuals with SLI, dyslexia, and DCD, may help to pinpoint a common

neurological deficit.

A limitation of fMRI is that the neural regions activated during a given task are not

always necessary or specific to task performance. A technique that can indicate whether a

particular region is necessary for a given task is TMS. As discussed in Chapter 7, TMS can

be used to inhibit or facilitate activity in a cortical region. Alterations in task performance

Page 237: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

230 

following stimulation can indicate whether the stimulated site is required for task

performance. A developing area of research uses a different type of TMS, ‘deep TMS’,

which is able to stimulate subcortical structures. To date, this technique has predominantly

been applied as a treatment for various disorders (Enticott et al., 2014; Rosenberg, Klein, &

Dannon, 2013; Rosenberg, Roth, Kotler, Zangen, & Dannon, 2011; Zangen, 2013). Of

particular relevance, pilot studies have shown that deep TMS can successfully treat motor

symptoms of Parkinson’s disease (Spagnolo et al., 2014; Tendler et al., 2014). It has been

suggested that the success was due to effects of stimulation on striatal neurons (Spagnolo et

al., 2014). This research opens the possibility of applying deep TMS to test whether

language, reading, or procedural memory skills can be facilitated in a similar way.

There are also limitations in using TMS. For example, because the stimulation effects

are not contained only to the region that is stimulated, it can be difficult to determine if

performance on a task is altered due to local inhibition or more distal effects. This was

evidenced in the results presented in Chapter 7, whereby it was not possible to determine the

specific neural regions or networks that were used to learn SOC sequences. A suggestion for

future research is therefore to combine fMRI and TMS methodologies to investigate the

neural circuitry that is used for procedural learning when the procedural memory system is

dysfunctional.

9.6 Conclusions

The PDH proposes that procedural memory system abnormalities underlie the

language and comorbid problems in SLI. It is also proposed that the declarative memory

system compensates for the impaired procedural memory system. The studies presented in

this thesis support the core claim that procedural memory is impaired in SLI. A major

contribution of this research is the finding that tasks or skills that are learnt procedurally do

Page 238: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

231 

not necessarily rely on the procedural memory system to the same degree. It was shown that

children with SLI can learn information procedurally, if learning is not dependent on neural

structures of the procedural memory system. This thesis has also highlighted substantial

limitations in using behavioural tasks to examine the memory systems responsible for

learning different skills. It was shown that procedural memory problems are associated with

a wide range of developmental disorders. However, the relationship between procedural

memory and the skills that are impaired in each disorder remains unclear. In terms of

accounting for the language problems along with comorbid conditions in SLI, further work is

required to specify whether or not these skills rely on shared neural regions. In taking the

field forward, one next step is to more directly investigate specific cortico-striatal circuits that

are involved in different skills.

Page 239: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

232 

References

Alexander, G. E., DeLong, M. R., & Strick, P. L. (1986). Parallel organization of functionally

segregated circuits linking basal ganglia and cortex. Annual Review of Neuroscience,

9, 357-381.

Alloway, T. P., Rajendran, G., & Archibald, L. M. (2009). Working memory in children with

developmental disorders. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 42(4), 372-382.

Alt, M. (2011). Phonological working memory impairments in children with specific

language impairment: where does the problem lie? Journal of Communication

Disorders, 44(2), 173-185. doi:10.1016/j.jcomdis.2010.09.003

Alt, M., & Plante, E. (2006). Factors that influence lexical and semantic fast mapping of

young children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and

Hearing Research, 49, 941-954.

Alvarez, P., & Squire, L. R. (1994). Memory consolidation and the medial temporal lobe: A

simple network model. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the

United States of America, 91, 7041-7045.

American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental

disorders: DSM 5. Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing.

Archibald, L. M., & Gathercole, S. E. (2006). Short-term and working memory in specific

language impairment. International Journal of Language and Communication

Disorders, 41(6), 675-693. doi:10.1080/13682820500442602

Aron, A. P., Shohamy, D., Clark, J., Myers, C., Gluck, M. A., & Poldrack, R. A. (2004).

Human midbrain sensitivity to cognitive feedback and uncertainty during

classification learning. Journal of Neurophysiology, 92, 1144-1152.

Arsalidou, M., Duerden, E. G., & Taylor, M. J. (2013). The centre of the brain:

Topographical model of motor, cognitive, affective, and somatosensory functions of

Page 240: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

233 

the basal ganglia. Human Brain Mapping, 34(11), 3031-3054.

doi:10.1002/hbm.22124

Association, A. P. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM-V

(Fifth ed.). Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Association.

Badcock, N. A., Bishop, D. V. M., Hardiman, M. J., Barry, J. G., & Watkins, K. E. (2012).

Co-localisation of abnormal brain structure and function in specific language

impairment. Brain and Language, 120(3), 310-320. doi:10.1016/j.bandl.2011.10.006

Baddeley, A. (2003). Working memory: looking back and looking forward. Nature Reviews:

Neuroscience, 4(10), 829-839. doi:10.1038/nrn1201

Baddeley, A., Gathercole, S. E., & Papagno, C. (1998). The phonological loop as a language

learning device. Psychological Review, 105(1), 158-173.

Badre, D., Poldrack, R. A., Pare-Blagoev, E. J., Insler, R. Z., & Wagner, A. D. (2005).

Dissociable controlled retrieval and generalized selection mechanisms in ventrolateral

prefrontal cortex. Neuron, 47(6), 907-918. doi:10.1016/j.neuron.2005.07.023

Badre, D., & Wagner, A. D. (2004). Selection, integration, and conflict monitoring:

Assessing the nature and generality of prefrontal cognitive control mechanisms.

Neuron, 41, 473-487.

Badre, D., & Wagner, A. D. (2007). Left ventrolateral prefrontal cortex and the cognitive

control of memory. Neuropsychologia, 45(13), 2883-2901.

doi:10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2007.06.015

Bailey, A., Luthert, P., Dean, A., Harding, B., Janota, I., Montgomery, M., . . . Lantos, P.

(1998). A clinicopathological study of autism. Brain: a journal of neurology, 121(5),

889-905.

Page 241: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

234 

Baird, G., Dworzynski, K., Slonims, V., & Simonoff, E. (2010). Memory impairment in

children with language impairment. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology,

52(6), 525-540.

Baker, A. E., & Hengeveld, K. (Eds.). (2012). Linguistics. West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell.

Bavin, E. L., Wilson, P. H., Maruff, P., & Sleeman, F. (2005). Spatio-visual memory of

children with specific language impairment: Evidence for generalized processing

problems. International Journal of Language and Communication Disorders, 40(3),

319-332. doi:10.1080/13682820400027750

Bedore, L. M., & Leonard, L. B. (1998). Specific language impairment and grammatical

morphology: A discriminant function analysis. Journal of Speech, Language, and

Hearing Research, 41, 1185-1192.

Bernard, J. A., & Seidler, R. D. (2013). Cerebellar contributions to visuomotor adaptation

and motor sequence learning: an ALE meta-analysis. Frontiers in Human

Neuroscience, 7, 27. doi:10.3389/fnhum.2013.00027

Bestmann, S., Baudewig, J., Siebner, H. R., Rothwell, J. C., & Frahm, J. (2004). Functional

MRI of the immediate impact of transcranial magnetic stimulation on cortical and

subcortical motor circuits. European Journal of Neuroscience, 19, 1950-1962.

Bishop, D. V. M. (1979). Comprehension in developmental language disorders.

Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 21, 225-238.

Bishop, D. V. M. (1989). Test for the reception of grammar: (TROG): Medical Research

Council.

Bishop, D. V. M. (2002). Motor immaturity and specific language impairment: Evidence for

a common genetic basis. American Journal of Medical Genetics (Neuropsychiatric

Genetics), 114, 56-63.

Page 242: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

235 

Bishop, D. V. M. (2003). Test for reception of grammar: Version 2 (TROG-2). London:

Pearson Assessment.

Bishop, D. V. M. (2014). Uncommon Understanding (Classic Edition): Development and

disorders of language comprehension in children. East Sussex: Psychology Press.

Bishop, D. V. M., & Adams, C. (1990). A prospective study of the relationship between

specific language impairments, phonological disorders and reading retardation.

Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 31(7), 1027-1050.

Bishop, D. V. M., & Adams, C. (1992). Comprehension problems in children with specific

language impairment: Literal and inferential meaning. Journal of Speech and Hearing

Research, 35, 119-129.

Bishop, D. V. M., Bright, P., James, C., Bishop, S. J., & van der Lely, H. K. (2000).

Grammatical SLI: A distinct subtype of developmental language impairment? Applied

Psycholinguistics, 21, 159-181.

Bishop, D. V. M., & Edmundson, A. (1987). Specific language impairment as a maturational

lag: Evidence from longitudinal data on language and motor development.

Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 29, 442-459.

Bishop, D. V. M., & Hsu, H. J. (2015). The declarative system in children with specific

language impairment: a comparison of meaningful and meaningless auditory-visual

paired associate learning. BMC Psychol, 3(1), 3. doi:10.1186/s40359-015-0062-7

Blake, J., Quartaro, G., & Onorati, S. (2008). Evaluating quantitative measures of

grammatical complexity in spontaneous speech samples. Journal of Child Language,

20(01). doi:10.1017/s0305000900009168

Blumenfeld, R. S., Parks, C. M., Yonelinas, A. P., & Ranganath, C. (2011). Putting the pieces

together: The role of dorsolateral prefrontal cortex in relational memory encoding.

Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 23(1), 257-265. doi:10.1162/jocn.2010.21459

Page 243: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

236 

Blumenfeld, R. S., & Ranganath, C. (2006). Dorsolateral prefrontal cortex promotes long-

term memory formation through its role in working memory organization. Journal of

Neuroscience, 26(3), 916-925. doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.2353-05.2006

Blumenfeld, R. S., & Ranganath, C. (2007). Prefrontal cortex and long-term memory

encoding: an integrative review of findings from neuropsychology and neuroimaging.

Neuroscientist, 13(3), 280-291. doi:10.1177/1073858407299290

Bo, J., Block, H. J., Clark, J. E., & Bastian, A. J. (2008). A cerebellar deficit in sensorimotor

prediction explains movement timing variability. Journal of Neurophysiology, 100(5),

2825-2832.

Bo, J., & Lee, C. M. (2013). Motor skill learning in children with Developmental

Coordination Disorder. Research in Developmental Disabilities, 34(6), 2047-2055.

doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2013.03.012

Botting, N., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2008). The role of language, social cognition, and social

skill in the functional social outcomes of young adolescents with and without a

history of SLI. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 26(2), 281-300.

doi:10.1348/026151007x235891

Botting, N., Simkin, Z., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2006). Associated reading skills in children

with a history of specific language impairment (SLI). Reading and Writing, 19(1), 77-

98. doi:10.1007/s11145-005-4322-4

Brookman, A., McDonald, S., McDonald, D., & Bishop, D. V. M. (2013). Fine motor deficits

in reading disability and language impairment: same or different? PeerJ, 1, e217.

doi:10.7717/peerj.217

Brown, J., Aczel, B., Jiménez, L., Kaufman, S. B., & Grant, K. P. (2010). Intact implicit

learning in autism spectrum conditions. The quarterly journal of experimental

psychology, 63(9), 1789-1812.

Page 244: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

237 

Brown, W. E., Eliez, S., Menon, V., Rumsey, J. M., White, C. D., & Reiss, A. L. (2001).

Preliminary evidence of widespread morphological variations of the brain in dyslexia.

Neurology, 56(6), 781-783.

Brownell, R. (2000). Receptive one-word picture vocabulary test (ROWPVT). Novato:

Academic Therapy Publications.

Buckner, R. L. (1996). Beyond HERA: Contributions of specific prefrontal brain areas to

long-term memory retrieval. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 3(2), 149-158.

Buckner, R. L., & Wheeler, M. E. (2001). The cognitive neuroscience of remembering.

Nature Reviews: Neuroscience, 2, 624-634.

Burianova, H., McIntosh, A. R., & Grady, C. L. (2010). A common functional brain network

for autobiographical, episodic, and semantic memory retrieval. Neuroimage, 49(1),

865-874.

Cantin, N., Polatajko, H. J., Thach, W. T., & Jaglal, S. (2007). Developmental coordination

disorder: exploration of a cerebellar hypothesis. Hum Mov Sci, 26(3), 491-509.

doi:10.1016/j.humov.2007.03.004

Cárdenas Morales, L., Grön, G., & Kammer, T. (2011). Exploring the after effects of theta

burst magnetic stimulation on the human motor cortex: A functional imaging study.

Human Brain Mapping, 32(11), 1948-1960.

Catts, H. W., Fey, M. E., Tomblin, J. B., & Zhang, X. (2002). A longitudinal investigation of

reading outcomes in children with language impairments. Journal of Speech,

Language, and Hearing Research, 45, 1142-1157.

Chevallier, C., Kohls, G., Troiani, V., Brodkin, E. S., & Schultz, R. T. (2012). The social

motivation theory of autism. Trends Cogn Sci, 16(4), 231-239.

Chomsky, N. (1981). Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris.

Page 245: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

238 

Chun, M. M., & Phelps, E. A. (1999). Memory deficits for implicit contextual information in

amnesic subjects with hippocampal damage. Nature Neuroscience, 2, 844-847.

Clark, G. M., & Lum, J. A. G. (2017). Procedural learning in Parkinson's disease, specific

language impairment, dyslexia, schizophrenia, developmental coordination disorder,

and autism spectrum disorders: A second-order meta-analysis. Brain and Cognition,

117, 41-48. doi:10.1016/j.bandc.2017.07.004

Clark, G. M., Lum, J. A. G., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). A meta-analysis and meta-regression

of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease. Neuropsychology,

28(6), 945-958. doi:10.1037/neu0000121

Cohen, A., Ivry, R., & Keele, S. W. (1990). Attention and structure in sequence learning.

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 16(1), 17-

30. doi:10.1037/0278-7393.16.1.17

Cohen, M. J. (1997). Children's memory scale. San Antonio, TX: The Psychological

Corporation.

Cohen, N. J., Poldrack, R. A., & Eichenbaum, H. (1997). Memory for items and memory for

relations in the procedural/declarative memory framework. Memory, 5, 131-178.

Cohen, N. J., Ryan, J., Hunt, C., Romine, L., Wszalek, T., & Nash, C. (1999). Hippocampal

system and declarative (relational) memory: Summarizing the data from functional

neuroimaging studies. Hippocampus, 9, 83-98.

Conti-Ramsden, G. (2003). Processing and linguistic markers in young children with specific

language impairment (SLI). Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 46,

1029-1037.

Conti-Ramsden, G., & Botting, N. (2004). Social difficulties and victimization in children

with SLI at 11 years of age. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 47,

145-161.

Page 246: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

239 

Conti-Ramsden, G., Botting, N., & Faragher, B. (2001). Psycholinguistic markers for specific

language impairment (SLI). Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 42(6), 741-

748.

Conti-Ramsden, G., Botting, N., Simkin, Z., & Knox, E. (2001). Follow-up of children

attending infant language units: Outcomes at 11 years of age. International Journal of

Language and Communication Disorders, 36(2), 207-219.

doi:10.1080/1368282001001988

Conti-Ramsden, G., Simkin, Z., & Botting, N. (2006). The prevalence of autistic spectrum

disorders in adolescents with a history of specific language impairment (SLI). Journal

of Child Psychology and Psychiatry and Allied Disciplines, 47(6), 621-628.

doi:10.1111/j.1469-7610.2005.01584.x

Conti-Ramsden, G., St Clair, M. C., Pickles, A., & Durkin, K. (2012). Developmental

trajectories of verbal and nonverbal skills in individuals with a history of specific

language impairment: From chidlhood to adolescence. Journal of Speech, Language,

and Hearing Research, 55, 1716-1735. doi:10.1044/1092-4388(2012/10-0182

Conway, C. M., & Pisoni, D. B. (2008). Neurocognitive basis of implicit learning of

sequential structure and its relation to language processing. Annals of the New York

Academy of Sciences, 1145, 113-131. doi:10.1196/annals.1416.009

Courchesne, E., Saitoh, O., Yeung-Courchesne, R., Press, G., Lincoln, A., Haas, R., &

Schreibman, L. (1994). Abnormality of cerebellar vermian lobules VI and VII in

patients with infantile autism: identification of hypoplastic and hyperplastic

subgroups with MR imaging. AJR. American journal of roentgenology, 162(1), 123-

130.

Cunillera, T., Camara, E., Toro, J. M., Marco-Pallares, J., Sebastian-Galles, N., Ortiz, H., . . .

Rodriguez-Fornells, A. (2009). Time course and functional neuroanatomy of speech

Page 247: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

240 

segmentation in adults. Neuroimage, 48(3), 541-553.

doi:10.1016/j.neuroimage.2009.06.069

Daselaar, S. M., Rombouts, S. A., Veltman, D. J., Raaijmakers, J. G., & Jonker, C. (2003).

Similar network activated by young and old adults during the acquisition of a motor

sequence. Neurobiology of Aging, 24(7), 1013-1019. doi:10.1016/s0197-

4580(03)00030-7

Davachi, L. (2006). Item, context and relational episodic encoding in humans. Current

Opinion in Neurobiology, 16(6), 693-700. doi:10.1016/j.conb.2006.10.012

Delmonte, S., Gallagher, L., O'Hanlon, E., McGrath, J., & Balsters, J. H. (2013). Functional

and structural connectivity of frontostriatal circuitry in Autism Spectrum Disorder.

Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 7, 430. doi:10.3389/fnhum.2013.00430

Deroost, N., Kerckhofs, E., Coene, M., Wijnants, G., & Soetens, E. (2006). Learning

sequence movements in a homogenous sample of patients with Parkinson's disease.

Neuropsychologia, 44(10), 1653-1662. doi:10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2006.03.021

Desmottes, L., Maillart, C., & Meulemans, T. (2017a). Memory consolidation in children

with specific language impairment: Delayed gains and susceptibility to interference in

implicit sequence learning. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology,

39(3), 265-285. doi:10.1080/13803395.2016.1223279

Desmottes, L., Maillart, C., & Meulemans, T. (2017b). Mirror-drawing skill in children with

specific language impairment: Improving generalization by incorporating variability

into the practice session. Child Neuropsychology, 23(4), 463-482.

doi:10.1080/09297049.2016.1170797

Desmottes, L., Meulemans, T., & Maillart, C. (2015). Later learning stages in procedural

memory are impaired in children with Specific Language Impairment. Research in

Developmental Disabilities, 48, 53-68. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2015.10.010

Page 248: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

241 

Dewey, D., & Wall, K. (1997). Praxis and memory deficits in language impaired children.

Developmental Neuropsychology, 13(4), 507-512. doi:10.1080/87565649709540692

Diana, R. A., Yonelinas, A. P., & Ranganath, C. (2009). Medial temporal lobe activity during

source retrieval reflects information type, not memory strength. Journal of Cognitive

Neuroscience, 22(8), 1808-1818.

DiDonato Brumbach, A. C., & Goffman, L. (2014). Interaction of language processing and

motor skill in children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech,

Language, and Hearing Research, 57, 158-171. doi:10.1044/1092-4388(2013/12-

0215

Dobbins, I. G., & Wagner, A. D. (2005). Domain-general and domain-sensitive prefrontal

mechanisms for recollecting events and detecting novelty. Cerebral Cortex, 15(11),

1768-1778. doi:10.1093/cercor/bhi054

Doyon, J., Gaudreau, D., Laforce, R., Jr., Castonguay, M., Bedard, P. J., & Bouchard, J.-P.

(1997). Role of the striatum, cerebellum, and frontal lobes in the learning of a

visuomotor sequence. Brain and Cognition, 34, 218-245.

Doyon, J., Owen, A. J., Petrides, M., Sziklas, V., & Evans, A. C. (1996). Functional anatomy

of visuomotor skill learning in human subjects examined with positron emission

tomography. European Journal of Neuroscience, 8, 637-648.

Doyon, J., Penhune, V., & Ungerleider, L. G. (2003). Distinct contribution of the cortico-

striatal and cortico-cerebellar systems to motor skill learning. Neuropsychologia, 41,

252-262.

Draganski, B., Kherif, F., Kloppel, S., Cook, P. A., Alexander, D. C., Parker, G. J., . . .

Frackowiak, R. S. (2008). Evidence for segregated and integrative connectivity

patterns in the human Basal Ganglia. Journal of Neuroscience, 28(28), 7143-7152.

doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.1486-08.2008

Page 249: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

242 

Duinmeijer, I., de Jong, J., & Scheper, A. (2012). Narrative abilities, memory and attention in

children with a specific language impairment. International Journal of Language and

Communication Disorders, 47(5), 542-555. doi:10.1111/j.1460-6984.2012.00164.x

Dunn, L. M., & Dunn, D. M. (2007). Peabody picture vocabulary test (PPVT-4) (4th ed.).

Bloomington: Pearson.

Dunn, L. M., Dunn, D. M., Whetton, C., & Burley, J. (1997). The British picture vocabulary

scale (2nd ed.). Windsor: NFER-Nelson.

Duss, S. B., Reber, T. P., Hanggi, J., Schwab, S., Wiest, R., Muri, R. M., . . . Henke, K.

(2014). Unconscious relational encoding depends on hippocampus. Brain, 137(Pt 12),

3355-3370. doi:10.1093/brain/awu270

Dyck, M. J., Piek, J. P., Hay, D. A., & Hallmayer, J. F. (2007). The relationship between

symptoms and abilities in autism. Journal of Developmental and Physical

Disabilities, 19(3), 251-261.

Eadie, P. A., Fey, M. E., Douglas, J. M., & Parsons, C. L. (2002). Profiles of grammatical

morphology and sentence imitation in children with specific language impairment and

Down syndrome. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 45, 720-732.

Ebert, K. D., & Kohnert, K. (2011). Sustained attention in children with primary language

impairment: A meta-analysis. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research,

54, 1372-1384. doi:10.1044/1092-4388(2011/10-0231

Ecker, C., Suckling, J., Deoni, S. C., Lombardo, M. V., Bullmore, E., Baron-Cohen, S., . . .

Murphy, D. G. (2012). Brain anatomy and its relationship to behavior in adults with

autism spectrum disorder: A multicenter magnetic resonance imaging study. Archives

of General Psychiatry, 69, 195-209.

Eckert, M. A., Leonard, C. M., Wilke, M., Eckert, M., Richards, T., Richards, A., &

Berninger, V. (2005). Anatomical Signatures of Dyslexia in Children: Unique

Page 250: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

243 

Information from Manual and Voxel Based Morphometry Brain Measures. Cortex,

41(3), 304-315. doi:10.1016/s0010-9452(08)70268-5

Eichenbaum, H. (2000). A cortical-hippocampal system for declarative memory. Nature

Reviews Neuroscience, 1, 41-50.

Eichenbaum, H. (2004). Hippocampus: cognitive processes and neural representations that

underlie declarative memory. Neuron, 44(1), 109-120.

doi:10.1016/j.neuron.2004.08.028

Eichenbaum, H., Sauvage, M., Fortin, N., Komorowski, R., & Lipton, P. (2012). Towards a

functional organization of episodic memory in the medial temporal lobe.

Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 36(7), 1597-1608.

doi:10.1016/j.neubiorev.2011.07.006

Ellis Weismer, S., Evans, J., & Hesketh, L. J. (1999). An examination of verbal working

memory capacity in children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech,

Language, and Hearing Research, 42, 1249-1260.

Enticott, P. G., Fitzgibbon, B. M., Kennedy, H. A., Arnold, S. L., Elliot, D., Peachey, A., . . .

Fitzgerald, P. B. (2014). A double-blind, randomized trial of deep repetitive

transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS) for autism spectrum disorder. Brain Stimul,

7(2), 206-211.

Evans, J. L., Saffran, J. R., & Robe-Torres, K. (2009). Statistical learning in children with

specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research,

52, 321-355.

Eyer, J. A., Leonard, L. B., Bedore, L. M., McGregor, K. K., Anderson, B., & Viescas, R.

(2002). Fast mapping of verbs by children with specific language impairment.

Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics, 16(1), 59-77. doi:10.1080/02699200110102269

Page 251: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

244 

Fatemi, S. H., Aldinger, K. A., Ashwood, P., Bauman, M. L., Blaha, C. D., Blatt, G. J., . . .

Welsh, J. P. (2012). Consensus paper: pathological role of the cerebellum in autism.

Cerebellum, 11(3), 777-807. doi:10.1007/s12311-012-0355-9

Fernandez, G., Klaver, P., Fell, J., Grunwald, T., & Elger, C. E. (2002). Human declarative

memory formation: segregating rhinal and hippocampal contributions. Hippocampus,

12(4), 514-519. doi:10.1002/hipo.10050

Finlay, J. C., & McPhillips, M. (2013). Comorbid motor deficits in a clinical sample of

children with specific language impairment. Research in Developmental Disabilities,

34(9), 2533-2542. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2013.05.015

Flapper, B. C., & Schoemaker, M. M. (2013). Developmental coordination disorder in

children with specific language impairment: co-morbidity and impact on quality of

life. Research in Developmental Disabilities, 34(2), 756-763.

doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2012.10.014

Fletcher, P. (2009). Syntax in child language disorders. In R. G. Schwartz (Ed.), Handbook of

child language disorders. New York, NY: Psychology Press.

Fletcher, P. C., Shallice, T., & Dolan, J. (1998). The functional roles of prefrontal cortex in

episodic memory: Encoding. Brain, 121, 1239-1248.

Fletcher, P. C., Shallice, T., & Dolan, R. J. (2000). "Sculpting the response space"--an

account of left prefrontal activation at encoding. Neuroimage, 12(4), 404-417.

doi:10.1006/nimg.2000.0633

Fletcher, P. C., Shallice, T., Frith, C. D., Frackowiak, R. S., & Dolan, R. J. (1998). The

functional roles of prefrontal cortex in episodic memory. II Retrieval. Brain, 121,

1249-1256.

Fletcher, P. C., Zafiris, O., Frith, C. D., Honey, R. A. E., Corlett, P. R., Zilles, K., & Fink, G.

R. (2005). On the benefits of not trying: Brain activity and connectivity reflecting the

Page 252: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

245 

interactions of explicit and implicit sequence learning. Cerebral Cortex, 15, 1002-

1015.

Foerde, K., Knowlton, B. J., & Poldrack, R. A. (2006). Modulation of competing memory

systems by distraction. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the

United States of America, 103(31), 11778-11783. doi:10.1073/pnas.0602659103

Fombonne, E. (2003). Epidemiological surveys of autism and other pervasive developmental

disorders: An update. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 33, 365-382.

Ford, A. A., Triplett, W., Sudhyadhom, A., Gullett, J., McGregor, K., Fitzgerald, D. B., . . .

Crosson, B. (2013). Broca's area and its striatal and thalamic connections: a diffusion-

MRI tractography study. Frontiers in Neuroanatomy, 7, 8.

doi:10.3389/fnana.2013.00008

Ford, J. A., & Milosky, L. M. (2003). Inferring emotional reactions in social situations:

Differences in children with language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and

Hearing Research, 46, 21-30.

Fujiki, M., Brinton, B., & Todd, C. M. (1996). Social skills of children with specific language

impairment. Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 27, 195-202.

Gabriel, A., Maillart, C., Guillaume, M., Stefaniak, N., & Meulemans, T. (2011). Exploration

of serial structure procedural learning in children with language impairment. Journal

of the International Neuropsychological Society, 17(2), 336-343.

doi:10.1017/S1355617710001724

Gabriel, A., Maillart, C., Stefaniak, N., Lejeune, C., Desmottes, L., & Meulemans, T. (2013).

Procedural learning in specific language impairment: Effects of sequence complexity.

Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society, 1-8.

doi:10.1017/S1355617712001270

Page 253: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

246 

Gabriel, A., Meulemans, T., Parisse, C., & Maillart, C. (2014). Procedural learning across

modalities in French-speaking children with specific language impairment. Applied

Psycholinguistics, 1-23. doi:10.1017/s0142716413000490

Gabriel, A., Stefaniak, N., Maillart, C., Schmitz, X., & Meulemans, T. (2012). Procedural

visual learning in children with specific language impairment. American Journal of

Speech-Language Pathology, 21(4), 329-341. doi:10.1044/1058-0360(2012/11-0044)

Gabrieli, J. D. E. (1998). Cognitive neuroscience of human memory. Annual Review of

Psychology, 49, 87-115.

Gathercole, S. E., & Baddeley, A. (1990). Phonological memory deficits in language

disordered children: Is there a causal connection? Journal of Memory and Language,

29, 336-360.

Georgiewa, P., Rzanny, R., Gaser, C., Gerhard, U., Vieweg, U., Freesmeyer, D., . . . Blanz,

B. (2002). Phonological processing in dyslexic children: a study combining functional

imaging and event related potentials. Neuroscience Letters, 318, 5-8.

Geuze, R. H. (2005). Postural control in children with developmental coordination disorder.

Neural Plasticity, 12(2-3), 183-196.

Gheysen, F., Van Waelvelde, H., & Fias, W. (2011). Impaired visuo-motor sequence learning

in Developmental Coordination Disorder. Research in Developmental Disabilities,

32(2), 749-756. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2010.11.005

Giedd, J. N., Blumenthal, J., Jeffries, N. O., Castellanos, F. X., Liu, H., Zijdenbos, A., . . .

Rapoport, J. L. (1999). Brain development during childhood and adolescence: a

longitudinal MRI study. Nature Neuroscience, 2(10), 861-863.

Gleissner, U., Helmstaedter, C., Schramm, J., & Elger, C. E. Memory outcome after selective

amygdalohippocampectomy: A study in 140 patients with temporal lobe epilepsy.

Epilepsia, 43, 87-95.

Page 254: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

247 

Gleitman, L. (1990). The structural sources of verb meanings. Language Acquisition, 1(1), 3-

55. doi:10.1207/s15327817la0101_2

Goffman, L., & Leonard, L. B. (2000). Growth of language skills in preschool children with

specific language impairment: Implications for assessment and intervention.

American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 9, 151-161.

Gogtay, N., Giedd, J. N., Lusk, L., Hayashi, K. M., Greenstein, D., Vaituzis, A. C., . . .

Thompson, P. M. (2004). Dynamic mapping of human cortical development during

childhood through early adulthood. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences

of the United States of America, 101(21), 8174-8179. doi:10.1073/pnas.0402680101

Gopnik, M. (1997). Language deficits and genetic factors. Trends Cogn Sci, 1(1), 5-9.

Gordon, B., & Stark, S. (2007). Procedural learning of a visual sequence in individuals with

autism. Focus on Autism and Other Developmental Disabilities, 22(1), 14-22.

doi:10.1177/10883576070220010201

Grafton, S. T., Hazeltine, E., & Ivry, R. (1995). Functional mapping of sequence learning in

normal humans. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 7(4), 497-510.

doi:10.1162/jocn.1995.7.4.497

Gray, S. (2006). The relationship between phonological memory, receptive vocabulary, and

fast mapping in young children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech,

Language, and Hearing Research, 49, 955-969.

Graybiel, A. M. (1995). Building action repertoires: memory and learning functions of the

basal ganglia. Current Opinion in Neurobiology, 5, 733-741.

Gresham, F. M., & Elliott, S. N. (1984). Assessment and classification of children's social

skills: A review of methods and issues. School Psychology Review, 13, 292-301.

Haber, S. N. (2003). The primate basal ganglia: parallel and integrative networks. Journal of

Chemical Neuroanatomy, 26(4), 317-330. doi:10.1016/j.jchemneu.2003.10.003

Page 255: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

248 

Haber, S. N., Adler, A., & Bergman, H. (2012). The Basal Ganglia. 678-738.

doi:10.1016/b978-0-12-374236-0.10020-3

Hadley, P. A., & Rice, M. L. (1996). Emergent uses of BE and DO: Evidence from children

with specific language impairment. Language Acquisition, 5(3), 209-243.

Haebig, E., Saffran, J. R., & Ellis Weismer, S. (2017). Statistical word learning in children

with autism spectrum disorder and specific language impairment. Journal of Child

Psychology and Psychiatry and Allied Disciplines. doi:10.1111/jcpp.12734

Hazeltine, E., Graftib, S. T., & Ivry, R. (1997). Attention and stimulus characteristics

determine the locus of motor-sequence encoding. A PET study. Brain, 120, 123-140.

Hedenius, M., Persson, J., Tremblay, A., Adi-Japha, E., Verissimo, J., Dye, C. D., . . .

Ullman, M. T. (2011). Grammar predicts procedural learning and consolidation

deficits in children with specific language impairment. Research in Developmental

Disabilities, 32(6), 2362-2375. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2011.07.026

Henke, K., Mondadori, C. R. A., Treyer, V., Nitsch, R. M., Buck, A., & Hock, C. (2003).

Nonconscious formation and reactivation of semantic associations by way of the

medial temporal lobe. Neuropsychologia, 41(8), 863-876. doi:10.1016/s0028-

3932(03)00035-6

Henke, K., Treyer, V., Nagy, E. T., Kneifel, S., Dürsteler, M., Nitsch, R. M., & Buck, A.

(2003). Active hippocampus during nonconscious memories. Consciousness and

Cognition, 12(1), 31-48. doi:10.1016/s1053-8100(02)00006-5

Henson, R. N. A., Shallice, T., & Dolan, R. J. (1999). Right prefrontal cortex and episodic

memory retrieval: A functional MRI test of the monitoring hypothesis. Brain, 122,

1367-1381.

Hewitt, L. E., Hammer, C. S., Yont, K. M., & Tomblin, J. B. (2005). Language sampling for

kindergarten children with and without SLI: mean length of utterance, IPSYN, and

Page 256: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

249 

NDW. Journal of Communication Disorders, 38(3), 197-213.

doi:10.1016/j.jcomdis.2004.10.002

Hill, E. L. (1998). A dyspraxic deficit in specific language impairment and developmental

coordination disorder? Evidence from hand and arm movements. Developmental

Medicine and Child Neurology, 40, 388-395.

Hill, E. L. (2001). Non-specific nature of specific language impairment: a review of the

literature with regard to concomitant motor impairments. International Journal of

Language and Communication Disorders, 36(2), 149-171.

doi:10.1080/13682820118418

Hill, P. R., Hogben, J. H., & Bishop, D. V. M. (2005). Auditory frequency discrimination in

children with specific language impairment: A longitudinal study. Journal of Speech,

Language, and Hearing Research, 48, 1136-1146.

Hoeft, F., Meyler, A., Hernandez, A., Juel, C., Taylor-Hill, H., Martindale, J. L., . . . Gabrieli,

J. D. (2007). Functional and morphometric brain dissociation between dyslexia and

reading ability. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States

of America, 104(10), 4234-4239. doi:10.1073/pnas.0609399104

Hoff-Ginsberg, E. (2005). Language development. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson

Learning.

Holl, A. K., Wilkinson, L., Tabrizi, S. J., Painold, A., & Jahanshahi, M. (2012). Probabilistic

classification learning with corrective feedback is selectively impaired in early

Huntington's disease--evidence for the role of the striatum in learning with feedback.

Neuropsychologia, 50(9), 2176-2186. doi:10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2012.05.021

Hoover, J. R., Storkel, H. L., & Rice, M. L. (2012). The interface between neighborhood

density and optional infinitives: normal development and Specific Language

Page 257: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

250 

Impairment. Journal of Child Language, 39(4), 835-862.

doi:10.1017/S0305000911000365

Hoshi, E., Tremblay, L., Feger, J., Carras, P. L., & Strick, P. L. (2005). The cerebellum

communicates with the basal ganglia. Nature Neuroscience, 8(11), 1491-1493.

doi:10.1038/nn1544

Hsu, H. J., & Bishop, D. V. M. (2014). Sequence-specific procedural learning deficits in

children with specific language impairment. Dev Sci. doi:10.1111/desc.12125

Iaria, G., Petrides, M., Dagher, A., Pike, B., & Bohbot, V. D. (2003). Cognitive strategies

dependent on the hippocampus and caudate nucleus in human navigation: Variability

and change with practice. Journal of Neuroscience, 23(13), 5945-5952.

Imamizu, H., Miyauchi, S., Tamada, T., Sasaki, Y., Takino, R., PuÈtz, B., . . . Kawato, M.

(2000). Human cerebellar activity reflecting an acquired internal model of a new tool.

Nature, 403(6766), 192-195.

Jackson, E., Leitao, S., & Claessen, M. (2016). The relationship between phonological short-

term memory, receptive vocabulary, and fast mapping in children with specific

language impairment. International Journal of Language and Communication

Disorders, 51(1), 61-73. doi:10.1111/1460-6984.12185

Jackson, G. M., Jackson, S. R., Harrison, J., Henderson, L., & Kennard, C. (1995). Serial

reaction time learning and Parkinson's disease: Evidence for a procedural learning

deficit. Neuropsychologia, 33(5), 577-593. doi:10.1016/0028-3932(95)00010-z

Jednorog, K., Gawron, N., Marchewka, A., Heim, S., & Grabowska, A. (2013). Cognitive

subtypes of dyslexia are characterized by distinct patterns of grey matter volume.

Brain Struct Funct. doi:10.1007/s00429-013-0595-6

Page 258: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

251 

Jones-Gotman, M., Zatorre, R. J., Olivier, A., Andermann, F., Cendes, F., Staunton, H., . . .

Wieser, H. G. (1997). Learning and retention of words and designs following excision

from medial or lateral temporal-lobe structures. Neuropsychologia, 35, 963-973.

Kagerer, F. A., Bo, J., Contreras-Vidal, J. L., & Clark, J. E. (2004). Visuomotor adaptation in

children with developmental coordination disorder. Motor Control, 8, 450-460.

Kail, R. (1994). A method for studying the generalized slowing hypothesis in children with

specific language impairment. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 37(2), 418-

421.

Kan, P. F., & Windsor, J. (2010). Word learning in children with primary language

impairment: A meta-analysis. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research,

53, 739-756.

Kaplan, B., J., Wilson, B. N., Dewey, D., & Crawford, S. G. (1998). DCD may not be a

discrete disorder. Human Movement Science, 17, 471-490.

Karuza, E. A., Newport, E. L., Aslin, R. N., Starling, S. J., Tivarus, M. E., & Bavelier, D.

(2013). The neural correlates of statistical learning in a word segmentation task: An

fMRI study. Brain and Language. doi:10.1016/j.bandl.2012.11.007

Keele, S. W., Ivry, R., Mayr, U., Hazeltine, E., & Heuer, H. (2003). The cognitive and neural

architecture of sequence representation. Psychological Review, 110(2), 316-339.

doi:10.1037/0033-295x.110.2.316

Kelso, K., Fletcher, J., & Lee, P. (2007). Reading comprehension in children with specific

language impairment: an examination of two subgroups. International Journal of

Language and Communication Disorders, 42(1), 39-57.

doi:10.1080/13682820600693013

Page 259: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

252 

Kemeny, F., & Lukacs, A. (2010). Impaired procedural learning in language impairment:

results from probabilistic categorization. Journal of Clinical and Experimental

Neuropsychology, 32(3), 249-258. doi:10.1080/13803390902971131

Kiernan, B., & Gray, S. (1998). Word learning in a supported-learning context by preschool

children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and

Hearing Research, 41(1), 161-171.

Knowlton, B. J., Mangels, J. A., & Squire, L. R. (1996). A neostriatal habit learning system

in humans. Science, 273(5280), 1399-1402. doi:10.1126/science.273.5280.1399

Knowlton, B. J., Squire, L. R., & Gluck, M. A. (1994). Probabilistic classification learning in

amnesia. Learning and Memory, 1, 106-120. doi:10.1101/lm.1.2.106

Knowlton, B. J., Squire, L. R., Paulsen, J. S., Swerdlow, N. R., Swenson, M., & Butters, N.

(1996). Dissociations within nondeclarative memory in Huntington's disease.

Neuropsychology, 10(4), 538-548.

Kohls, G., Schulte-Rüther, M., Nehrkorn, B., Müller, K., Fink, G. R., Kamp-Becker, I., . . .

Konrad, K. (2012). Reward system dysfunction in autism spectrum disorders. Social

Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience, 8(5), 565-572.

Krantz, L. R., & Leonard, L. B. (2007). The effect of temporal adverbials on past tense

production by children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech,

Language, and Hearing Research, 50, 137-148.

Krok, W. C., & Leonard, L. B. (2015). Past tense production in children with and without

specific language impairment across Germanic language: A meta-analysis. Journal of

Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 58, 1326-1340.

Kronbichler, M., Wimmer, H., Staffen, W., Hutzler, F., Mair, A., & Ladurner, G. (2008).

Developmental dyslexia: gray matter abnormalities in the occipitotemporal cortex.

Human Brain Mapping, 29(5), 613-625. doi:10.1002/hbm.20425

Page 260: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

253 

Kuppuraj, S., Rao, P., & Bishop, D. V. M. (2016). Declarative capacity does not trade-off

with procedural capacity in children with specific language impairment. Autism &

Developmental Language Impairments, 1, 239694151667441.

doi:10.1177/2396941516674416

Lang, A. E., & Lozano, A. M. (1998). Parkinson's disease. New England Journal of

Medicine, 339(15), 1044-1053.

Lang, C. E., & Bastian, A. J. (2002). Cerebellar damage impairs automaticity of a recently

practiced movement. Journal of Neurophysiology, 87, 1336-1347.

Langen, M., Leemans, A., Johnston, P., Ecker, C., Daly, E., Murphy, C. M., . . . Murphy, D.

G. (2012). Fronto-striatal circuitry and inhibitory control in autism: findings from

diffusion tensor imaging tractography. Cortex, 48(2), 183-193.

doi:10.1016/j.cortex.2011.05.018

Lejeune, C., Catale, C., Willems, S., & Meulemans, T. (2013). Intact procedural motor

sequence learning in developmental coordination disorder. Research in

Developmental Disabilities, 34(6), 1974-1981. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2013.03.017

Leonard, L. B. (2014). Children with specific language impairment (2nd ed.). Cambridge:

MIT Press.

Leonard, L. B., Caselli, M. C., Bortolini, U., McGregor, K. K., & Sabbadini, L. (1992).

Morphological Deficits in Children With Specific Language Impairment: The Status

of Features in the Underlying Grammar. Language Acquisition, 2(2), 151-179.

doi:10.1207/s15327817la0202_2

Leonard, L. B., Deevy, P., Miller, C. A., Charest, M., Kurtz, R., & Rauf, L. (2003). The use

of grammatical morphemes reflecting aspect and modality by children with specific

language impairment. Journal of Child Language, 30(4), 769-795.

doi:10.1017/s0305000903005816

Page 261: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

254 

Leonard, L. B., Eyer, J. A., Bedore, L. M., & Grela, B. G. (1997). Three accounts of the

grammatical morpheme difficulties of English-speaking children with specific

language impairments. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 40, 741-

753.

Leonard, L. B., Miller, C., & Gerber, E. (1999). Grammatical morphology and the lexicon in

children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and

Hearing Research, 42, 678-689.

Leyfer, O. T., Tager-Flusberg, H., Dowd, M., Tomblin, J. B., & Folstein, S. E. (2008).

Overlap between autism and specific language impairment: comparison of Autism

Diagnostic Interview and Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule scores. Autism

Res, 1(5), 284-296. doi:10.1002/aur.43

Libby, L. A., Ekstrom, A. D., Ragland, J. D., & Ranganath, C. (2012). Differential

connectivity of perirhinal and parahippocampal cortices within human hippocampal

subregions revealed by high-resolution functional imaging. Journal of Neuroscience,

32(19), 6550-6560. doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.3711-11.2012

Linkersdorfer, J., Lonnemann, J., Lindberg, S., Hasselhorn, M., & Fiebach, C. J. (2012). Grey

matter alterations co-localize with functional abnormalities in developmental

dyslexia: an ALE meta-analysis. PloS One, 7(8), e43122.

doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0043122

Long, N. M., Oztekin, I., & Badre, D. (2010). Separable prefrontal cortex contributions to

free recall. Journal of Neuroscience, 30(33), 10967-10976.

doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.2611-10.2010

Lukacs, A., & Kemeny, F. (2014). Domain-general sequence learning deficit in specific

language impairment. Neuropsychology, 28(3), 472-483. doi:10.1037/neu0000052

Page 262: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

255 

Lum, J. A. G., & Bleses, D. (2012). Declarative and procedural memory in Danish speaking

children with specific language impairment. Journal of Communication Disorders,

45(1), 46-58. doi:10.1016/j.jcomdis.2011.09.001

Lum, J. A. G., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2013). Long-term memory. A review and meta-

analysis of studies of declarative and procedural memory in specific language

impairment. Topics in Language Disorders, 33(4), 282-297.

doi:10.1097/01.TLD.0000437939.01237.6a

Lum, J. A. G., Conti-Ramsden, G., Morgan, A. T., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). Procedural

learning deficits in specific language impairment (SLI): A meta-analysis of serial

reaction time task performance. Cortex, 51, 1-10. doi:10.1016/j.cortex.2013.10.011

Lum, J. A. G., Conti-Ramsden, G., Page, D., & Ullman, M. T. (2012). Working, declarative

and procedural memory in specific language impairment. Cortex, 48(9), 1138-1154.

doi:10.1016/j.cortex.2011.06.001

Lum, J. A. G., Gelgic, C., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2010). Procedural and declarative memory

in children with and without specific language impairment. International Journal of

Language and Communication Disorders, 45(1), 96-107.

doi:10.3109/13682820902752285

Lum, J. A. G., & Kidd, E. (2012). An examination of the associations among multiple

memory systems, past tense, and vocabulary in typically developing 5-year-old

children. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 55, 989-1006.

doi:10.1044/1092-4388(2011/10-0137

Lum, J. A. G., Ullman, M. T., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2013). Procedural learning is impaired

in dyslexia: evidence from a meta-analysis of serial reaction time studies. Research in

Developmental Disabilities, 34(10), 3460-3476. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2013.07.017

Page 263: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

256 

Lum, J. A. G., Ullman, M. T., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2015). Verbal declarative memory

impairments in specific language impairment are related to working memory deficits.

Brain and Language, 142, 76-85. doi:10.1016/j.bandl.2015.01.008

MacWhinney, B., & Bates, E. (1989). The crosslinguistic study of sentence processing. New

York: Cambridge University Press.

Mainela-Arnold, E., & Evans, J. L. (2013). Do statistical segmentation abilities predict

lexical-phonological and lexical-semantic abilities in children with and without SLI?

Journal of Child Language, 1-25. doi:10.1017/S0305000912000736

Manns, J. R., Hopkins, R., & Squire, L. R. (2003). Semantic memory and the human

hippocampus. Neuron, 38, 127-133.

Marchman, V. (2004). Productive use of the English past tense in children with focal brain

injury and specific language impairment. Brain and Language, 88(2), 202-214.

doi:10.1016/s0093-934x(03)00099-3

Marchman, V., Wulfeck, B., & Ellis Weismer, S. (1999). Morphological productivity in

children with normal language and SLI: A study of the English past tense. Journal of

Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 42, 206-219.

Marinis, T., & Saddy, D. (2013). Parsing the Passive: Comparing Children With Specific

Language Impairment to Sequential Bilingual Children. Language Acquisition, 20(2),

155-179. doi:10.1080/10489223.2013.766743

Martin, A., & Chao, L. L. (2001). Semantic memory and the brain: structure and processes.

Current Opinion in Neurobiology, 11, 194-201.

Mayes, A., Montaldi, D., & Migo, E. (2007). Associative memory and the medial temporal

lobes. Trends Cogn Sci, 11(3), 126-135. doi:10.1016/j.tics.2006.12.003

Mayor-Dubois, C., Zesiger, P., Van der Linden, M., & Roulet-Perez, E. (2012).

Nondeclarative learning in children with specific language impairment: Predicting

Page 264: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

257 

regularities in the visuomotor, phonological, and cognitive domains. Child

Neuropsychology. doi:10.1080/09297049.2012.734293

McArthur, G. M., Hogben, J. H., Edwards, V. T., Heath, S. M., & Mengler, E. D. (2000). On

the "specifics" or specific reading disability and specific language impairment.

Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 41(7), 869-874.

doi:10.1017/s0021963099006186

McLeod, K. R., Langevin, L. M., Goodyear, B. G., & Dewey, D. (2014). Functional

connectivity of neural motor networks is disrupted in children with developmental

coordination disorder and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Neuroimage

Clinical, 4, 566-575. doi:10.1016/j.nicl.2014.03.010

McNealy, K., Mazziotta, J. C., & Dapretto, M. (2006). Cracking the language code: neural

mechanisms underlying speech parsing. Journal of Neuroscience, 26(29), 7629-7639.

doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.5501-05.2006

McNealy, K., Mazziotta, J. C., & Dapretto, M. (2010). The neural basis of speech parsing in

children and adults. Dev Sci, 13(2), 385-406. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7687.2009.00895.x

McNealy, K., Mazziotta, J. C., & Dapretto, M. (2011). Age and experience shape

developmental changes in the neural basis of language-related learning. Dev Sci,

14(6), 1261-1282. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7687.2011.01075.x

Middleton, F. A., & Strick, P. L. (1996). The temporal lobe is a target of output from the

basal ganglia. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 93(16), 8683-8687.

Middleton, F. A., & Strick, P. L. (2000a). Basal ganglia and cerebellar loops: motor and

cognitive circuits. Brain Research Reviews, 31, 236-250.

Middleton, F. A., & Strick, P. L. (2000b). Basal ganglia output and cognition: evidence from

anatomical, behavioral, and clinical studies. Brain and Cognition, 42(2), 183-200.

doi:10.1006/brcg.1999.1099

Page 265: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

258 

Miller, J. F., & Chapman, R. S. (1981). The relation between age and mean length of

utterance in morphemes. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 24(2), 154-161.

Milner, B., Johnsrude, I., & Crane, J. (1997). Right medial temporal-lobe contribution to

object-location memory. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London.

Series B: Biological Sciences, 352, 1469-1474.

Mimeau, C., Coleman, M., & Donlan, C. (2016). The role of procedural memory in grammar

and numeracy skills. Journal of Cognitive Psychology, 1-10.

doi:10.1080/20445911.2016.1223082

Molinari, M., & Leggio, M. G. (2013). Cerebellar sequencing for cognitive processing

Handbook of the cerebellum and cerebellar disorders (pp. 1701-1715): Springer

Netherlands.

Montgomery, J. W. (1995). Sentence comprehension in children with specific language

impairment: The role of phonological working memory. Journal of Speech and

Hearing Research, 38, 187-199.

Montgomery, J. W. (2000). Verbal working memory and sentence comprehension in children

with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing

Research, 43, 293-308.

Montgomery, J. W. (2004). Sentence comprehension in children with specific language

impairment: effects of input rate and phonological working memory. International

Journal of Language and Communication Disorders, 39(1), 115-133.

doi:10.1080/13682820310001616985

Montgomery, J. W., & Evans, J. L. (2009). Complex sentence comprehension and working

memory in children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language,

and Hearing Research, 52, 269-288.

Page 266: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

259 

Moody, T. D., Bookheimer, S. Y., Vanek, Z., & Knowlton, B. J. (2004). An implicit learning

task activates medial temporal lobe in patients with Parkinson's disease. Behavioral

Neuroscience, 118(2), 438-442. doi:10.1037/0735-7044.118.2.438

Moore, M. E., & Johnston, J. R. (1993). Expressions of past time by normal and language-

impaired children. Applied Psycholinguistics, 14(04), 515.

doi:10.1017/s0142716400010729

Morton, S. M., & Bastian, A. J. (2004). Cerebellar control of balance and locomotion. The

Neuroscientist, 10(3), 247-259.

Moscovitch, M., Rosenbaum, R. S., Gilboa, A., Addis, D. R., Westmacott, R., Grady, C., . . .

Nadel, L. (2005). Functional neuroanatomy of remote episodic, semantic and spatial

memory: A unified account based on multiple trace theory. Journal of Anatomy, 207,

35-66.

Mostofsky, S. H., Goldberg, M. C., Landa, R. J., & Denckla, M. B. (2000). Evidence for a

deficit in procedural learning in children and adolescents with autism: Implications

for cerebellar contribution. Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society,

6(07), 752-759.

Muslimović, D., Post, B., Speelman, J. D., & Schmand, B. (2007). Motor procedural learning

in Parkinson's disease. Brain, 130(11), 2887-2897.

Naigles, L. (1990). Children use syntax to learn verb meanings. Journal of Child Language,

17(2), 357-374.

Nayate, A., Bradshaw, J. L., & Rinehart, N. J. (2005). Autism and Asperger's disorder: are

they movement disorders involving the cerebellum and/or basal ganglia? Brain

Research Bulletin, 67(4), 327-334. doi:10.1016/j.brainresbull.2005.07.011

Nichols, S. (2004). Mechanisms of verbal memory impairment in four neurodevelopmental

disorders. Brain and Language, 88(2), 180-189. doi:10.1016/s0093-934x(03)00097-x

Page 267: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

260 

Nicolson, R. I., & Fawcett, A. J. (2007). Procedural learning difficulties: reuniting the

developmental disorders? Trends in Neurosciences, 30(4), 135-141.

doi:10.1016/j.tins.2007.02.003

Nicolson, R. I., & Fawcett, A. J. (2011). Dyslexia, dysgraphia, procedural learning and the

cerebellum. Cortex, 47, 117-127.

Nicolson, R. I., Fawcett, A. J., Brookes, R. L., & Needle, J. (2010). Procedural learning and

dyslexia. Dyslexia, 16(3), 194-212. doi:10.1002/dys.408

Nicolson, R. I., Fawcett, A. J., & Dean, P. (2001). Developmental dyslexia: the cerebellar

deficit hypothesis. Trends in Neurosciences, 24(9), 208-511. doi:10.1016/s0166-

2236(00)01896-8

Nilsson, K. K., & de Lopez, K. J. (2016). Theory of Mind in Children With Specific

Language Impairment: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis. Child Development,

87(1), 143-153. doi:10.1111/cdev.12462

Nissen, M. J., & Bullemer, P. (1987). Attentional requirements of learning: Evidence from

performance measures. Cognitive Psychology, 19, 1-32. doi:10.1016/0010-

0285(87)90002-8

Norbury, C. F., & Bishop, D. V. M. (2003). Narrative skills of children with communication

impairments. International Journal of Language and Communication Disorders,

38(3), 287-313. doi:10.1080/136820310000108133

Norbury, C. F., Bishop, D. V. M., & Briscoe, J. (2001). Production of English finite verb

morphology: A comparison of SLI and mild-moderate hearing impairment. Journal of

Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 44(1), 165-178.

Norbury, C. F., Bishop, D. V. M., & Briscoe, J. (2002). Does impaired grammatical

comprehension provide evidence for an innate grammar module? Applied

Psycholinguistics, 23, 247-268.

Page 268: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

261 

Obeid, R., Brooks, P. J., Powers, K. L., Gillespie-Lynch, K., & Lum, J. A. G. (2016).

Statistical learning in specific language impairment and autism spectrum disorder: A

meta-analysis. Frontiers in Psychology, 7. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01245

Oetting, J. B., & Horohov, J. E. (1997). Past-tense marking by children with and without

specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research,

40, 62-74.

Oetting, J. B., & McDonald, J. L. (2001). Nonmainstream dialect use and specific language

impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 44(1), 207-223.

Owen, A. J., & Leonard, L. B. (2002). Lexical diversity in the spontaneous speech of children

with specific language impairment: Application of D. Journal of Speech, Language,

and Hearing Research, 45(927-937).

Owen, A. J., & Leonard, L. B. (2006). The production of finite and nonfinite complement

clauses by children with specific language impairment and their typically developing

peers. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 49(3), 548-571.

Owen, A. M., Milner, B., Petrides, M., & Evans, A. C. (1996). A specific role for the right

parahippcampal gyrus in the retrieval of object-location: A positron emission

tomography study. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 8, 588-602.

Owen, S. E., & McKinlay, I. A. (1997). Motor difficulties in children with developmental

disorders of speech and language. Child: Care, Health and Development, 23, 315-

325.

Packard, M. G., & McGaugh, J. L. (1996). Inactivation of hippocampus or caudate nucleus

with lidocaine differentially affects expression of place and response learning.

Neurobiology of Learning and Memory, 65, 65-72.

Parent, A., & Hazrati, L. (1995). Functional anatomy of the basal ganglia. The cortico-basal

ganglia-thalamo-cortical-loop. Brain Research Reviews, 20, 91-127.

Page 269: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

262 

Pernet, C. R., Poline, J. B., Demonet, J. F., & Rousselet, G. A. (2009). Brain classification

reveals the right cerebellum as the best biomarker of dyslexia. BMC Neuroscience,

10, 67. doi:10.1186/1471-2202-10-67

Picci, G., Gotts, S. J., & Scherf, K. S. (2016). A theoretical rut: revisiting and critically

evaluating the generalized under/over-connectivity hypothesis of autism. Dev Sci,

19(4), 524-549. doi:10.1111/desc.12467

Pinel, J. P. J. (2007). Biopsychology (6th ed.): Boston ; London : Pearson Allyn and Bacon,

2006.

Plante, E., Patterson, D., Gómez, R., Almryde, K. R., White, M. G., & Asbjørnsen, A. E.

(2015). The nature of the language input affects brain activation during learning from

a natural language. Journal of Neurolinguistics, 36(Supplement C), 17-34.

doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jneuroling.2015.04.005

Plante, E., Swisher, L., Kiernan, B., & Restrepo, M. A. (1993). Language matches:

Illuminating or confounding? Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research,

36(4), 772-776.

Plante, E., & Vance, R. (1994). Selection of preschool language tests: A data-based approach.

Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 25, 15-24.

Poldrack, R. A., Clark, J., Pare-Blagoev, E. J., Shohamy, D., Moyano, J. C., Myers, C., &

Gluck, M. A. (2001). Interactive memory systems in the human brain. Nature, 414.

Poldrack, R. A., Prabhakaran, V., Seger, C. A., & Gabrieli, J. D. E. (1999). Striatal activation

during acquisition of a cognitive skill. Neuropsychology, 13(4), 564-574.

Poldrack, R. A., & Rodriguez, P. (2003). Sequence learning: What's the hippocampus do?

Neuron, 891-893.

Page 270: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

263 

Poldrack, R. A., Sabb, F. W., Foerde, K., Tom, S. M., Asarnow, R. F., Bookheimer, S. Y., &

Knowlton, B. J. (2005). The neural correlates of motor skill automaticity. Journal of

Neuroscience, 25(22), 5356-5364. doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.3880-04.2005

Poll, G. H., Miller, C. A., & van Hell, J. G. (2015). Evidence of compensatory processing in

adults with developmental language impairment: Testing the predictions of the

procedural deficit hypothesis. Journal of Communication Disorders.

doi:10.1016/j.jcomdis.2015.01.004

Powell, R. P., & Bishop, D. V. M. (1992). Clumsiness and perceptual problems in children

with specific language impairment. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology,

34, 755-765.

Querne, L., Berquin, P., Vernier-Hauvette, M. P., Fall, S., Deltour, L., Meyer, M. E., & de

Marco, G. (2008). Dysfunction of the attentional brain network in children with

Developmental Coordination Disorder: a fMRI study. Brain Research, 1244, 89-102.

doi:10.1016/j.brainres.2008.07.066

Ramnani, N. (2006). The primate cortico-cerebellar system: anatomy and function. Nature

Reviews Neuroscience, 7(7), 511-522.

Rechetnikov, R. P., & Maitra, K. (2009). Motor impairments in children associated with

impairments of speech or language: A meta-analytic review of research literature. The

American Journal of Occupational Therapy`, 63(3), 255-263.

Records, N. L., Tomblin, J. B., & Buckwalter, P. R. (1995). Auditory verbal learning and

memory in young adults with specific language impairment. The Clinical

Neuropsychologist, 9(2), 187-193. doi:10.1080/13854049508401601

Redmond, S. M. (2003). Children's productions of the affix -ed in past tense and past

participle contexts. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 46, 1095-

1109.

Page 271: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

264 

Redmond, S. M. (2005). Differentiating SLI from ADHD using children's sentence recall and

production of past tense morphology. Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics, 19(2), 109-

127. doi:10.1080/02699200410001669870

Reiss, J. P., Campbell, D. W., Leslie, W. D., Paulus, M. P., Stroman, P. W., Polimeni, J. O., .

. . Sareen, J. (2005). The role of the striatum in implicit learning: A functional

magnetic resonance imaging study. Neuroreport, 16(12), 1291-1295.

doi:10.1097/01.wnr.0000175615.93312.1a

Riccio, C. A., Cash, D. L., & Cohen, M. J. (2007). Learning and memory performance of

children with specific language impairment (SLI). Applied Neuropsychology, 14(4),

255-261.

Rice, M. L. (2000). Grammatical symptoms of specific language impairment. In D. V. M.

Bishop & L. B. Leonard (Eds.), Speech and language impairments in children:

Causes, characteristics, intervention and outcome (pp. 17-34). Hove: Psychology

Press.

Rice, M. L., Oetting, J. B., Marquis, J., Bode, J., & Pae, S. (1994). Frequency of input effects

on word comprehension of children with specific language imairment. Journal of

Speech and Hearing Research, 37, 106-122.

Rice, M. L., Redmond, S. M., & Hoffman, L. (2006). Mean length of utterance in children

with specific language impairment and in younger control children shown concurrent

validity and stable and parallel growth trajectories. Journal of Speech, Language, and

Hearing Research, 49, 793-808.

Rice, M. L., Smolik, F., Perpich, D., Thompson, T., Rytting, N., & Blossom, M. (2010).

Mean length of utterance levels in 6-month intervals for children 3 to 9 years with and

without language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research,

53, 333-349.

Page 272: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

265 

Rice, M. L., & Wexler, K. (1996). Toward tense as a clinical marker of specific language

impairment in English-speaking children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research,

39, 1239-1257.

Rice, M. L., Wexler, K., & Cleave, P. L. (1995). Specific language impairment as a period of

extended optional infinitive. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research, 38, 850-863.

Rice, M. L., Wexler, K., & Hershberger, S. (1998). Tense over time: The longitudinal course

of tense acquisition in children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech,

Language, and Hearing Research, 41, 1412-1431.

Rice, M. L., Wexler, K., Marquis, J., & Hershberger, S. (2000). Acquisition of irregular past

tense by children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language,

and Hearing Research, 43, 1126-1145.

Riches, N. G. (2012). Sentence repetition in children with specific language impairment: an

investigation of underlying mechanisms. International Journal of Language and

Communication Disorders, 47(5), 499-510. doi:10.1111/j.1460-6984.2012.00158.x

Riches, N. G., Tomasello, M., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2005). Verb learning in children with

SLI: Frequency and spacing effects. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing

Research, 48, 1397-1411.

Ridding, M. C., & Rothwell, J. C. (2007). Is there a future for therapeutic use of transcranial

magnetic stimulation? Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 8, 559-567.

Rieckmann, A., Fischer, H., & Backman, L. (2010). Activation in striatum and medial

temporal lobe during sequence learning in younger and older adults: relations to

performance. Neuroimage, 50(3), 1303-1312. doi:10.1016/j.neuroimage.2010.01.015

Roos, E. M., & Ellis Weismer, S. (2008). Language Outcomes of Late Talking Toddlers at

Preschool and Beyond. Perspect Lang Learn Educ, 15(3), 119-126.

doi:10.1044/lle15.3.119

Page 273: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

266 

Rose, M., Haider, H., Salari, N., & Buchel, C. (2011). Functional dissociation of

hippocampal mechanism during implicit learning based on the domain of

associations. Journal of Neuroscience, 31(39), 13739-13745.

doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.3020-11.2011

Rosenberg, O., Klein, L. D., & Dannon, P. N. (2013). Deep transcranial magnetic stimulation

for the treatment of pathological gambling. Psychiatry Research, 206(1), 111-113.

Rosenberg, O., Roth, Y., Kotler, M., Zangen, A., & Dannon, P. (2011). Deep transcranial

magnetic stimulation for the treatment of auditory hallucinations: a preliminary open-

label study. Annals of general psychiatry, 10(1), 3.

Rugg, M. D., Fletcher, P. C., Chua, P., & Dolan, R. J. (1999). The role of the prefrontal

cortex in recognition memory and memory for source: An fRMI study. Neuroimage,

10, 520-529.

Russeler, J., Gerth, I., & Munte, T. F. (2006). Implicit learning is intact in adult

developmental dyslexic readers: evidence from the serial reaction time task and

artificial grammar learning. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology,

28(5), 808-827. doi:10.1080/13803390591001007

Saffran, J. R., Newport, E. L., Aslin, R. N., Tunick, R. A., & Barrueco, S. (1997). Incidental

language learning: Listening (and learning) out of the corner of your ear.

Psychological Science, 8(2), 101-105.

Schendan, H. E., Searl, M. M., Melrose, R. J., & Stern, C. E. (2003). An fMRI study of the

role of the medial temporal lobe in implicit and explicit sequence learning. Neuron,

37, 1013-1025.

Schuele, M. C., & Tolbert, L. (2001). Omissions of obligatory relative markers in children

with specific language impairment. Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics, 15(4), 257-274.

doi:10.1080/02699200010017805

Page 274: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

267 

Scott-Van Zeeland, A. A., McNealy, K., Wang, A. T., Sigman, M., Bookheimer, S. Y., &

Dapretto, M. (2010). No neural evidence of statistical learning during exposure to

artificial languages in children with autism spectrum disorders. Biological Psychiatry,

68(4), 345-351. doi:10.1016/j.biopsych.2010.01.011

Seger, C. A., & Cincotta, C. M. (2005). The roles of the caudate nucleus in human

classification learning. Journal of Neuroscience, 25(11), 2941-2951.

doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.3401-04.2005

Seger, C. A., & Spiering, B. J. (2011). A critical review of habit learning and the Basal

Ganglia. Frontiers in Systems Neuroscience, 5, 66. doi:10.3389/fnsys.2011.00066

Sengottuvel, K., & Rao, P. K. (2013). Aspects of grammar sensitive to procedural memory

deficits in children with specific language impairment. Research in Developmental

Disabilities, 34(10), 3317-3331. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2013.06.036

Shear, P. K., Tallal, P. A., & Delis, D. C. (1992). Verbal learning and memory in language

impaired children. Neuropsychologia, 30, 451-458.

Shohamy, D., Myers, C. E., Grossman, S., Sage, J., Gluck, M. A., & Poldrack, R. A. (2004).

Cortico-striatal contributions to feedback-based learning: converging data from

neuroimaging and neuropsychology. Brain, 127, 851-859.

Simons, J. S., & Spiers, H. J. (2003). Prefrontal and medial temporal lobe interactions in

long-term memory. Nature Reviews: Neuroscience, 4(8), 637-648.

doi:10.1038/nrn1178

Skipp, A., Windfuhr, K. L., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2002). Children's grammatical categories

of verb and noun: a comparative look at children with specific language impairment

(SLI) and normal language (NL). International Journal of Language and

Communication Disorders, 37(3), 253. doi:10.1080/1368282011011921

Page 275: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

268 

Slotnick, S. D. (2010). Does the hippocampus mediate objective binding or subjective

remembering? Neuroimage, 49(2), 1769-1776. doi:10.1016/j.neuroimage.2009.09.039

Smith, C. N., & Squire, L. R. (2009). Medial temporal lobe activity during retrieval of

semantic memory is related to the age of the memory. Journal of Neuroscience, 29(4),

930-938. doi:10.1523/JNEUROSCI.4545-08.2009

Smith, J. G., & McDowall, J. (2004). Impaired higher order implicit sequence learning on the

verbal version of the serial reaction time task in patients with Parkinson's disease.

Neuropsychology, 18(4), 679-691. doi:10.1037/0894-4105.18.4.679

Snowling, M. J., Bishop, D. V. M., & Stothard, S. E. (2000). Is preschool language

impairment a risk factor for dyslexia in adolescence? Journal of Child Psychology

and Psychiatry, 41, 587-600.

Spagnolo, F., Volonté, M., Fichera, M., Chieffo, R., Houdayer, E., Bianco, M., . . . Di

Maggio, G. (2014). Excitatory deep repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation with

H-coil as add-on treatment of motor symptoms in Parkinson's disease: an open label,

pilot study. Brain Stimul, 7(2), 297-300.

Spaulding, T. J., Plante, E., & Farinella, K. A. (2006). Eligibility criteria for language

impairment: Is the low end of normal always appropriate? Language, Speech, and

Hearing Services in Schools, 37, 61-72.

Squire, L. R. (2004). Memory systems of the brain: A brief history and current perspective.

Neurobiology of Learning and Memory, 82(3), 171-177.

doi:10.1016/j.nlm.2004.06.005

Squire, L. R., & Zola, S. M. (1996). Structure and function of declarative and nondeclarative

memory systems. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 93, 13515-

13522. doi:10.1073/pnas.93.24.13515

Page 276: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

269 

St Clair, M. C., Pickles, A., Durkin, K., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2011). A longitudinal study of

behavioral, emotional and social difficulties in individuals with a history of specific

language impairment (SLI). Journal of Communication Disorders, 44(2), 186-199.

doi:10.1016/j.jcomdis.2010.09.004

Staresina, B. P., & Davachi, L. (2009). Mind the gap: binding experiences across space and

time in the human hippocampus. Neuron, 63(2), 267-276.

doi:10.1016/j.neuron.2009.06.024

Stark, C. E., & Okado, Y. (2003). Making memories without trying: Medial temporal lobe

activity associated with incidental memory formation during recognition. The Journal

of Neuroscience, 23, 6748-6753.

Steel, A., Song, S., Bageac, D., Knutson, K. M., Keisler, A., Saad, Z. S., . . . Wilkinson, L.

(2016). Shifts in connectivity during procedural learning after motor cortex

stimulation: A combined transcranial magnetic stimulation/functional magnetic

resonance imaging study. Cortex, 74, 134-148. doi:10.1016/j.cortex.2015.10.004

Stepankova, K., Fenton, A. A., Pastalkova, E., Kalina, M., & Bohbot, V. D. (2004). Object-

location memory impairment in patients with thermal lesions to the right or left

hippocampus. Neuropsychologia, 42(8), 1017-1028.

doi:10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2004.01.002

Strange, B. A., Otten, L. J., Josephs, O., Rugg, M. D., & Dolan, R. J. (2002). Dissociable

human perirhinal, hippocampal, and parahippocampal roles during verbal encoding.

The Journal of Neuroscience, 22, 523-528.

Tallal, P. A. (2004). Improving language and literacy is a matter of time. Nature Reviews

Neuroscience, 5, 1-9.

Tallal, P. A., & Piercy, M. (1973). Defects of non-verbal auditory perception in children with

developmental aphasia. Nature, 241, 468-469.

Page 277: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

270 

Tallal, P. A., Stark, C. E., & Mellits, D. (1985). Identification of language-impaired children

on the basis of rapid perception and production skills. Brain and Language, 25, 314-

322.

Taylor, L. J., Maybery, M. T., Grayndler, L., & Whitehouse, A. J. (2015). Evidence for

shared deficits in identifying emotions from faces and from voices in autism spectrum

disorders and specific language impairment. International Journal of Language and

Communication Disorders, 50(4), 452-466. doi:10.1111/1460-6984.12146

Teichmann, M., Rosso, C., Martini, J. B., Bloch, I., Brugieres, P., Duffau, H., . . . Bachoud-

Levi, A. C. (2015). A cortical-subcortical syntax pathway linking Broca's area and the

striatum. Human Brain Mapping, 36(6), 2270-2283. doi:10.1002/hbm.22769

Tendler, A., Sisko, E., Zangen, A., Turcone, M., Allsup, H., Raggi, K., . . . DeLuca, L.

(2014). Reversal of Motor Symptoms in Parkinson’s Disease using Deep TMS with

the H1 Coil: Longitudinal Case Series. Brain Stimulation: Basic, Translational, and

Clinical Research in Neuromodulation, 7(5), e25.

Thomas, K. M., Hunt, R. H., Vizueta, N., Sommer, T., Durston, S., Yang, Y., & Worder, M.

S. (2004). Evidence of developmental differences in implicit sequence learning: An

fMRI study of children and adults. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 16(8), 1339-

1351.

Thompson-Schill, S. L., D’Esposito, M., & Kan, I. P. (1999). Effects of repetition and

competition on activity in left prefrontal cortex during word generation. Neuron, 23,

513-522.

Thordardottir, E. T., & Ellis Weismer, S. (2001). High-frequency verbs and verb diversity in

the spontaneous speech of school-age children with specific language impairment.

International Journal of Language and Communication Disorders, 36(2), 221-244.

doi:10.1080/1368282001001990

Page 278: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

271 

Tiffin, J. (1968). Purdue Pegboard examiner's manual. Rosemount, IL: London House.

Tomblin, J. B., Mainela-Arnold, E., & Zhang, X. (2007). Procedural learning in adolescents

with and without specific language impairment. Language Learning and

Development, 3(4), 269-293. doi:10.1080/15475440701377477

Tomblin, J. B., Records, N. L., Buckwalter, P., Zhang, X., Smith, E., & O'Brien, M. (1997).

Prevalence of specific language impairment in kindergarten children. Journal of

Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, 40, 1245-1260.

Tomblin, J. B., Zhang, X., Buckwalter, P., & Catts, H. W. (2000). The association of reading

disability, behavioral disorders, and language impairment among second-grade

children. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 41(4), 473-482.

Tornqvist, M. C., Thulin, S., Segnestam, Y., & Horowitz, L. (2008). Adult People With

Language Impairment and Their Life Situation. Communication Disorders Quarterly,

30(4), 237-254. doi:10.1177/1525740108326034

Trauner, D. A., Wulfeck, B., Tallal, P. A., & Hesselink, J. R. (2000). Neurological and MRI

profiles of children with developmental language impairment. Developmental

Medicine and Child Neurology, 42, 470-475.

Travers, B. G., Klinger, M. R., Mussey, J. L., & Klinger, L. G. (2010). Motor linked

implicit learning in persons with autism spectrum disorders. Autism Research, 3(2),

68-77.

Treves, A., & Rolls, E. T. (1994). Computational analysis of the role of the hippocampus in

memory. Hippocampus, 4(3), 374-391.

Ullman, M. T. (2001). The declarative/procedural model of lexicon and grammar. Journal of

Psycholinguistic Research, 30(1), 37-69.

Page 279: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

272 

Ullman, M. T. (2004). Contributions of memory circuits to language: the

declarative/procedural model. Cognition, 92(1-2), 231-270.

doi:10.1016/j.cognition.2003.10.008

Ullman, M. T. (2006). Is Broca's Area Part of a Basal Ganglia Thalamocortical Circuit?

Cortex, 42(4), 480-485. doi:10.1016/s0010-9452(08)70382-4

Ullman, M. T., & Pierpont, E. I. (2005). Specific language impairment is not specific to

language: The procedural deficit hypothesis. Cortex, 41(3), 399-433.

doi:10.1016/s0010-9452(08)70276-4

Ullman, M. T., & Pullman, M. Y. (2015). A compensatory role for declarative memory in

neurodevelopmental disorders. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 51, 205-

222. doi:10.1016/j.neubiorev.2015.01.008

Utter, A. A., & Basso, M. A. (2008). The basal ganglia: an overview of circuits and function.

Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 32(3), 333-342.

doi:10.1016/j.neubiorev.2006.11.003

van der Lely, H. K. (1996). Specifically language impaired and normally developing

children: Verbal passive vs. adjectival passive sentence interpretation. Lingua, 98,

243-272.

van der Lely, H. K. (2005). Domain-specific cognitive systems: insight from Grammatical-

SLI. Trends Cogn Sci, 9(2), 53-59. doi:10.1016/j.tics.2004.12.002

van der Lely, H. K., & Harris, M. (1990). Comprehension of reversible sentences in

specifically language-impaired children. Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders,

55, 101-117.

van der Lely, H. K., Rosen, S., & McClelland, A. (1998). Evidence for a grammar-specific

deficit in children. Current Biology, 8, 1253-1258.

Page 280: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

273 

van der Lely, H. K., & Stollwerck, L. (1997). Binding theory and grammatical specific

language impairment in children. Cognition, 62, 245-290.

Vicari, S., Finzi, A., Menghini, D., Marotta, L., Baldi, S., & Petrosini, L. (2005). Do children

with developmental dyslexia have an implicit learning deficit? Journal of Neurology,

Neurosurgery, and Psychiatry, 76(10), 1392-1397. doi:10.1136/jnnp.2004.061093

Vugs, B., Cuperus, J., Hendriks, M., & Verhoeven, L. (2013). Visuospatial working memory

in specific language impairment: a meta-analysis. Research in Developmental

Disabilities, 34(9), 2586-2597. doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2013.05.014

Vukovic, M., Vukovic, I., & Stojanovik, V. (2010). Investigation of language and motor

skills in Serbian speaking children with specific language impairment and in typically

developing children. Research in Developmental Disabilities, 31(6), 1633-1644.

doi:10.1016/j.ridd.2010.04.020

Wadman, R., Durkin, K., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2011). Social stress in young people with

specific language impairment. Journal of Adolescence, 34(3), 421-431.

doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2010.06.010

Waters, G. S., Caplan, D., & Rochon, E. (1995). Processing capacity and sentence

comprehension in patients with Alzheimer's disease. Cognitive Neuropsychology, 12,

30.

Watkins, R. V., Kelly, D. J., Harbers, H. M., & Hollis, W. (1995). Measuring children's

lexical diversity: Differentiating typical and impaired language learners. Journal of

Speech and Hearing Research, 38, 1349-1355.

Webster, R. I., Majnemer, A., Platt, R. W., & Shevell, M. I. (2005). Motor function at school

age in children with a preschool diagnosis of developmental language impairment.

Journal of Pediatrics, 146(1), 80-85. doi:10.1016/j.jpeds.2004.09.005

Page 281: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

274 

Wechsler, D. (1997). Wechsler memory scale (WMS-III) (Vol. 14): Psychological corporation

San Antonio, TX.

Werheid, K., Zysset, S., Müller, A., Reuter, M., & von Cramon, D. Y. (2003). Rule learning

in a serial reaction time task: An fMRI study on patients with early Parkinson’s

disease. Cognitive Brain Research, 16(2), 273-284. doi:10.1016/s0926-

6410(02)00283-5

Westwater, H., McDowall, J., Siegert, R., Mossman, S., & Abernethy, D. (1998). Implicit

learning in Parkinson's disease: evidence from a verbal version of the serial reaction

time task. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 20(3), 413-418.

doi:10.1076/jcen.20.3.413.826

Whitehurst, G. J., & Fischel, J. E. (1994). Practitioner review: Early developmental language

delay: What, if anything, should the clinician do about it? Journal of Child

Psychology and Psychiatry, 35(4), 613-648.

Willingham, D. B., Salidis, J., & Gabrieli, J. D. E. (2002). Direct comparison of neural

systems mediating conscious and unconscious skill learning. Journal of

Neurophysiology, 88, 1451-1460.

Wilson, P. H., Maruff, P., & Lum, J. A. G. (2003). Procedural learning in children with

developmental coordination disorder. Human Movement Science, 22(4-5), 515-526.

doi:10.1016/j.humov.2003.09.007

Wilson, P. H., & McKenzie, B. E. (1998). Information processing deficits associated with

developmental coordination disorder: A meta-analysis of research findings. Journal of

Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 39(6), 829-840. doi:10.1017/s0021963098002765

Witt, K., Nuhsman, A., & Deuschl, G. (2002). Dissociation of habit-learning in Parkinson's

and cerebellar disease. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 14, 493-499.

Page 282: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

275 

Yonelinas, A. P., Hopfinger, J. B., Buonocore, M. H., Kroll, N. E. A., & Baynes, K. (2001).

Hippocampal, parahippocampal and occipital-temporal contribution to associative and

item recognition memory: An fMRI study. Neuroreport, 12, 359-363.

Zangen, A. (2013). IS 44. Development and applications of deep rTMS in depression and

addiction studies. Clinical Neurophysiology, 124(10), e53.

Zelaznik, H. N., & Goffman, L. (2010). Generalized motor abilities and timing behavior in

children with specific language impairment. Journal of Speech, Language, and

Hearing Research, 53(2), 383-393. doi:10.1044/1092-4388(2009/08-0204

Zwicker, J. G., Missiuna, C., & Boyd, L. A. (2009). Neural correlates of developmental

coordination disorder: a review of hypotheses. Journal of Child Neurology, 24(10),

1273-1281. doi:10.1177/0883073809333537

Zwicker, J. G., Missiuna, C., Harris, S. R., & Boyd, L. A. (2011). Brain activation associated

with motor skill practice in children with developmental coordination disorder: an

fMRI study. International Journal of Developmental Neuroscience, 29(2), 145-152.

doi:10.1016/j.ijdevneu.2010.12.002

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Page 283: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

276 

Appendices

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Page 284: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

Appendix A

Study 1: A meta-analysis and meta-regression of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease

The manuscript presented here is the post-publication version. ©American

Psychological Association, 2017. This paper is not the copy of record and may not exactly

replicate the authoritative document published in the APA journal. Please do not copy or cite

without author's permission. The final article is available, at http://dx.doi.org/

10.1037/neu0000121

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Page 285: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

AUTHORSHIP STATEMENT 

1.  Details of publication and executive author 

Title of Publication  Publication details 

A meta‐analysis and meta‐regression of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease 

Clark, G. M., Lum, J. A. G., & Ullman, M. T. (2014). A meta‐analysis and meta‐regression of serial reaction time task performance in Parkinson’s disease. Neuropsychology, 28(6), 945‐958. doi: 10.1037/neu0000121  

Name of executive author School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin; Organisation and address if non‐Deakin 

Email or phone 

Gillian Clark  School of Psychology, Deakin University 

[email protected] 

2.  Inclusion of publication in a thesis 

Is it intended to include this publication in a higher degree by research (HDR) thesis? 

Yes  

If Yes, please complete Section 3If No, go straight to Section 4. 

3.  HDR thesis author’s declaration 

Name of HDR thesis author if different from above. (If the same, write “as above”) 

School/Institute/Division if based at Deakin 

Thesis title 

 As above 

 School of Psychology 

The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language impairment: An investigation using the serial reaction time task 

If there are multiple authors, give a full description of HDR thesis author’s contribution to the publication (for example, how much did you contribute to the conception of the project, the design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Conceptual development of paper, completion of systematic search, evaluation of articles for inclusion, data extraction, data analysis, drafting of manuscript, revisions.  

I declare that the above is an accurate description of my contribution to this paper, and the contributions of other authors are as described below. 

Signature and date   

08/06/2017 

4.  Description of all author contributions 

Name and affiliation of author   Contribution(s) (for example,  conception of the project, design of methodology or experimental protocol, data collection, analysis, drafting the manuscript, revising it critically for important intellectual content, etc.) 

Jarrad Lum, Deakin University   

Thesis supervisor: involved in conceptual development of paper, data review/extraction/analysis, reviewed and provided feedback on all manuscript drafts. 

Michael Ullman, Georgetown University   

Reviewed and provided feedback on manuscript. 

Page 286: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

5.  Author Declarations 

I agree to be named as one of the authors of this work, and confirm:  xxi. that I have met the authorship criteria set out in the Deakin University Research Conduct Policy, xxii. that there are no other authors according to these criteria, xxiii. that the description in Section 4 of my contribution(s) to this publication is accurate,  xxiv. that the data on which these findings are based are stored as set out in Section 7 below. 

If this work is to form part of an HDR thesis as described in Sections 2 and 3, I further  

xxv. consent to the incorporation of the publication into the candidate’s HDR thesis submitted to Deakin University and, if the higher degree is awarded, the subsequent publication of the thesis by the university (subject to relevant Copyright provisions).   

 

Name of author  Signature* Date 

Jarrad Lum  

07/07/2017 

Michael Ullman  

07/07/2017 

6.  Other contributor declarations 

I agree to be named as a non‐author contributor to this work. 

Name and affiliation of contributor  Contribution Signature* and date

N/A  

 

* If an author or contributor is unavailable or otherwise unable to sign the statement of authorship, the Head of Academic Unit may sign on their behalf, noting the reason for their unavailability, provided there is no evidence to suggest that the person would object to being named as author 

7.  Data storage 

The original data for this project are stored in the following locations. (The locations must be within an appropriate institutional setting. If the executive author is a Deakin staff member and data are stored outside Deakin University, permission for this must be given by the Head of Academic Unit within which the executive author is based.) 

Data format  Storage Location Date lodged Name of custodian if other than the executive author 

N/A   

This form must be retained by the executive author, within the school or institute in which they are based. 

If the publication is to be included as part of an HDR thesis, a copy of this form must be included in the thesis with the publication. 

 

 

 

Page 287: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

   

A Meta-Analysis and Meta-Regression of Serial Reaction Time Task Performance in

Parkinson’s Disease

Gillian M. Clark and Jarrad A. G. Lum

School of Psychology, Deakin University, Australia

Michael T. Ullman

Department of Neuroscience, Georgetown University, USA

Author Note

Gillian M. Clark, School of Psychology, Deakin University; Jarrad A. G. Lum,

School of Psychology, Deakin University; Michael T. Ullman, Department of Neuroscience,

Georgetown University.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jarrad Lum, School of

Psychology, Deakin University, 221 Burwood Highway, Burwood, Victoria, Australia, 3121.

Email: [email protected]

Page 288: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

Abstract

Objective: This paper reports findings of a meta-analysis and meta-regression summarizing

research on implicit sequence learning in individuals with Parkinson’s disease (PD), as

measured by the Serial Reaction Time (SRT) task. Method: Following a systematic search of

the literature, we analyzed a total of 27 studies, representing data from 505 participants with

PD and 460 neurologically intact control participants. Results: Overall, the meta-analysis

indicated significantly (p < .001) worse sequence learning by the PD group than the control

group. The average weighted effect size was found to be .531 (CI95: .332, .470), which is a

medium effect size. However, moderate to high levels of heterogeneity (differences) were

found between study effect sizes (I2 = 58%). Meta-regression analysis suggested that

presentation of the SRT task under dual task conditions coupled with PD severity or

characteristics of the sequence might affect study effect sizes. Conclusions: The meta-

analysis provides clear support that learning in procedural memory (procedural learning),

which underlies implicit sequence learning in the SRT task, is impaired in PD.

Keywords: serial reaction time; procedural memory; procedural learning; Parkinson’s disease;

meta-analysis

Page 289: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

A Meta-Analysis and Meta-Regression of Serial Reaction Time Task Performance in Parkinson’s Disease

Parkinson’s disease (PD) is a neurodegenerative disorder associated with the death of

dopamine-producing cells in the substantia nigra, leading to the dysfunction of the basal

ganglia and ensuing motor symptoms (Dubois & Pillon, 1996; Lang & Lozano, 1998). These

symptoms include tremor, rigidity, bradykinesia, and postural instability (Jankovic, 2008;

Lozano et al., 1995). Research has also investigated the extent to which PD is associated

with cognitive impairments (Cooper, Sagar, Jordan, Harvey, & Sullivan, 1991; Dubois &

Pillon, 1996; Owen, Iddon, Hodges, Summers, & Robbins, 1997). Within this literature,

numerous studies have investigated procedural memory in PD, in particular with Serial

Reaction Time (SRT) tasks (e.g., Gawrys et al., 2008; Muslimovic, Post, Speelman, &

Schmand, 2007; Price & Shin, 2009; Seidler, Tuite, & Ashe, 2007; van Tilborg & Hulstijn,

2010; Vandenbossche et al., 2013; Wang, Sun, & Ding, 2009). This report uses meta-analysis

and meta-regression to summarize this research, updating and extending a previous meta-

analysis on this topic (Siegert, Taylor, Weatherall, & Abernethy, 2006).

Procedural Memory

It is widely accepted that there are multiple memory systems in the brain (Knowlton,

Mangels, & Squire, 1996; Squire, 2004; Squire, Knowlton, & Musen, 1993; Squire & Zola,

1996). The procedural memory system is one of a number of non-declarative memory

systems that supports the learning and access of implicit (non-conscious) knowledge

(Knowlton et al., 1996; Knowlton, Squire, & Gluck, 1994; Ullman, 2001; Yin & Knowlton,

2006). Learning in the procedural system is gradual, with repetition or practice required in

order for skills or knowledge to be acquired. However, once learnt, knowledge can be

accessed rapidly and without awareness. Much is known about the neural substrates of the

procedural memory system. Evidence from both healthy individuals and those with

Page 290: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

neurological dysfunctions has repeatedly implicated the basal ganglia and motor-related and

prefrontal areas, as well as the cerebellum (Kandel, Schwartz, & Jessell, 2012; Packard &

Knowlton, 2002; Parent & Hazrati, 1995; Pascual-Leone, Wassermann, Grafman, & Hallett,

1996; Ullman, 2004, 2006).

The Serial Reaction Time Task

The Serial Reaction Time (SRT) task developed by Nissen and Bullemer (1987) has

been used to investigate learning in procedural memory (i.e., procedural learning) in a wide

range of non-clinical (e.g., Lum & Kidd, 2012; Thomas et al., 2004; Thomas & Nelson,

2001) and clinical populations (e.g., Ferraro, Balota, & Connor, 1993; Knopman & Nissen,

1991; Siegert, Weatherall, & Bell, 2008), including individuals with PD (e.g., Siegert et al.,

2006; Stefanova, Kostic, Ziropadja, Markovic, & Ocic, 2000; van Tilborg & Hulstijn, 2010;

Vandenbossche et al., 2013; Wang et al., 2009; Werheid, Ziessler, Nattkemper, & Von

Cramon, 2003; Werheid, Zysset, Muller, Reuter, & Von Cramon, 2003; Westwater,

McDowall, Siegert, Mossman, & Abernethy, 1998).

The standard protocol for the SRT task requires participants to be seated in front of a

computer display that shows a visual stimulus repeatedly appearing in one of four locations

(for an overview of SRT task methodology see Robertson, 2007). Stimulus presentations are

usually grouped into blocks typically comprising around 80 to 100 stimuli, although this

figure varies substantially between studies (see Lum, Ullman, & Conti-Ramsden, 2013). On

most blocks, stimulus presentations follow a pre-defined sequence. Depending on the study,

the length of the sequence may vary from 8 to 12. In the implicit version of the SRT task,

which is examined in this report, participants are not informed that the visual stimulus

follows a sequence. After a series of ‘Sequenced Blocks’ a ‘Random Block’ is presented in

which the visual stimulus appears in a random order. The only instruction provided to

participants, at the beginning of the task, is to indicate the location of the visual stimulus on

Page 291: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

each trial. In most studies participants respond to the stimulus by pressing one of several

buttons on a response box (e.g., Pascual-Leone et al., 1993; Shin & Ivry, 2003). However, in

other work the motor demands of the task have been reduced by asking participants to

provide a verbal response (e.g., Smith & McDowall, 2004; Smith, Siegert, McDowall, &

Abernethy, 2001).

The key dependent variable in SRT tasks is reaction time (RT), which measures how

fast participants identify the location of the visual stimulus. In neurologically intact

individuals, RTs gradually decrease (i.e., responses become faster) across the series of

‘Sequenced Blocks’. Then, during the ‘Random Block’, RTs increase again (e.g., Lum &

Kidd, 2012; Thomas et al., 2004; Thomas & Nelson, 2001). This RT increase from the

Sequence Block to the Random Block is taken to suggest that knowledge or information

about the sequence has been learnt. Importantly, the change in RTs is observed even though

participants are not able to explicitly recall the sequence. Neuroanatomical meta-analysis of

the functional neuroimaging literature examining the SRT task indicates that the task indeed

depends on the neural substrates of procedural memory, activating both the basal ganglia

(i.e., the putamen) and the cerebellum (Hardwick, Rottschy, Miall, & Eickhoff, 2013).

SRT task Performance in Parkinson’s Disease

The performance of individuals with PD on the SRT task provides an important

opportunity to examine the status of sequence learning in procedural memory in the disorder.

Given that learning in the SRT task appears to depend on the procedural memory system,

including the basal ganglia, individuals with PD may be expected to perform worse on the

task than healthy comparison groups. Specifically, the increase in RTs from the final

sequence block to the following random block should be smaller in PD groups relative to

Page 292: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

healthy controls. That is, a significant Group (PD vs. Control) X Block (Sequence vs.

Random) interaction is expected.

A meta-analysis that summarized research published between 1987 and 2005 on SRT

task performance in PD was presented by Siegert, Taylor, Weatherall and Abernethy (2006).

In typical meta-analyses, effect sizes and variances from studies with similar methodologies

are pooled and an average effect size is computed (Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein,

2011; Hunter, Schmidt, & Jackson, 1982). The meta-analysis undertaken by Siegert et al.

summarized the results from six studies with a combined sample size of 67 individuals with

PD and 87 neurologically intact controls. The average effect size computed in the meta-

analysis was for the Group (PD vs. Control) X Block (Sequence vs. Random) interaction.

Using a random effects model to average study results, the average effect size was found to

be 0.65 (CI95: 0.10, 1.20), and was statistically significant. This result indicates that on

average, the increase in RTs from the Sequence Block to the Random Block was 0.65

standard deviations larger in the control groups than the PD groups. This corresponds to a

medium effect size according to Cohen’s (1988) taxonomy. Siegert et al.’s (2006) meta-

analysis also identified considerable levels of heterogeneity, that is, differences between

individual study effect sizes. Quantification of the variability in effect sizes using the I2

statistic indicated that 64.8% of the heterogeneity could not be explained by random error or

chance. This suggests there may be one or more systematic influences on study findings.

Thus an outstanding question arising from Siegert et al.’s meta-analysis is, what variable or

variables assert a systematic influence on study findings?

Inspection of the PD/SRT task literature reveals a number of potential candidate

variables that may account for variability in study effect sizes. First, the average severity of

the PD group’s symptoms might account for differences between study findings. Price and

Shin (2009) found that participants with moderate PD symptoms, but not those whose

Page 293: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

symptoms were mild, performed significantly worse on their version of the SRT task than

controls. Inspection of the PD/SRT task literature reveals variability in the average severity

of PD symptoms when quantified using the Hoehn-Yahr scale (Hoehn & Yahr, 1967), which

measures the severity of PD symptoms on a five-point scale, with lower values corresponding

to milder symptoms. In some studies the average Hoehn-Yahr rating was approximately 1.5

(e.g., Stefanova et al., 2000; van Tilborg & Hulstijn, 2010; Werheid, Zysset, et al., 2003;

Westwater et al., 1998), while in others the average severity was about 3 (e.g., Deroost,

Kerckhofs, Coene, Wijnants, & Soetens, 2006; Price & Shin, 2009). Studies that have PD

participants with more severe symptoms might have observed larger sequence-random

differences on the SRT task between PD and control groups.

Second, differences in the input method used to collect responses on the SRT task

may systematically influence study results. The most common method in SRT studies of PD

uses a response box (e.g., Sommer, Grafman, Clark, & Hallett, 1999; Stefanova et al., 2000;

van Tilborg & Hulstijn, 2010). However, this method may disproportionally disadvantage

PD participants, since a central feature of the disorder is motor problems. Thus the extent to

which the SRT task places demands on motor skills may contribute to whether a study

observes a significant difference between groups. To attempt to address this issue some

investigators have modified the SRT task so that participants indicate the location of the

visual stimulus with a verbal response (Smith & McDowall, 2004; Sommer et al., 1999;

Stefanova et al., 2000; van Tilborg & Hulstijn, 2010). Using this method, non-significant

differences between PD and control groups have indeed been reported (Smith et al., 2001). If

the method used to collect responses influences study findings, smaller effect sizes may be

observed for studies in which subjects respond verbally.

Third, presentation of the SRT task under dual task conditions may also explain

differences between study findings. SRT dual task paradigms require participants to engage

Page 294: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

in a second activity whilst simultaneously responding to the visual stimulus. In the PD

literature, participants are usually asked to count tones whilst completing the SRT task

(Kelly, Jahanshahi, & Dirnberger, 2004; Seidler et al., 2007; Vandenbossche et al., 2013).

This approach is intended to reduce the possibility that participants will gain explicit

awareness of the sequence, in order to encourage learning in procedural memory. However,

research has also shown that dual task performance of any sort is disproportionately poorer in

PD groups compared to control groups (Dalrymple-Alford, Kalders, Jones, & Watson, 1994;

Wu & Hallett, 2008). Thus, studies using a dual task paradigm to study SRT task

performance in PD may observe larger differences between study and control groups.

Fourth, the type of sequence used in SRT tasks might also influence outcomes in

studies of PD. Sequences in SRT tasks can vary regarding the extent to which elements in a

given location are first-order conditional (FOC) or second-order conditional (SOC). In FOC

sequences, each element in the sequence can be at least partially predicted from the preceding

element. For example, in the sequence 4243123142, the item 1 is always followed by either a

2 or a 4 (50% probability each), but never a 3 (0%); similarly the item 3 is always followed

by a 1 (100% probability), but never by a 2 or 4 (0%). In contrast, for SOC sequences the

probability between element transitions is equal. For example, in the sequence

134231432412, there is a 33.3% probability that 1 will be followed by 2, 3 and 4 (Robertson,

2007). In a SOC sequence, all transitions between elements can be considered ambiguous

(A. Cohen, Ivry, & Keele, 1990).

The sequences that have been used to investigate implicit learning in PD have varied

with respect to the number of ambiguous element transitions, that is, the number of SOC

elements. For example, DeRoost, Kerckhofs, Coene, Wijnants and Soetens (2006) presented

a fully SOC sequence to PD and control groups. In this study a 12-element sequence,

121342314324, was used for the SRT task. In the sequence there are a total of 12 transitions

Page 295: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

(since the sequence is repeated, the last element in the sequence is followed by the first). The

probability of one element following another is 33.3% for all transitions. Thus in DeRoost et

al. (2006), 12 transitions out of a possible 12 can be considered to be ambiguous. In contrast,

Smith and McDowall (2006) used an 8-item sequence, 14213243, where none of the

transitions were ambiguous. Rather, each element in the sequence can be predicted, to some

extent, from the preceding element. For example, in this sequence the case of a 1 being

followed by 2 occurs 0% of the time and the probability of 3 or 4 following 1 is 50% each.

The number of ambiguous transitions between elements may have an impact on study

findings. Results from several studies indicate that the implicit learning of SOC sequences

may depend on medial temporal lobe structures (Curran, 1997; Ergorul & Eichenbaum, 2006;

Schendan, Searl, Melrose, & Stern, 2003). One explanation offered to account for this

finding is that learning ambiguous transitions between elements requires being able to bind

items that are arbitrarily related, a type of learning that is well support by the medial temporal

lobes (Mayes, Montaldi, & Migo, 2007; Poldrack & Rodriguez, 2003; Robertson, 2007;

Squire, Stark, & Clark, 2004). As the learning and memory functions that are supported by

the medial temporal lobes appear relatively spared in PD (Helkala, Laulumaa, Soininen, &

Riekkinen, 1988; Ullman et al., 1997), smaller differences between study and comparison

groups might be observed in studies that use sequences with ambiguous transitions.

Fifth, some evidence suggests that the length of the sequence may systematically

influence study results. Pascual-Leone et al. (1993) found that the magnitude of the

difference between PD and control groups was larger when participants were presented with

a 12-element FOC sequence compared to an 8-element FOC sequence. SRT tasks using

sequences that are short in length may place fewer demands on procedural memory, leading

to increased learning.

Page 296: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

Finally, evidence also suggests that the number of times the sequence is presented

may influence results. In a meta-analysis investigating SRT task performance in the

neurodevelopmental disorder of dyslexia, Lum et al. (2013) found smaller differences

between dyslexia and control groups for those studies that presented the sequence more

times. It was suggested that more exposures to the sequence might increase the likelihood

that the sequence will be acquired by the procedural memory system, even when the system

is dysfunctional.

Aims of the Current Report

The aim of this report was, first of all, to update and expand the meta-analysis

examining SRT task performance in PD undertaken by Siegert et al. (2006), which

summarized the results of six studies. In the current meta-analysis, we included results from

27 studies, representing data from 505 participants with PD and 460 neurologically intact

control participants. The second aim of the study was to investigate variables that may

account for differences in study findings. Specifically, using meta-regression we investigated

whether individual study results could be predicted by one or more of the following variables

or their interactions: the participant-level factor of PD severity, and several SRT task

variables, namely the type of input device (response method) that was used, whether the task

was administered under single task or dual task conditions, the sequence type, the sequence

length, and the number of exposures to the sequence.

Method

Study Design

Electronic databases of published and non-published/grey literature were searched. A

search for published literature was undertaken using Psychological Information Database

(PsycINFO), Medical Literature Analysis and Retrieval System Online (MEDLINE),

Excerpta Medical Database (EMBASE), Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health

Page 297: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

Literature (CINAHL), and PubMed. Unpublished literature was searched using BioSciences

Information Service of Biological Abstracts (BIOSIS), OpenGrey, ProQuest Dissertation and

Conference Abstracts, and PsycExtra. Details of all keywords, fields searched, Boolean

operators, and syntax are presented in the online supplemental materials. The search strategy

for published studies was executed in April, 2013. The search strategy for unpublished

studies was executed in January, 2014.

Study Inclusion Criteria

Following execution of the search, articles were only included in the meta-analysis if

they met the following inclusionary criteria, which were similar to those used by Siegert et al.

(2006). First, only studies involving human participants were included. It was further

required that the SRT task was presented to one group of participants comprising individuals

with PD and a control group comprising neurologically intact individuals of comparable age.

Second, because the SRT task was first described in an article published in 1987 (i.e., Nissen

& Bullemer, 1987), studies were excluded if they were published prior to this year. Third,

the study was required to report original research. Fourth, the study needed to have

administered a version of Nissen and Bullemer’s SRT task. That is, the study was required to

have presented an implicit version of the task (i.e., participants were not informed of the

sequence). Studies that presented an explicit version of the SRT task were not included in the

review. Also, the structure of the task must have presented a series of sequence blocks

followed by a random block. Finally, to ensure testing conditions between studies were

similar, we excluded one study where participants underwent transcranial magnetic

stimulation whilst completing the task (Pascual-Leone et al., 1994). Figure 1 summarizes

studies removed following application of each criterion according to PRISMA guidelines

(Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, Altman, & The, 2009).

Page 298: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

3543 records identified through database searching.

2771 records excluded for not meeting eligibility criteria:

Study involved non‐human animals (n = 528).

Article was a review, book chapter (n = 298).

Article was published prior to 1987 (n = 86).

Participants in study did not include individuals with PD (n = 1345).

Study did not use SRT Task (n = 505).

No control group in study (n = 9)

88 records excluded for not meeting eligibility criteria:

Study did not use SRT task or Nissen & Bullemer version of the SRT Task (n = 59).

Participants in study did not include individuals with PD and/or a group of healthy control participants (n = 21).

Record was a review article (n = 4).

Participants underwent TMS during the SRT task (n =1).

Article was a duplicate (n = 3).

657 duplicate records excluded. Includes 15 conferences or theses identified in grey literature search that were published in peer review journal.

2886 records left after duplicates removed.

115 records left after screening abstracts for eligibility.

27 records used in quantitative review.

Figure 1. PRISMA Flowchart showing process of identifying articles included in the meta-analysis.

Study Selection

After the removal of duplicates, one of the authors (GC) assessed all the abstracts. A second

author (JL) assessed a random sample of 10% of all abstracts. The two authors

independently screened full-text articles according to the eligibility criteria described above.

There was 100% agreement on these articles. A total of 27 studies were included, and their

Page 299: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

data extracted for meta-analysis. A summary of each study’s participants and characteristics

of the SRT task structure is presented in Tables 1 and 2 respectively.

Table 1. Summary of Study’s Participant Characteristics. 

Study

Sample Size Mean Age (years) Mean PD Symptom Severity

(Hoehn-Yahr Scale)

Study (nstudy)

Control (ncontrol)

Study Group

Control Group

Bondi (1991) 19 19 67.3 69.3 2 Brown et al. (2003) 10 10 54.9 57.2 Not reported Cameli (2006) 9 9 65 66 1.83b Deroost et al. (2006) 16 16 66.6 65.9 3 Ferraro et al. (1993) 17 26 69 70 Not reported Gawrys et al. (2008) 16 20 57 55.7 1.9 Gilbert (2004) 10 10 65.2 64.5 1.9 Helmuth, Mayr, & Daum (2000)

21 24 58.8 64.6 Not reported

Jackson et al. (1995) 11 10 67 67.5 Not reported Kelly et al. (2004) 12 9 64.2 65.2 1.83 Muslimovic et al. (2007) 95 44 64.9 60.7 1.91 Pascual-Leone et al. (1993) 20 30 56 57 Not reported Sarazin et al. (2001) 20 15 61.9 61.9 2.8 Seidler et al. (2007) 8 6 57.4 59.2 Not reported Selco (1998) 12 10 65.6 67.3 2.09 Shin & Ivry (2003) 10 10 64 71 Not reported

Smith & McDowall (2004) 19 31 66.2 68 2.63

Smith & McDowall (2006) 29 28 63 65.7 2.32 Smith et al. (2001) 13 14 66.4 68.4 2.31 Sommer et al. (1999) 11 15 55.9 51.7 Not reported Stefanova et al. (2000) 39 31 49.3 48.3 1.6 van Tilborg & Hulstijn (2010) 9 12 67.5 69.6 1.58

Vandenbossche et al. (2013) 28a 14 66.9 67.1 2.43

Wang, Sun, & Ding (2009) 20 20 57.6 Not reported 1.8 Werheid, Ziessler, et al. (2003) 11 11 60.3 59.3 2.45 Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003) 7 7 58.7 52.9 1.5 Westwater et al. (1998) 13 9 62 60 1.67 Notes: aComprises two PD subgroups; bStudy reported that 7 participants were in stage 1-2 on the Hoehn-Yahr scale, and so in calculating the average it was taken as 7 participants in stage 1.5.

Page 300: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

Table 2. Summary of Study’s SRT Task Characteristics. 

Study Sequence Proportion of Ambiguous Transitionsc

Sequence LengthExposures

to Sequencef

Dual-task or Single-

task

Response Method

Bondi (1991) 4-2-3-1-3-2-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 16 Single Key press Brown et al. (2003) 4-3-1-2-4-1-3-1-4-2 0.60 10 48 Single Key press Cameli (2006) 4-2-3-1-3-2-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 40 Single Verbal

Deroost et al. (2006) 1-2-1-3-4-2-3-1-4-3-2-4 & 1-3-2-3-4-2-1-3-4-1-4-2a

0.50d 12 56.25 Single Key press

Ferraro et al. (1993) 4-2-3-1-3-2-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 40 Single Key press Gawrys et al. (2008) 1-2-1-4-2-3-4-1-3-2-4-3 1.00 12 20 Single Key press Gilbert (2004) 4-2-3-1-3-2-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 40 Single Key press

Helmuth, Mayr, & Daum (2000) 1-3-4-2-3-2 & 1-2-4-3-4-2-3b

0.00d 6.5e 123.5g Single Key press

Jackson et al. (1995) 1-2-4-3-1-4-2-1-3-4-3 0.27 11 36 Single Key press

Kelly et al. (2004) 4-2-3-4-2-1-3-2-4-1 & 4-1-3-2-1-4-2-4-3-2a

0.30d 10 50 Dual Key press

Muslimovic et al. (2007) 1-2-4-3-4-2-1-4-1-3 0.60 10 50 Single Key press Pascual-Leone et al. (1993) 4-2-3-1-3-2-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 40 Single Key press Sarazin et al. (2001) Not reported 10 60 Single Key press Seidler et al. (2007) Not reported 12 31.33 Dual Key press

Selco (1998) 2-1-4-3-4-1-2-3-1-3-2-4 & 3-1-2-4-2-1-3-4-1-4-3-2a

1.00d 12 66 Single Both

Shin & Ivry (2003) 1-4-2-1-3-2-4-3 0.00 8 108.5g Single Key press

Page 301: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

Smith & McDowall (2004) 1-2-1-4-2-3-4-1-3-2-4-3 & 1-4-1-3-4-2-3-2-1-3-4-2a

0.50d 12 40 Single Verbal

Smith & McDowall (2006) 1-4-2-1-3-2-4-3 & 4-2-4-1-2-3-1-3b

0.00d 8 66g Single Verbal

Smith et al. (2001) 4-2-3-1-3-2-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 40 Single Verbal Sommer et al. (1999) 3-2-4-1-2-3-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 40 Single Key press Stefanova et al. (2000) 1-3-1-2-4-3-2-4-1-3 0.00 10 40 Single Key press van Tilborg & Hulstijn (2010) 4-2-3-1-3-2-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 40 Single Key press Vandenbossche et al. (2013) 1-3-2-3-4-2-1-3-4-1-4-2 0.00 12 60 Both Key press Wang, Sun, & Ding (2009) Not reported Not reported Single Key press Werheid, Ziessler, et al. (2003) 1-3-4-2-1-2-4-3 0.00 8 24 Single Key press Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003) 1-2-1-4-2-3-4-1-3-2-4-3 1.00 12 120 Single Key press Westwater et al. (1998) 4-2-3-1-3-2-4-3-2-1 0.30 10 40 Single Verbal Notes: aParticipants were presented with both sequences; bParticipants were trained on one of two sequences; cCalculated as the number of ambiguous transitions divided into the sequence length; dValue averages proportion of ambiguous transitions across two sequences; eValue averages two sequences of different lengths; fNumber of times sequence is presented prior to Random Block; gValue averages two different numbers of exposures.

Page 302: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

Values for the participant and task characteristics shown in Tables 1 and 2 were

extracted directly from the studies, except for the proportion of ambiguous transitions

presented in Table 2, which was obtained by extracting the sequence used in each study.

From this information the proportion of ambiguous transitions was calculated by dividing the

number of ambiguous transitions into the total number of transitions in the sequence. A

transition was considered ambiguous when the occurrence of a single element gave no

information about the following element. For example, the transitions 1-2, 1-3, and 1-4 were

considered as three ambiguous transitions if they each occurred once within a sequence.

However, if only the transitions 1-2 and 1-3 were present (and not 1-4), these were not

considered ambiguous transitions.

Effect Size Calculations and Data Extraction Procedures

The widely accepted method adopted to compare performance on the SRT task

between two groups is to calculate whether the difference in RTs between the random block

and the preceding sequence block differs between a control and study group. That is,

whether a significant Group X Block interaction is present. In undertaking this meta-

analysis, results reported in individual studies were extracted so that the effect size for the

interaction and variance could be computed. Following the method by Siegert et al. (2006),

the effect size measure used in this study was the standardized mean difference also known as

Cohen’s d. This describes the difference between groups on the SRT task in standard

deviation units. Cohen’s d is known to have a slight bias when studies involve small sample

sizes, and so a correction factor was applied that reduces this bias. Cohen’s d was calculated

so that positive values indicated that the control group in each study displayed higher levels

of procedural learning than the group with PD or alternatively, the PD group performed

worse on the task. The general formulas for computing Cohen’s d and its variance are shown

in (1) and (2) respectively. In (1) the mean difference between groups is divided by the

Page 303: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

pooled standard deviation. The correction factor ‘J’ (Borenstein et al., 2011) is shown in (3),

and finally the equations for Cohen’s d and its variance that take the correction factor into

account are shown in (4) and (5) respectively.

(1)

(2)

1             (3) 

  

               (4)   

           (5) 

Where:

df = ncontrol + nstudy - 2

Mean difference in RTs between the final random block and the preceding

sequence block.

SDpooled within = Within-group SD of the difference between the final random block and

preceding sequence block, pooled across the control and study groups.

The result from each study included in the meta-analysis was described using a single

effect size that quantified the comparison between the groups on the difference in RT

between the random block and the preceding sequence block. For nine studies, this was

obtained from the reported F-ratio that tested for the Group X Block interaction (Cameli,

2006; Ferraro et al., 1993; Gawrys et al., 2008; Gilbert, 2003; Muslimovic et al., 2007;

Sarazin, Deweer, Pillon, Merkl, & Dubois, 2001; Smith & McDowall, 2004; Smith et al.,

Page 304: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

2001; Westwater et al., 1998). In one case, the reported value from an independent measures

t-test was the data extracted (van Tilborg & Hulstijn, 2010). The studies by Jackson,

Jackson, Harrison, Henderson, and Kennard (1995), Selco (1998), and Sommer et al. (1999)

reported M and SD of the difference between the random and preceding sequence block for

each group. For a further six studies, data was extracted from figures (Brown et al., 2003;

Deroost et al., 2006; Smith & McDowall, 2006) or a combination of a figure and reported

values in text (Kelly et al., 2004; Shin & Ivry, 2003; Vandenbossche et al., 2013). Means

were extracted from figures and the standard deviations calculated using a reported t-statistic

or F-statistic for the studies by Helmuth, Mayr, and Daum (2000); Werheid, Ziessler, et al.

(2003); and Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003). Data presented in figures were converted using

Plot Digitizer Software (Version 2.6.4). Finally, for five studies, data for M and SD of both

sequence and random block were extracted from either a figure (Pascual-Leone et al., 1993;

Seidler et al., 2007; Wang et al., 2009) or text (Bondi, 1991; Stefanova et al., 2000), and an

estimate of the correlation between these blocks was used to calculate the effect size. For

five of the 27 studies included in the meta-analysis, it was necessary to combine two sets of

effect sizes. In the studies by Deroost et al. (2006); Kelly et al. (2004); and Smith and

McDowall (2006), effect sizes were averaged from separate analyses that compared the PD

and control group on two different types of sequence. In the Selco (1998) study, effect sizes

were averaged from separate analyses that compared the PD and control group under

conditions requiring a verbal response or a button-press response. In the Vandenbossche et

al. (2013) study, effect sizes were averaged from separate analyses that compared two PD

subgroups and the control group under single task and dual task conditions.

For all studies included in the meta-analysis (n = 27), data and moderator variables

(presented in Table 1 & 2) were independently extracted by both reviewers. This process

was undertaken to check the reliability of data extracted from papers included in the meta-

Page 305: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

analysis. For all categorical and continuous moderator data presented in Tables 1 and 2 the

reviewers were found to extract the same information. For data extracted from figures,

reliability was checked by computing the correlation between reviewers’ values. This value

was found to be high (r = .98).

Comprehensive Meta-Analysis Software (Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein,

2005) was used to convert the extracted data to a common effect size and variance.

Description of the data extracted from each study and the method used in Comprehensive

Meta-Analysis Software to convert extracted data to Cohen’s d and Var(d) are described in

the online (additional) supplemental materials.

Meta-analytic Procedures

Two approaches were used in this report to synthesize the SRT task literature

investigating procedural learning in PD. First, meta-analysis was used to compute an average

effect size that quantified the overall difference between PD and Controls on the SRT task.

An alpha level of 0.05 (two-tailed) was used to evaluate whether the average effect size was

significantly different from zero. Effect sizes were averaged using a random effects model

(Hedges & Olkin, 1985). This method assumes that differences or heterogeneity between

study effect sizes is the sum of sampling error (referred to as within-study error) and

systematic influences (referred to as between-study error or true heterogeneity). The

percentage of heterogeneity attributable to between-study error was measured using the I2

statistic. This statistic expresses, as a percentage, heterogeneity between study effect sizes

due to between-study error. Larger I2 values indicate the presence of systematic influences

on study findings. As a general guideline it has been suggested that values of 25%, 50%, and

75% correspond to low, medium, and high levels of heterogeneity respectively (Higgins,

Thompson, Deeks, & Altman, 2003).

Page 306: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

The second set of analyses used in this report investigated predictor variables that

might account for between-study error or systematic influences that are related to differences

between study level effect sizes. Predictor variables used in these analyses were study level

characteristics presented in Tables 1 and 2. These data were analyzed using random effects

meta-regression (Greenland, 1987; Thompson & Higgins, 2002). Meta-regression tests

whether one or more predictor variables significantly predict study level effect sizes.

Results

Evaluation of Publication Bias

Preliminary analyses investigated publication bias in the studies identified by the

search criteria. Evidence of publication bias was evaluated using a funnel plot which is

presented in Figure 2.

Figure 2. Funnel plot showing study level effect sizes plotted against sample size. Evidence of publication bias evident when effect sizes are asymmetrically distributed around average effect size when study precision is low (i.e., sample size is small).

Funnel plots show the relationship between individual study effect sizes and sample

size (or in some cases standard error). The sample size is taken as a measure of the precision

Page 307: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

or accuracy of a study’s effect size. Studies with smaller samples have poorer precision. A

funnel plot indicates the presence of publication bias if study effect sizes with low precision

are asymmetrically distributed around the weighted average effect size (see Egger, Smith,

Schneider, & Minder, 1997). Figure 2 shows that overall, effect sizes are symmetrically

distributed around the weighted average effect size. The presence of publication bias was

formally tested using Egger’s Test, which indicated that effect sizes were not significantly

asymmetrically distributed (Intercept = 0.985, t (25) = 0.855, p = .401).

The presence of publication bias was also examined by testing whether there was a

significant difference in effect sizes between published and unpublished studies. For

published studies the average effect size was found to be .554 and for unpublished studies

.507. The difference between these effect sizes was not significant (p = .890). As a further

test of publication bias, a ‘Classic fail-safe N’ value was computed (also known as ‘file-

drawer analysis’). This value indicates the number of non-significant studies, not included in

this meta-analysis, required to bring alpha to .05. This analysis revealed that a total of 384

non-significant studies are required. Thus publication bias seems unlikely.

SRT task performance in Parkinson’s Disease

The next analysis summarized results of individual studies to test whether, on

average, there was a significant difference between PD and Controls on sequence learning in

the SRT task. A forest plot showing individual study effect sizes, as well as the weighted

average effect size (along with 95% confidence intervals for the study and average weighted

effect sizes), are presented in Figure 3. As noted earlier, effect sizes were averaged using a

random effects model (Hedges & Olkin, 1985). Positive d values indicate that the control

group had a larger difference in RTs between sequenced and random blocks as compared to

the PD group. That is, positive values indicate that the PD group performed poorly on the

SRT task, as compared to the control group. The weighted average effect size was found to

Page 308: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

be .531, and was statistically significant (p < .001; unweighted average = .570; unweighted

median = .426). The magnitude of the average effect size indicates that the difference in RTs

between random and sequence blocks on the SRT task is about half a standard deviation

larger in control groups compared to PD groups. According to Cohen’s (1988) taxonomy this

value corresponds to a medium effect size.

Figure 3. Forest plot showing study level and average weighted effect sizes.

Even though the average effect size is significant, there is considerable variability

between individual study effect sizes. Effect sizes ranged from 1.822 (Vandenbossche et al.,

2013) to -0.659 (Kelly et al., 2004); negative values indicate that the control group performed

worse on the SRT task than the PD group. Calculation of the I2 statistic for the studies in

Figure 3 was found to be 58. This indicates that 58% of variability between effect sizes

Lower Upper

Kelly et al. (2004) -0.659a 0.192 -1.517 0.200 .132 3.2Smith & McDowall (2006) -0.410 0.070 -0.928 0.108 .121 4.8Smith et al. (2001) 0.037 0.140 -0.695 0.769 .920 3.7Helmuth, Mayr, & Daum (2000) 0.070 0.086 -0.505 0.646 .811 4.5Sommer et al. (1999) 0.159 0.148 -0.596 0.913 .680 3.6Cameli (2006) 0.168 0.202 -0.714 1.050 .709 3.1Bondi (1991) 0.202 0.101 -0.423 0.826 .527 4.2Selco (1998) 0.238b 0.172 -0.575 1.050 .566 3.3Pascual-Leone et al. (1993) 0.266 0.081 -0.293 0.826 .351 4.6Brown et al. (2003) 0.288 0.186 -0.556 1.133 .503 3.2Seidler et al. (2007) 0.347 0.260 -0.653 1.346 .497 2.7Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003) 0.350 0.255 -0.639 1.340 .488 2.7Deroost et al. (2006) 0.410c 0.124 -0.281 1.100 .245 3.9Wang, Sun, & Ding (2009) 0.418 0.098 -0.197 1.032 .183 4.3Muslimovic et al. (2007) 0.454 0.034 0.095 0.814 .013* 5.6Shin & Ivry (2003) 0.692 0.195 -0.174 1.559 .117 3.1Ferraro et al. (1993) 0.718 0.100 0.099 1.337 .023* 4.2Sarazin et al. (2001) 0.724 0.119 0.048 1.399 .036* 4.0van Tilborg & Hulstijn (2010) 0.747 0.192 -0.113 1.607 .089 3.2Smith & McDowall (2004) 0.758c 0.125 0.065 1.451 .032* 3.9Gawrys et al. (2008) 0.821 0.117 0.151 1.491 .016* 4.0Westwater et al. (1998) 0.860 0.191 0.004 1.716 .049* 3.2Werheid, Ziessler, et al. (2003) 0.926 0.188 0.076 1.775 .033* 3.2Stefanova et al. (2000) 1.295 0.069 0.781 1.808 <.001** 4.8Gilbert (2004) 1.573 0.245 0.602 2.544 .002* 2.8Jackson et al. (1995) 1.639 0.240 0.679 2.599 <.001** 2.8Vandenbossche et al. (2013) 1.822d 0.150 1.063 2.581 <.001** 3.6

Average 0.531 0.011 0.322 0.740 <.001**

Notes: aEffect size averages results from groups' performance on ambiguous and hybrid sequences; 

bEffect size averages results from groups' performance on 

SRT task using verbal and keypress response methods cEffect size averages results from groups' performance on FOC and SOC sequences;  

dEffect size average 

groups' performance on SRT task completed under single‐task conditions and dual‐task conditions. 

*p  < .05; **p  < .001

p -valueCohen's d VarianceControl group

performs worsePD group performs

worseStudy Weight (%)95% C.I.

-2.0 -1.0 0.0 1.0 2.0 3.0Cohen's d

Page 309: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

reflects the influence of between-study error or systematic influence on the data.

Alternatively stated, this result indicates that 42% of differences in effect sizes can be

attributable to within-study error or chance. The I2 value of 58 indicates medium to high

levels of heterogeneity between study findings (Higgins et al., 2003).

Investigating the Sources of Heterogeneity in Study Findings

The next set of analyses used random effects meta-regression to investigate the

sources of the between-study error/systematic influence (i.e., the percentage of heterogeneity

between effect sizes measured by the I2 statistic). Specifically, we tested whether participant

and SRT task methodological characteristics, presented in Tables 1 and 2, predicted the study

effect sizes that are presented in Figure 3.

There were an insufficient number of studies to test all covariates in a single model.

In meta-regression, a ratio of 10 studies for each predictor variable is recommended

(Borenstein et al., 2011). Therefore, separate meta-regressions were performed to investigate

one predictor variable at time. Interactions between predictor variables were also

investigated, again in separate analyses. The interaction term was created by multiplying

constituent variables. Continuous variables were centered prior to multiplication. Since

there were an insufficient number of studies in the meta-analysis to simultaneously test main

and interaction effects, interaction terms were tested by first removing the influence of the

main effects, before being entered into the model. This was achieved using least squares

regression. Specifically, each interaction term was regressed onto its constituent variables

and standardized residuals were saved. The standardized residuals were then entered into the

model. These residuals represent the interaction term after removing covariance related to

each main effect.

The predictor variables tested were the average severity of PD symptoms (from Table

1), the method used to collect responses on the task (response box input vs. voice input),

Page 310: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

whether the SRT task was presented under single task or dual task conditions, the type of

sequence used (measured by the proportion of ambiguous transitions in the sequence; see

Method), the length of the sequence, and the number of times it was presented (all from

Table 2). Predictor variables representing binary variables (e.g., response method, testing

condition) were dummy coded. Specifically, response method was coded so that 0 = Verbal

Response and 1 = Keyboard/Response Box, and testing condition was coded so that 0 =

Single Task and 1 = Dual Task.

The outcome variable in the meta-regression analyses were study effect sizes that are

presented in Figure 3. However, for the meta-regression analyses testing whether single vs.

dual task procedures predicted effect sizes it was necessary to choose one of two effect sizes

from Vandenbossche et al. (2013). Similarly, it was necessary to choose one of two effect

sizes from Selco (1998) for the meta-regression analyses testing whether verbal vs. keypress

response method conditions predicted effect sizes. In those studies separate effect sizes were

available for performance under single and dual task conditions, or for verbal or motor

response conditions. In the meta-regression analyses only the effect size from the dual task

condition was used from the Vandenbossche et al. (2013) study, and only the effect size from

the verbal response method condition was used from Selco (1998). These effect sizes were

selected to increase the number of data points available for the dual task conditions and the

verbal response conditions. It was not possible to use both effect sizes from each of these

studies because this would require treating dependent data points as non-dependent. The

results from the meta-regression analyses are presented in Table 3.

None of the main effects were found to be significant predictors of effect sizes

(Models 1-6). The analyses testing interaction terms were also all non-significant, except for

models that included the ‘Single vs. Dual Task’ predictor variable in the interaction term.

Models 7, 8, 10, and 11, tested the interaction between ‘Single vs. Dual Task’ and Proportion

Page 311: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

 

Table 3. Summary of Coefficients from Meta-Regression

Model No. Variable k df QModel QResidual R2 β  p

1 Single or Dual Task 27 1,25 0.437 27.771 0.016 0.124 .509 2 Proportion of Ambiguous Transitions 24 1,22 0.288 23.402 0.012 -0.110 .592 3 No. of Exposures to Sequence 26 1,24 1.060 24.279 0.042 -0.205 .303 4 Response Method 27 1,25 2.500 24.072 0.094 0.307 .114 5 Sequence Length 26 1,24 2.467 22.866 0.097 0.312 .116 6 Symptom Severity 19 1,17 0.002 18.278 0.000 -0.009 .969

7 Single vs. Dual Task X Prop. of Ambiguous Transitions 24 1,22 11.906 13.424 0.470 -0.686 <.001** 8 Single vs. Dual Task X No. of Exposures to Sequence 26 1,24 4.671 22.351 0.173 0.416 .031* 9 Single vs. Dual Task X Response Method 27 1,25 1.157 25.283 0.044 -0.209 .282 10 Single vs. Dual Task X Sequence Length 26 1,24 5.608 21.414 0.208 0.456 .018* 11 Single vs. Dual Task X Symptom Severity 19 1,17 11.213 8.693 0.563 0.751 <.001**

12 Proportion of Ambiguous Transitions X No. of Exposures to Sequence 24 1,22 0.403 23.287 0.017 -0.130 .526 13 Proportion of Ambiguous Transitions X Response Method 24 1,22 0.495 23.320 0.021 -0.144 .482 14 Proportion of Ambiguous Transitions X Sequence Length 24 1,22 2.009 21.681 0.085 -0.291 .156 15 Proportion of Ambiguous Transitions X Symptom Severity 17 1,15 0.197 16.004 0.012 0.110 .657

16 No. of Exposures to Sequence X Response Method 26 1,24 1.774 24.754 0.067 0.259 .183 17 No. of Exposures to Sequence X Sequence Length 26 1,24 0.674 24.665 0.027 0.163 .412 18 No. of Exposures to Sequence X Symptom Severity 18 1,16 0.191 16.974 0.011 0.105 .662

19 Response Method X Sequence Length 26 1,24 0.497 26.030 0.019 -0.137 .481 20 Response Method X Symptom Severity 19 1,17 0.267 18.133 0.015 0.120 .606

21 Sequence Length X Symptom Severity 18 1,16 0.713 16.452 0.042 0.204 .399 *p < .05; **p < .001

Page 312: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

305   

of Ambiguous Transitions (Model 7), Number of Exposures to the Sequence (Model 8),

Sequence Length (Model 10), and PD symptom severity (Model 11). For Models 8, 10 and

11 the beta-value was found to be positive. This indicates that larger positive effect size

values (i.e., larger differences between groups) are observed for studies that use SRT tasks

that provided more exposures to the target sequence (Model 8), have longer sequences

(Model 10), or have participants with more severe PD symptoms (Model 11), but only under

dual task conditions. The model testing the ‘Dual vs. Single Task X Prop. of Ambiguous

Transitions’ (Model 7) was also significant but the beta-value was negative. This result

indicates effect sizes become smaller (i.e., the difference between PD and control groups

decreases) for studies that present sequences with more ambiguous transitions, but only under

dual task conditions. For illustrative purposes, significant models (Models 7, 8, 10, and 11)

are presented in Figure 4.

Figure 4. Scatterplot showing observed and predicted effect sizes. Panel (A) predictor variable is ‘Single/Dual Task’ X Proportion of Ambiguous Sequence’ interaction term. Panel (B) predictor variable is ‘Single/Dual Task’ X Number of Exposures to Sequence. Panel (C) predictor variable is ‘Single/Dual Task’ X Sequence Length. Panel (D) predictor variable is ‘Single/Dual Task’ X Symptom Severity. Data points are proportionally sized to their weight in the model.

Page 313: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

306   

Discussion

In this report, a meta-analysis was undertaken to quantitatively summarize research

investigating the performance of individuals with PD and neurologically intact controls on

implicit sequence learning in SRT tasks. The results from 27 studies, representing data from

505 participants with PD and 460 controls, were included in the meta-analysis. The weighted

average effect size, computed using a random effects model, was 0.531 (CI95: .322, .740), and

was statistically significant. This is a medium effect size according to Cohen’s (1988)

guidelines. This provides strong evidence that sequence learning in procedural memory is

impaired (dysfunctional) in PD. The results of the meta-analysis provide further evidence

supporting the view that implicit learning on the SRT task is sensitive to basal ganglia

pathology (Kandel et al., 2012; Packard & Knowlton, 2002; Parent & Hazrati, 1995; Ullman,

2004).

The average effect size observed in this report is consistent with Siegert et al.’s (2006)

result. When using a random effects model, they observed an average effect size of 0.65

(CI95: 0.10, 1.20). According to Cohen’s (1988) taxonomy this value also corresponds to a

medium effect size. However, since Siegert et al. were only able to include six studies in

their review, each with relatively small sample sizes, the width of the confidence interval for

the average effect size was large; 1.1 SD units. By comparison, the width of the confidence

interval in the current meta-analysis was .42 SD units. The current report builds on the

previous meta-analysis by providing a more precise estimate of the average effect size.

Interestingly, meta-analyses investigating non-motor areas of cognitive functioning in PD

have also often reported medium average effect sizes. Siegert, Weatherall, Taylor, and

Abernethy (2008) synthesized results of studies that investigated working-memory in

individuals with PD, as compared to neurologically intact controls. Medium average effect

sizes, ranging from .56 to .74, were reported for measures of visual working-memory, with a

Page 314: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

307   

small effect size of .22 reported for measures of verbal working memory. Similarly,

Kudlicka, Clare, and Hindle (2011) reported medium to large average effect sizes across

varied measures of executive functioning. PD also appears to be associated with a deficit in

recognizing the emotion of another person based on facial expression and tone of voice. In a

meta-analysis, Gray and Tickle-Degnen (2010) reported that individuals with PD perform on

average .52 standard deviations below their peers on measures of emotion recognition. In

each of the meta-analyses mentioned, individuals with PD perform more poorly than their

peers by a similar magnitude to that found in the current report. Thus, procedural learning is

one of several cognitive functions affected in PD.

The analyses presented in this report add to the literature by testing which systematic

influences might be related to differences in study findings. Both the current meta-analysis

and that published by Siegert et al. (2006) revealed medium to high levels of between-study

error/systematic influences on study findings. The value of the I2 observed by Siegert et al.

was 64.8, and in the current report, it was 58. We used meta-regression to investigate a

number of variables that could explain the between-study differences. Few of the meta-

regression models were found to be significant predictors of study effect sizes. The models

that tested main effects of participant and methodological aspects of the SRT task on study

effect sizes were not found to be significant (Table 3, Models 1-6). Models testing

interactions between characteristics of the sequence, method for collecting responses and

severity of PD symptoms (Table 3, Models 12-21) were also not found to be significant

predictors of study effect sizes.

However, four models that included the ‘Single/Dual Task conditions’ variable in the

interaction term were found to be significant (Models 7, 8 and 10, and 11). The results of

three models (Models 8, 10, and 11) indicated that studies observed a larger effect size (i.e.,

bigger difference between PD and controls) when participants completed the SRT task under

Page 315: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

308   

dual task conditions and when the sequence used on the SRT task was longer (Model 10),

was presented more times relatively to other studies (Model 8), or when the PD participants

had more severe symptoms (Model 11). One model (Model 7) indicated that studies were

likely to observe smaller effect sizes (i.e., smaller difference between PD and control groups)

when completing the SRT task under dual task conditions and when the sequence used

comprised a higher proportion of ambiguous sequences.

In interpreting the significant meta-regression models it is important to note that the

linear associations between predictor variable and effect sizes are largely influenced by the

findings of two studies (see Figure 4). Furthermore in meta-regression there are other

variables that may correlate with the predictor variables that may contribute to the significant

result (Thompson & Higgins, 2002). Thus explanations for the significant meta-regression

models are offered tentatively.

The meta-regression models showing a larger difference between the PD and control

groups when completing the SRT task under dual task conditions are consistent with some

previous research. Specifically, several studies have shown that individuals with the disorder

perform worse than neurologically intact controls when completing a motor or cognitive task

under dual task conditions (Dalrymple-Alford et al., 1994; Wu & Hallett, 2008). In

accounting for this pattern of results it has been suggested that PD is associated with

cognitive deficits that limit the efficacy of switching between tasks or the amount of

cognitive resources available to process information (Brown & Marsden, 1991). Thus results

from the meta-regression might indicate that the effect of dual task conditions on cognitive

functioning may extend to the implicit learning of visuo-spatial information as well, possibly

only in the presence of additional factors that increase task difficulty (longer sequences or

more severe PD). However, this claim seems to be tempered by the results from Models 7

and 8, which showed an opposite trend. Model 8 showed larger differences between PD and

Page 316: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

309   

control groups when the sequence was presented more often under dual task conditions. One

possible explanation is that dual task conditions limit the extent to which PD patients can take

advantage of the increased stimulus presentations, relative to controls, leading to larger effect

sizes. Model 7 indicated smaller differences between PD and control groups when the SRT

task was completed under dual task conditions and when the sequence used comprised a

higher proportion of ambiguous transitions. One possible explanation for this result is that

under this set of conditions, both the PD and control groups perform poorly, perhaps because

dual task conditions can impede learning in the medial temporal lobe (Foerde, Knowlton, &

Poldrack, 2006), which appears to be critical for learning ambiguous sequences (see

Introduction); poor performance by both groups in these circumstances could potentially lead

to smaller effect sizes. However, equally plausible is that this association represents the

influence of another variable correlated with studies investigating dual task performance in

PD. Finally, as noted earlier, the significant meta-regression models appear to reflect the

influence of two studies. Thus, we emphasize that these suggestions regarding the role of

dual task paradigms on SRT task performance should be verified via experimental research.

Conclusion

This report used meta-analysis and meta-regression to examine the performance of

individuals with PD on implicit sequence learning in the SRT task. The meta-analysis

included 27 studies, representing data from 505 individuals with PD and 460 neurologically

intact controls. It was found that individuals with PD perform just over half a standard

deviation worse than controls on sequence learning in the task. Substantial variability was

observed between study effect sizes; this variability appears to be related to whether the task

was administered under single or dual task conditions. However, experimental work will

now be required to test these suggestions.

 

Page 317: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

310   

References

References marked with an asterisk indicate studies included in the meta-analysis

*Bondi, M. W. (1991). Neurobehavioural functioning in Parkinson's disease: The role of basal

ganglia-thalamocortical circuit loops in predicting performance. (Doctor of Philosophy), The

University of Arizona.

Borenstein, M., Hedges, L. V., Higgins, J. P. T., & Rothstein, H. R. (2005). Comprehensive Meta-

analysis (Version 2). Englewood NJ: Biostat.

Borenstein, M., Hedges, L. V., Higgins, J. P. T., & Rothstein, H. R. (2011). Introduction to meta-

analysis: Wiley. com.

*Brown, R. G., Jahanshahi, M., Limousin-Dowsey, P., Thomas, D., Quinn, N. P., & Rothwell, J. C.

(2003). Pallidotomy and incidental sequence learning in Parkinson's disease. NeuroReport,

14(1), 21-24.

Brown, R. G., & Marsden, C. D. (1991). Dual task performance and processing resources in normal

subjects and patients with Parkinson's disease. Brain, 114(1), 215-231.

*Cameli, L. (2006). Memory and language: Insights from picture description and past tense

generation in a native and a second language in bilingual Alzheimer and Parkinson patients.

(Doctor of Philosophy), Concordia University.

Cohen, A., Ivry, R. I., & Keele, S. W. (1990). Attention and structure in sequence learning. Journal of

Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 16(1), 17.

Cohen, J. (1988). Statistical power analysis for the behavioral sciences: Laurence Erlbaum.

Cooper, J. A., Sagar, H. J., Jordan, N., Harvey, N. S., & Sullivan, E. V. (1991). Cognitive impairment

in early, untreated Parkinson's disease and its relationship to motor disability. Brain, 114(5),

2095-2122. doi: 10.1093/brain/114.5.2095

Page 318: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

311   

Curran, T. (1997). Higher-order associative learning in amnesia: evidence from the serial reaction

time task. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 9(4), 522-533.

Dalrymple-Alford, J. C., Kalders, A. S., Jones, R. D., & Watson, R. W. (1994). A central executive

deficit in patients with Parkinson's disease. Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery &

Psychiatry, 57(3), 360-367.

*Deroost, N., Kerckhofs, E., Coene, M., Wijnants, G., & Soetens, E. (2006). Learning sequence

movements in a homogenous sample of patients with Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychologia,

44(10), 1653-1662.

Dubois, B., & Pillon, B. (1996). Cognitive deficits in Parkinson’s disease. Journal of Neurology,

244(1), 2-8.

Egger, M., Smith, G. D., Schneider, M., & Minder, C. (1997). Bias in meta-analysis detected by a

simple, graphical test. British Medical Journal, 315, 629-634.

Ergorul, C., & Eichenbaum, H. (2006). Essential role of the hippocampal formation in rapid learning

of higher-order sequential associations. The Journal of Neuroscience, 26(15), 4111-4117.

*Ferraro, F. R., Balota, D. A., & Connor, L. T. (1993). Implicit memory and the formation of new

associations in nondemented Parkinson's disease individuals and individuals with senile

dementia of the Alzheimer type: a serial reaction time (SRT) investigation. Brain and

Cognition, 21(2), 163-180.

*Gawrys, L., Szatkowska, I., Jamrozik, Z., Janik, P., Friedman, A., & Kaczmarek, L. (2008).

Nonverbal deficits in explicit and implicit memory of Parkinson's disease patients. Acta

Neurobiologiae Experimentalis, 68(1), 58-72.

*Gilbert, B. (2003). Working memory and procedural memory in Parkinson's disease: Evaluation and

training. (Doctor of Philosophy), University of Montreal.

Page 319: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

312   

Gray, H. M., & Tickle-Degnen, L. (2010). A meta-analysis of performance on emotion recognition

tasks in Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychology, 24(2), 176-191.

Greenland, S. (1987). Quantitative methods in the review of epidemiologic literature. Epidemiologic

Reviews, 9, 1-30.

Hardwick, R. M., Rottschy, C., Miall, R. C., & Eickhoff, S. B. (2013). A quantitative meta-analysis

and review of motor learning in the human brain. Neuroimage, 67, 283-297.

Hedges, L. V., & Olkin, I. (1985). Statistical methods for meta-analysis. Orlando: Academic Press

Orlando, FL.

Helkala, E., Laulumaa, V., Soininen, H., & Riekkinen, P. J. (1988). Recall and recognition memory in

patients with Alzheimer's and Parkinson's diseases. Annals of Neurology, 24(2), 214-217.

*Helmuth, L. L., Mayr, U., & Daum, I. (2000). Sequence learning in Parkinson's disease: a

comparison of spatial-attention and number-response sequences. Neuropsychologia, 38(11),

1443-1451.

Higgins, J., Thompson, S. G., Deeks, J. J., & Altman, D. G. (2003). Measuring inconsistency in meta-

analyses. British Medical Journal, 327, 557-560.

Hoehn, M. M., & Yahr, M. D. (1967). Parkinsonism: onset, progression, and mortality. Neurology,

17(2), 417-442.

Hunter, J. E., Schmidt, F. L., & Jackson, G. B. (1982). Meta-analysis: Sage publications Beverly

Hills, California.

*Jackson, G. M., Jackson, S. R., Harrison, J., Henderson, L., & Kennard, C. (1995). Serial reaction

time learning and Parkinson's disease: evidence for a procedural learning deficit.

Neuropsychologia, 33(5), 577-593.

Page 320: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

313   

Jankovic, J. (2008). Parkinson’s disease: clinical features and diagnosis. Journal of Neurology,

Neurosurgery & Psychiatry, 79(4), 368-376.

Kandel, E. R., Schwartz, J. H., & Jessell, T. M. (2012). Principles of neural science (5th ed.). New

York, NY/London: : McGraw-Hill.

*Kelly, S. W., Jahanshahi, M., & Dirnberger, G. (2004). Learning of ambiguous versus hybrid

sequences by patients with Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychologia, 42(10), 1350-1357.

Knopman, D., & Nissen, M. J. (1991). Procedural learning is impaired in Huntington's disease:

evidence from the serial reaction time task. Neuropsychologia, 29(3), 245-254.

Knowlton, B. J., Mangels, J. A., & Squire, L. R. (1996). A neostriatal habit learning system in

humans. Science, 273(5280), 1399-1402.

Knowlton, B. J., Squire, L. R., & Gluck, M. A. (1994). Probabilistic classification learning in

amnesia. Learning & Memory, 1(2), 106-120.

Kudlicka, A., Clare, L., & Hindle, J. V. (2011). Executive functions in Parkinson's disease: a

systematic review and meta-analysis. Movement Disorders, 26(13), 2305-2315.

Lang, A. E., & Lozano, A. M. (1998). Parkinson's disease. New England Journal of Medicine,

339(15), 1044-1053.

Lozano, A. M., Lang, A. E., Galvez-Jimenez, N., Miyasaki, J., Duff, J., Hutchison, W. D., &

Dostrovsky, J. O. (1995). Effect of GPi pallidotomy on motor function in Parkinson's disease.

The Lancet, 346(8987), 1383-1387.

Lum, J. A. G., & Kidd, E. (2012). An examination of the associations among multiple memory

systems, past tense, and vocabulary in typically developing 5-year-old children. Journal of

Speech, Language and Hearing Research, 55(4), 989.

Page 321: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

314   

Lum, J. A. G., Ullman, M. T., & Conti-Ramsden, G. (2013). Procedural learning is impaired in

dyslexia: evidence from a meta-analysis of serial reaction time studies. Research in

Developmental Disabilities, 34(10), 3460-3476.

Mayes, A., Montaldi, D., & Migo, E. (2007). Associative memory and the medial temporal lobes.

Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 11(3), 126-135.

Moher, D., Liberati, A., Tetzlaff, J., Altman, D. G., & The, P. G. (2009). Preferred reporting items for

systematic reviews and meta-analyses: The PRISMA statement. PLoS Medicine, 6. doi:

10.1371/journal.pmed.1000097

*Muslimovic, D., Post, B., Speelman, J. D., & Schmand, B. (2007). Motor procedural learning in

Parkinson's disease. Brain, 130(Pt 11), 2887-2897. doi: 10.1093/brain/awm211

Nissen, M. J., & Bullemer, P. (1987). Attentional requirements of learning: evidence from

performance measures. Cognitive Psychology, 19, 1-32.

Owen, A. M., Iddon, J. L., Hodges, J. R., Summers, B. A., & Robbins, T. W. (1997). Spatial and non-

spatial working memory at different stages of Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychologia, 35(4),

519-532.

Packard, M. G., & Knowlton, B. J. (2002). Learning and memory functions of the basal ganglia.

Annual Review of Neuroscience, 25(1), 563-593.

Parent, A., & Hazrati, L. (1995). Functional anatomy of the basal ganglia. I. The cortico-basal

ganglia-thalamo-cortical loop. Brain Research Reviews, 20(1), 91-127.

*Pascual-Leone, A., Grafman, J., Clark, K., Stewart, M., Massaquoi, S., Lou, J. S., & Hallett, M.

(1993). Procedural learning in Parkinson's disease and cerebellar degeneration. Annals of

Neurology, 34(4), 594-602.

Page 322: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

315   

Pascual-Leone, A., Valls-Sole, J., Brasil-Neto, J. P., Cammarota, A., Grafman, J., & Hallett, M.

(1994). Akinesia in Parkinson's disease. II. Effects of subthreshold repetitive transcranial

motor cortex stimulation. Neurology, 44(5), 892-898.

Pascual-Leone, A., Wassermann, E. M., Grafman, J., & Hallett, M. (1996). The role of the

dorsolateral prefrontal cortex in implicit procedural learning. Experimental Brain Research,

107(3), 479-485.

Poldrack, R. A., & Rodriguez, P. (2003). Sequence learning: What's the hippocampus to do? Neuron,

37(6), 891-893.

Price, A., & Shin, J. C. (2009). The impact of Parkinson's disease on sequence learning: perceptual

pattern learning and executive function. Brain & Cognition, 69(2), 252-261. doi:

10.1016/j.bandc.2008.07.013

Robertson, E. M. (2007). The serial reaction time task: implicit motor skill learning? The Journal of

Neuroscience, 27(38), 10073-10075.

*Sarazin, M., Deweer, B., Pillon, B., Merkl, A., & Dubois, B. (2001). Procedural learning and

Parkinson's disease: implications of the striatofrontal loops. Revue Neurologique, 157(12),

1513-1518.

Schendan, H. E., Searl, M. M., Melrose, R. J., & Stern, C. E. (2003). An fMRI study of the role of the

medial temporal lobe in implicit and explicit sequence learning. Neuron, 37(6), 1013-1025.

*Seidler, R. D., Tuite, P., & Ashe, J. (2007). Selective impairments in implicit learning in Parkinson's

disease. Brain Research, 1137(1), 104-110.

*Selco, S. L. (1998). The nature of the processes, representations, and neural substrates which

support and contribute to motor sequence learning. (Doctor of Philosophy), University of

Illinois.

Page 323: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

316   

*Shin, J. C., & Ivry, R. B. (2003). Spatial and temporal sequence learning in patients with Parkinson's

disease or cerebellar lesions. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 15(8), 1232-1243.

Siegert, R., Taylor, K. D., Weatherall, M., & Abernethy, D. (2006). Is implicit sequence learning

impaired in Parkinson's disease? A meta-analysis. Neuropsychology, 20(4), 490-495. doi:

10.1037/08944105.20.4.490.supp

Siegert, R., Weatherall, M., & Bell, E. M. (2008). Is implicit sequence learning impaired in

schizophrenia? A meta-analysis. Brain and Cognition, 67(3), 351-359.

Siegert, R., Weatherall, M., Taylor, K. D., & Abernethy, D. (2008). A meta-analysis of performance

on simple span and more complex working memory tasks in Parkinson's disease.

Neuropsychology, 22(4), 450-461.

*Smith, J. G., & McDowall, J. (2004). Impaired higher order implicit sequence learning on the verbal

version of the serial reaction time task in patients with Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychology,

18(4), 679-691.

*Smith, J. G., & McDowall, J. (2006). The implicit sequence learning deficit in patients with

Parkinson's disease: a matter of impaired sequence integration? Neuropsychologia, 44(2),

275-288.

*Smith, J. G., Siegert, R., McDowall, J., & Abernethy, D. (2001). Preserved implicit learning on both

the serial reaction time task and artificial grammar in patients with Parkinson's disease. Brain

and Cognition, 45(3), 378-391.

*Sommer, M., Grafman, J., Clark, K., & Hallett, M. (1999). Learning in Parkinson's disease: eyeblink

conditioning, declarative learning, and procedural learning. Journal of Neurology,

Neurosurgery, and Psychiatry, 67(1), 27-34.

Squire, L. R. (2004). Memory systems of the brain: a brief history and current perspective.

Neurobiology of Learning and Memory, 82(3), 171-177.

Page 324: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

317   

Squire, L. R., Knowlton, B. J., & Musen, G. (1993). The structure and organization of memory.

Annual Review of Psychology, 44(1), 453-495.

Squire, L. R., Stark, C. E. L., & Clark, R. E. (2004). The medial temporal lobe. Annual Review of

Neuroscience, 27, 279-306.

Squire, L. R., & Zola, S. M. (1996). Structure and function of declarative and nondeclarative memory

systems. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 93(24), 13515-13522.

*Stefanova, E. D., Kostic, V. S., Ziropadja, L., Markovic, M., & Ocic, G. G. (2000). Visuomotor skill

learning on serial reaction time task in patients with early Parkinson's disease. Movement

Disorders, 15(6), 1095-1103.

Thomas, K. M., Hunt, R. H., Vizueta, N., Sommer, T., Durston, S., Yang, Y., & Worden, M. S.

(2004). Evidence of developmental differences in implicit sequence learning: an fMRI study

of children and adults. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 16(8), 1339-1351.

Thomas, K. M., & Nelson, C. A. (2001). Serial reaction time learning in preschool-and school-age

children. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 79(4), 364-387.

Thompson, S. G., & Higgins, J. P. (2002). How should meta-regression analyses be undertaken and

interpreted? Stat Med, 21(11), 1559-1573. doi: 10.1002/sim.1187

Ullman, M. T. (2001). A neurocognitive perspective on language: the declarative/procedural model.

Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 2(10), 717-726.

Ullman, M. T. (2004). Contributions of memory circuits to language: the declarative/procedural

model. Cognition, 92(1), 231-270.

Ullman, M. T. (2006). Is Broca's area part of a basal ganglia thalamocortical circuit? Cortex, 42(4),

480-485.

Page 325: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

318   

Ullman, M. T., Corkin, S., Coppola, M., Hickok, G., Growdon, J. H., Koroshetz, W. J., & Pinker, S.

(1997). A neural dissociation within language: evidence that the mental dictionary is part of

declarative memory, and that grammatical rules are processed by the procedural system.

Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 9(2), 266-276.

*van Tilborg, I., & Hulstijn, W. (2010). Implicit motor learning in patients with Parkinson's and

Alzheimer's disease: differences in learning abilities? Motor Control, 14(3), 344-361.

*Vandenbossche, J., Deroost, N., Soetens, E., Coomans, D., Spildooren, J., Vercruysse, S., . . .

Kerckhofs, E. (2013). Impaired implicit sequence learning in Parkinson's disease patients with

freezing of gait. Neuropsychology, 27(1), 28-36. doi: 10.1037/a0031278

*Wang, X. P., Sun, B. M., & Ding, H. L. (2009). Changes of procedural learning in Chinese patients

with non-demented Parkinson disease. Neuroscience Letters, 449(3), 161-163.

*Werheid, K., Ziessler, M., Nattkemper, D., & Von Cramon, D. Y. (2003). Sequence learning in

Parkinson's disease: the effect of spatial stimulus-response compatibility. Brain and

Cognition, 52(2), 239-249.

*Werheid, K., Zysset, S., Muller, A., Reuter, M., & Von Cramon, D. Y. (2003). Rule learning in a

serial reaction time task: an fMRI study on patients with early Parkinson's disease. Cognitive

Brain Research, 16(2), 273-284.

*Westwater, H., McDowall, J., Siegert, R., Mossman, S., & Abernethy, D. (1998). Implicit learning in

Parkinson's disease: evidence from a verbal version of the serial reaction time task. Journal of

Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 20(3), 413-418.

Wu, T., & Hallett, M. (2008). Neural correlates of dual task performance in patients with Parkinson’s

disease. Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery, and Psychiatry, 79(7), 760-766.

Yin, H. H., & Knowlton, B. J. (2006). The role of the basal ganglia in habit formation. Nature

Reviews Neuroscience, 7(6), 464-476.

Page 326: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

319   

Supplementary Materials 

Keywords and search strategy used to identify published articles

Search Strategy for PsycInfo

S1 (TI Implicit Memory) OR (TI Implicit Learning) OR (TI serial reaction) OR (TI serial learn*) OR (TI sequence N5 learning) OR (TI implicit N5 sequence) OR (TI implicit learn*) OR (TI implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (TI implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (TI procedural learn*) OR (TI procedural mem*) OR (TI srt) OR (TI srtt) OR (TI motor skill learning) OR (AB Implicit Memory) OR (AB Implicit Learning) OR (AB serial reaction) OR (AB serial learn*) OR (AB sequence N5 learning) OR (AB implicit N5 sequence) OR (AB implicit learn*) OR (AB implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (AB implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (AB procedural learn*) OR (AB procedural mem*) OR (AB srt) OR (AB srtt) OR (AB motor skill learning) OR (TX Implicit Memory) OR (TX Implicit Learning) OR (TX serial reaction) OR (TX serial learn*) OR (TX sequence N5 learning) OR (TX implicit N5 sequence) OR (TX implicit learn*) OR (TX implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (TX implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (TX procedural learn*) OR (TX procedural mem*) OR (TX srt) OR (TX srtt) OR (TX motor skill learning) OR (KW Implicit Memory) OR (KW Implicit Learning) OR (KW serial reaction) OR (KW serial learn*) OR (KW sequence N5 learning) OR (KW implicit N5 sequence) OR (KW implicit learn*) OR (KW implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (KW implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (KW procedural learn*) OR (KW procedural mem*) OR (KW srt) OR (KW srtt) OR (KW motor skill learning) OR (SU Implicit Memory) OR (SU Implicit Learning) OR (SU serial reaction) OR (SU serial learn*) OR (SU sequence N5 learning) OR (SU implicit N5 sequence) OR (SU implicit learn*) OR (SU implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (SU implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (SU procedural learn*) OR (SU procedural mem*) OR (SU srt) OR (SU srtt) OR (SU motor skill learning) OR (DE Procedural Knowledge) OR (DE Implicit Learning) OR (DE Implicit Memory)

S2 TI Parkins*) OR (TI pd) OR (TI neurodegenerative) OR (TI movement disorder) OR (AB Parkins*) OR (AB pd) OR (AB neurodegenerative) OR (AB movement disorder) OR (TX Parkins*) OR (TX pd) OR (TX neurodegenerative) OR (TX movement disorder) OR (KW Parkins*) OR (KW pd) OR (KW neurodegenerative) OR (KW movement disorder) OR (SU Parkins*) OR (SU pd) OR (SU neurodegenerative) OR (SU movement disorder) OR (DE Parkinson's Disease) OR (DE Parkinsonism)

S3 S1 AND S2

Page 327: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

320   

Search Strategy for both MEDLINE and CINAHL

S1 (TI Implicit Memory) OR (TI Implicit Learning) OR (TI serial reaction) OR (TI serial learn*) OR (TI sequence N5 learning) OR (TI implicit N5 sequence) OR (TI implicit learn*) OR (TI implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (TI implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (TI procedural learn*) OR (TI procedural mem*) OR (TI srt) OR (TI srtt) OR (TI motor skill learning) OR (AB Implicit Memory) OR (AB Implicit Learning) OR (AB serial reaction) OR (AB serial learn*) OR (AB sequence N5 learning) OR (AB implicit N5 sequence) OR (AB implicit learn*) OR (AB implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (AB implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (AB procedural learn*) OR (AB procedural mem*) OR (AB srt) OR (AB srtt) OR (AB motor skill learning) OR (TX Implicit Memory) OR (TX Implicit Learning) OR (TX serial reaction) OR (TX serial learn*) OR (TX sequence N5 learning) OR (TX implicit N5 sequence) OR (TX implicit learn*) OR (TX implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (TX implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (TX procedural learn*) OR (TX procedural mem*) OR (TX srt) OR (TX srtt) OR (TX motor skill learning) OR (KW Implicit Memory) OR (KW Implicit Learning) OR (KW serial reaction) OR (KW serial learn*) OR (KW sequence N5 learning) OR (KW implicit N5 sequence) OR (KW implicit learn*) OR (KW implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (KW implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (KW procedural learn*) OR (KW procedural mem*) OR (KW srt) OR (KW srtt) OR (KW motor skill learning) OR (SU Implicit Memory) OR (SU Implicit Learning) OR (SU serial reaction) OR (SU serial learn*) OR (SU sequence N5 learning) OR (SU implicit N5 sequence) OR (SU implicit learn*) OR (SU implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (SU implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (SU procedural learn*) OR (SU procedural mem*) OR (SU srt) OR (SU srtt) OR (SU motor skill learning)

S2 (TI pd) OR (TI neurodegenerative) OR (TI movement disorder) OR (AB Parkins*) OR (AB pd) OR (AB neurodegenerative) OR (AB movement disorder) OR (TX Parkins*) OR (TX pd) OR (TX neurodegenerative) OR (TX movement disorder) OR (KW Parkins*) OR (KW pd) OR (KW neurodegenerative) OR (KW movement disorder) OR (SU Parkins*) OR (SU pd) OR (SU neurodegenerative) OR (SU movement disorder) OR (MH Parkinsonian Disorders+)

S3 S1 AND S2

Page 328: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

321   

Search Strategy for EMBASE

S1 (serial NEAR/5 reaction):ab,ti OR (serial:ab,ti AND learn*:ab,ti) OR (sequence NEAR/5 learning):ab,ti OR (implicit NEAR/5 sequence):ab,ti OR (implicit:ab,ti AND learn*:ab,ti) OR (implicit NEAR/5 'visuo-spatial'):ab,ti OR (implicit NEAR/5 visuospatial):ab,ti OR (procedural:ab,ti AND learn*:ab,ti) OR (procedural:ab,ti AND mem*:ab,ti) OR (srt):ab,ti OR (srtt):ab,ti OR (motor:ab,ti AND skill:ab,ti AND learning:ab,ti) OR (serial:ab,ti AND reaction:ab,ti AND time:ab,ti) OR 'implicit memory'/exp OR 'implicit memory' OR 'procedural memory'/exp OR 'procedural memory'

S2 (Parkins*):ab,ti OR (pd):ab,ti OR (neurodegenerative):ab,ti OR ('movement disorder'):ab,ti OR 'Parkinson disease'/exp OR 'Parkinson disease'

S3 S1 AND S2

Search Strategy for PubMed

S1 (implicit memory[TIAB]) OR (implicit learning[TIAB]) OR (serial reaction[TIAB]) OR (serial learn*[TIAB]) OR (sequence[TIAB] AND learning[TIAB]) OR (implicit [TIAB] AND sequence[TIAB]) OR (implicit learn*[TIAB]) OR (implicit[TIAB]) AND (visuo?spatial[TIAB]) OR (implicit[TIAB]) AND (visuospatial[TIAB]) OR (procedural learn*[TIAB]) OR (procedural mem*[TIAB]) OR (srt[TIAB]) OR (srtt[TIAB]) OR (motor skill learning[TIAB]) OR (implicit memory[TW]) OR (implicit learning[TW]) OR (serial reaction[TW]) OR (serial learn*[TW]) OR (sequence[TW] AND learning[TW]) OR (implicit [TW] AND sequence[TW]) OR (implicit learn*[TW]) OR (implicit[TW] AND visuo?spatial[TW]) OR (implicit[TW]) AND (visuospatial[TW]) OR (procedural learn*[TW]) OR (procedural mem*[TW]) OR (srt[TW]) OR (srtt[TW]) OR (motor skill learning[TW])

S2 (Parkins*[TIAB]) OR (pd[TIAB]) OR (neurodegenerative[TIAB]) OR (movement disorder[TIAB]) OR (Parkins*[TW]) OR (pd[TW]) OR (neurodegenerative[TW]) OR (movement disorder[TW]) OR (Parkinsonian Disorders[Mesh])

S3 S1 AND S2

Page 329: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

322   

Keywords and search strategy used to identify unpublished articles (i.e., search terms for grey literature search).

Search Strategy for BIOSIS

S1 TI=(Implicit Memory) OR TI=(Implicit Learning) OR TI=(serial reaction) OR TI=(serial learn*) OR TI=(sequence NEAR/5 learning) OR TI=(implicit N5 sequence) OR TI=(implicit learn*) OR TI=(implicit NEAR/5 visuo?spatial) OR TI=(implicit NEAR5 visuospatial) OR TI=(procedural learn*) OR TI=(procedural mem*) OR TI=(srt) OR TI=(srtt) OR TI=(motor skill learning)

S2 TS=(Implicit Memory) OR TS=(Implicit Learning) OR TS=(serial reaction) OR TS=(serial learn*) OR TS=(sequence NEAR/5 learning) OR TS=(implicit N5 sequence) OR TS=(implicit learn*) OR TS=(implicit NEAR/5 visuo?spatial) OR TS=(implicit NEAR5 visuospatial) OR TS=(procedural learn*) OR TS=(procedural mem*) OR TS=(srt) OR TS=(srtt) OR TS=(motor skill learning)

S3 TI=(Parkins*) OR TI=(pd) OR TI=(neurodegenerative) OR TI=(movement disorder)

S4 TS=(Parkins*) OR TS=(pd) OR TS=(neurodegenerative) OR TS=(movement disorder)

S5 (S1 or S2) AND (S3 or S4)

Page 330: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

323   

Search Strategy for PsycExtra

S1 (TI Implicit Memory) OR (TI Implicit Learning) OR (TI serial reaction) OR (TI serial learn*) OR (TI sequence N5 learning) OR (TI implicit N5 sequence) OR (TI implicit learn*) OR (TI implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (TI implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (TI procedural learn*) OR (TI procedural mem*) OR (TI srt) OR (TI srtt) OR (TI motor skill learning) OR (AB Implicit Memory) OR (AB Implicit Learning) OR (AB serial reaction) OR (AB serial learn*) OR (AB sequence N5 learning) OR (AB implicit N5 sequence) OR (AB implicit learn*) OR (AB implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (AB implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (AB procedural learn*) OR (AB procedural mem*) OR (AB srt) OR (AB srtt) OR (AB motor skill learning) OR (TX Implicit Memory) OR (TX Implicit Learning) OR (TX serial reaction) OR (TX serial learn*) OR (TX sequence N5 learning) OR (TX implicit N5 sequence) OR (TX implicit learn*) OR (TX implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (TX implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (TX procedural learn*) OR (TX procedural mem*) OR (TX srt) OR (TX srtt) OR (TX motor skill learning) OR (KW Implicit Memory) OR (KW Implicit Learning) OR (KW serial reaction) OR (KW serial learn*) OR (KW sequence N5 learning) OR (KW implicit N5 sequence) OR (KW implicit learn*) OR (KW implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (KW implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (KW procedural learn*) OR (KW procedural mem*) OR (KW srt) OR (KW srtt) OR (KW motor skill learning) OR (SU Implicit Memory) OR (SU Implicit Learning) OR (SU serial reaction) OR (SU serial learn*) OR (SU sequence N5 learning) OR (SU implicit N5 sequence) OR (SU implicit learn*) OR (SU implicit N5 visuo?spatial) OR (SU implicit N5 visuospatial) OR (SU procedural learn*) OR (SU procedural mem*) OR (SU srt) OR (SU srtt) OR (SU motor skill learning) OR (DE Procedural Knowledge) OR (DE Implicit Learning) OR (DE Implicit Memory)

S2 (TI Parkins*) OR (TI pd) OR (TI neurodegenerative) OR (TI movement disorder) OR (AB Parkins*) OR (AB pd) OR (AB neurodegenerative) OR (AB movement disorder) OR (TX Parkins*) OR (TX pd) OR (TX neurodegenerative) OR (TX movement disorder) OR (KW Parkins*) OR (KW pd) OR (KW neurodegenerative) OR (KW movement disorder) OR (SU Parkins*) OR (SU pd) OR (SU neurodegenerative) OR (SU movement disorder) OR (DE Parkinson's Disease) OR (DE Parkinsonism)

S3 S1 AND S2

Page 331: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

324   

Search Strategy for Open Grey

S1 ((Implicit Memory) OR (Implicit Learning) OR (serial reaction) OR (serial learn*) OR (sequence learning) OR (implicit sequence) OR (implicit learn*) OR (procedural earn*) OR (procedural mem*) OR (srt) OR (srtt) OR (motor skill learning) OR (abstract:Implicit Memory) OR (abstract:Implicit Learning) OR (abstract:serial reaction) OR (abstract:serial learn*) OR (abstract:sequence learning) OR (abstract:implicit sequence) OR (abstract:implicit learn*) OR (abstract:procedural learn*) OR (abstract:procedural mem*) OR (abstract:srt) OR

(abstract:srtt) OR (abstract:motor skill learning)) AND ((Parkins*) OR (pd) OR (neurodegenerative) OR (movement disorder) OR (abstract:Parkins*) OR (abstract:pd) OR abstract:neurodegenerative) OR (abstract:movement disorder))

 

 

Search Strategy for Proquest Theses, Disserationts and Conference Presentations

S1 (AB,TI,IF(Implicit Memory) or AB,TI,IF(Implicit Learning) or AB,TI,IF(serial reaction) or AB,TI,IF(serial learn*) or AB,TI,IF(sequence N5 learning) or AB,TI,IF(implicit N5 sequence) or AB,TI,IF(implicit learn*) or AB,TI,IF(implicit N5 visuo?spatial) or AB,TI,IF(implicit N5 visuospatial) or AB,TI,IF(procedural learn*) or AB,TI,IF(procedural mem*) or AB,TI,IF(set) or AB,TI,IF(srtt) or

AB,TI,IF(motor skill learning)) AND (AB,TI,IF(Parkins*) or AB,TI,IF(pd) or AB,TI,IF(neurodegenerative) or AB,TI,IF("movement disorder"))

Page 332: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

325   

Summary of data extracted from studies

Study Description of data extracted from study Data extracted from study

Method for computing effect size in Comprehensive Meta-Analysis Software

Bondi (1991)

For both groups, means and standard deviations (log-transformed) for the random block (Block 4) and preceding sequence block (Block 3) were reported in text.

PD: M (Block 3) = 6.44, SD (Block 3) = .451. M (Block 4) = 6.45, SD (Block 4) = .361. Controls: M (Block 3) = 6.25, SD (Block 3) = .253. M (Block 4) = 6.3, SD (Block 4) = .243

Means and standard deviations for sequence and random block for each group and correlation between blocks

Brown et al. (2003)

Study reported results for a pre- and post-pallidotomy PD group. Results were taken only for the pre-surgery group. For each participant in both the PD and control group, means for the RT difference between the random block (Block 9) and preceding sequence block (Block 8) were extracted from Figure 2. These were averaged to give one overall result for each group. The standard deviation for each group for the difference between Blocks 8 and 9 was calculated from the same data.

PD: M (difference) = 34.175, SD (difference) = 72.482. Controls: M (difference) = 52.648, SD (difference) = 47.68.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Page 333: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

326   

Cameli (2006)

F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 5 (random block), Block 4 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA.

F-value for the interaction (F = 0.14) F value testing interaction

Deroost et al. (2006)

Study reported results from FOC and SOC sequences. For each sequence type and group, mean RTs for the random block (Block 10) and preceding sequence block (Block 9) were extracted from Figure 1. Standard deviations for the difference between Block 9 and Block 10 were assumed to be equivalent to those reported in the text for the standard deviation of the difference between the random block and the average of the two surrounding sequence blocks (Blocks 9 and 11).

PD FOC: Block 9 M = 697.755, Block 10 M = 713.456, SD (difference) = 83. Control FOC: Block 9 M = 483.146, Block 10 M = 552.138, SD (difference) = 34. PD SOC: Block 9 M = 697.755, Block 10 M = 714.894, SD (difference) = 67. Control SOC: Block 9 M = 498.989, Block 10 M = 516.13, SD (difference) = 41.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Ferraro et al. (1993)

F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 5 (random block), Block 4 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA.

F-value for the interaction (F = 5.5) F value testing interaction

Gawrys et al. (2008)

F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 6 (final random block), Block 5 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA.

F-value for the interaction (F = 6.27) F value testing interaction

Gilbert (2004)

F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 6 (final random block), Block 5 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA.

F-value for the interaction (F = 13.49) F value testing interaction

Page 334: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

327   

Helmuth, Mayr, & Daum (2000)

Study reported results for 'Near Locations' for an object and spatial sequence and 'Far Locations' for a spatial sequence. Only the data for the 'Far Locations' was extracted. For each group, mean RTs for the random block (Block 24) and the preceding sequence block (Block 23) were extracted from Figure 1. The standard deviation for the difference between the sequence and random blocks for each group was calculated using the t-value that was testing whether the difference between the average of two random blocks (Blocks 24 and 25) and the average of two sequence blocks (Blocks 23 and 26) was significant, and the reported mean difference between the same pairs of blocks.

PD: Block 23 M = 870.843, Block 24 M = 897.854. Controls: Block 23 M = 814.033, Block 24 M = 844.217. For calculating SD: PD M (difference) = 38, Controls M (difference) = 21. PD t = 3.4, Controls t = 2.74 Calculated SD (difference): PD = 51.217, Controls = 37.547.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Jackson et al. (1995)

Means and standard deviations for the difference in RTs between the random block ("Test Block") and the preceding sequence block (Block S6), reported in text.

PD: M (difference) = 9.3, SD (difference) = 33.9. Control M (difference) = 74, SD (difference) = 41.9.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Page 335: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

328   

Kelly et al. (2004)

Study reports results from both 'hybrid' and 'ambiguous' sequences. For each sequence type and group, means for random block (Block 9) and preceding sequence block (Block 8) were extracted from Figure 1. Standard deviations for the difference between the random block and the average of sequence Blocks 8 and 10 were reported in text, and used as the standard deviation for the difference between Block 9 (random block) and Block 8 (sequence block).

PD Hybrid: Block 8 M = 636.265, Block 9 M = 672.047, SD (difference) = 37. Control Hybrid: Block 8 M = 672.688, Block 9 M = 699.364, SD (difference) = 24. PD Ambiguous: Block 8 M = 631.712, Block 9 M = 644.08, SD (difference) = 18. Control Ambiguous: Block 8 M = 766.366, Block 9 M = 752.047, SD (difference) = 35.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Muslimovic et al. (2007) F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 7 (final random block), Block 6 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA.

F-value for the interaction (F = 6.28) F value testing interaction

Pascual-Leone et al. (1993)

Study reported results for the same PD group both on and off their usual treatment. Results were taken only for the treated condition. Means and standard deviations for both PD and Control groups for the random block (Block 6) and the preceding sequence block (Block 5) were extracted from Figure 1.

PD: Block 5 M = 462.17, SD = 137.54, Block 6 M = 585.34, SD = 182.7. Controls: Block 5 M = 407.25, SD = 62.18, Block 6 M = 569.91, SD = 214.51. Value of the correlation coefficient between random and sequence block imputed using data provided by Westwater et al. (1998), Sommer et al. (1999), Werheid, Ziessler, et al. (2003), and Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003). Average correlation found to be .850.

Means and standard deviations for sequence and random block for each group and correlation between blocks

Sarazin et al. (2001) F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 7 (final random block), Block 6 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA.

F-value for the interaction (F = 4.70) F value testing interaction

Page 336: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

329   

Seidler et al. (2007)

For both groups, means and standard deviations for the first random block following the string of sequence blocks (Block 6) and the preceding sequence block (Block 5) were extracted from Figure 1.

PD: Block 5 M = 509.941, SD = 16.423, Block 6 M = 508.705, SD = 16.428. Controls: Block 5 M = 489.940, SD = 14.233, Block 6 M = 491.984, SD = 16.429. Value of the correlation coefficient between random and sequence block imputed using data provided by Westwater et al. (1998), Sommer et al. (1999), Werheid, Ziessler, et al. (2003), and Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003). Average correlation found to be .850.

Means and standard deviations for sequence and random block for each group and correlation between blocks

Page 337: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

330   

Selco (1998)

For both verbal and keypress response methods, means and standard deviations for the difference in RTs between the random block (Block 11) and the preceding sequence block (Block 10), reported in text.

Keypress response method: PD M (difference) = 67, SD (difference) = 57. Controls: M (difference) = 46, SD (difference) = 26. Verbal: PD M(difference) = 58, SD (difference) = 51.08. Controls M (difference) = 56, SD (difference) = 63.29.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Shin & Ivry (2003)

For both groups, mean RTs for the random block (Block 14) and preceding sequence block (Block 13) were extracted from Figure 1. Standard Errors (converted to standard deviations for the analysis) for the difference between two random blocks (Blocks 14 and 15) and two sequence blocks (Blocks 13 and 16) were taken from the text and assumed to be equivalent to the standard deviation for the difference between Block 13 (sequence block) and 14 (random block).

PD: M (Block 13) = 536.942, M (Block 14) = 560.954, SE (difference) = 7. Controls: M (Block 13) = 457.544, M (Block 14) = 499.989, SE (difference) = 9.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Smith & McDowall (2004)

F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 6 (final random block), Block 5 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA for both FOC and SOC sequences.

FOC: F-value for the interaction (F = 5.49) SOC: F-value for the interaction (F = 4.44)

F value testing interaction

Page 338: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

331   

Smith & McDowall (2006)

Means for random block (Block 11) and preceding sequence block (Block 10) were extracted from Figure 1. Standard deviations for the difference between Blocks 10 and 11 were assumed to be equivalent to the standard deviation of the difference between Block 11 (random block) and the average of two sequence blocks (Blocks 10 and 12). This data was extracted from Figure 2, which showed the standard error (this was converted to standard deviation for the analysis) of the difference between the random block and the average of the two surrounding sequence blocks (Blocks 10 and 12).

PD: Block 10 M = 853.141, Block 11 M = 905.778, SE (difference) = 7.047 Controls: Block 10 M = 775.774, Block 11 M = 813.185, SE (difference) = 6.372.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Smith et al. (2001)

F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 5 (random block), Block 4 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA.

F-value for the interaction (F = 0.01) F value testing interaction

Sommer et al. (1999)

For both groups, means and standard deviations for the difference between the random block (Block 7) and the preceding sequence block (Block 6) were reported in text.

PD M (difference) = 78.3, SD (difference) = 218.1. Controls M (difference) = 10.38, SD (difference) = 86.6.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Page 339: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

332   

Stefanova et al. (2000) For both groups, means and standard deviations for the random block (Block 5) and preceding sequence block (Block 4) were reported in text.

PD: M (Block 4) = 1011.79, SD (Block 4) = 266.28, M (Block 5) = 1028.46, SD (Block 5) = 244.54. Controls: M (Block 4) = 646.13, SD (Block 4) = 180.28, M (Block 5) = 834.51, SD (Block 5) = 221.29. Value of the correlation coefficient between random and sequence block imputed using data provided by Westwater et al. (1998), Sommer et al. (1999), Werheid, Ziessler, et al. (2003), and Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003). Average correlation found to be .850.

Means and standard deviations for sequence and random block for each group and correlation between blocks

van Tilborg & Hulstijn (2010)

t-value from an independent groups t-test ,which was testing whether there was a difference between PD and control groups in RT increase between the random block and preceding sequence block.

t-value for independent groups t-test (t = 1.765)

t-value testing interaction

Page 340: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

333   

Vandenbossche et al. (2013)

Study reported results for two PD subgroups (those with and without freezing of gait) and the control group in both single and dual task conditions. z-scores for the means for the random block (Block 11) and preceding sequence block (Block 10) for all groups in both conditions were extracted from Figure 1. Results from the two PD subgroups were averaged to give one overall PD group result. Standard deviations for the difference between the random block and the average of the surrounding sequence blocks (Blocks 10 and 12) were reported in text, and estimated to be the same as that between the random block (Block 11) and preceding sequence block (Block 10).

Single Task Condition: PD non-Freezers sub-type: Block 10 M = -.177, Block 11 M = -.069, SD (difference) = .24. PD freezers sub-type: Block 10 M = -.298, Block 11 M = .130, SD (difference) = .17. Controls: Block 10 M = -.361, Block 11 = .130, SD (difference) = .22. Dual Task Condition: PD non-Freezers sub-type: Block 10 M = -.723, Block 11 M = -.659, SD (difference) = .19. PD freezers sub-type: Block 10 M = .092, Block 11 M = -.624, SD (difference) = .14. Controls: Block 10 M = -.828, Block 11 = -.736, SD (difference) = .14.

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Wang, Sun, & Ding (2009)

For both groups, means and standard deviations for the first random block (Block 5) and preceding sequence block (Block 4) were extracted from Figure 1.

PD: M (Block 4) = 671.83, SD (Block 4) = 140.85, M (Block 5) = 760.56, SD (Block 5) = 163.38. Controls: M (Block 4) = 444.25, SD (Block 4) = 280.28, M (Block 5) = 584.51, SD (Block 5) = 232.39. Value of the correlation coefficient between random and sequence block imputed using data provided by Westwater et al. (1998), Sommer et al. (1999) and Werheid (2003a,b). Average correlation found to be .850.

Means and standard deviations for sequence and random block for each group and correlation between blocks

Page 341: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

334   

Werheid, Ziessler, et al. (2003)

Study had four random blocks each following strings of three sequence blocks. For both groups, the mean for the first random block (Block 5) and preceding sequence block (Block 4) were extracted from Figure 4. The standard deviation for the difference between random and sequence block was estimated by using the F-value that tested the main effect of "Regularity". Where 'Regularity' refers to the average RT difference between each random block (Blocks 5, 9, 13, and 17) and its preceding sequence block (Blocks 4, 8, 12, and 16).

PD: Block 4 M = 683.448, Block 5 M = 733.96. Controls: Block 4 M = 425.72, Block 5 M = 500.778. For calculating SD: F-value testing the main effect of Regularity (F = 69.16)

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Werheid, Zysset, et al. (2003)

Results were taken only for the 'Pretraining' analysis. For both groups, the mean for the random block (Block 11) and preceding sequence block (Block 10) were extracted from Figure 1. Standard deviation was estimated using the t-value reported for an independent groups t-test, which was testing whether there was a difference between groups in RTs between the random block and the average of two surrounding sequence blocks.

PD: Block 10 M = 451.692, Block 11 M = 481.174. Controls: Block 10 M = 392.123, Block 11 M = 450.487. For calculating SD: t-value for independent groups t-test (t = 0.7).

Means and standard deviations for the difference between random and sequence block for each group

Westwater et al. (1998)

F-value from a 2 (Group: PD, Control) X 2 (Block: Block 5 (random block), Block 4 (preceding sequence block)) factorial ANOVA.

F-value for the interaction (F = 4.25) F value testing interaction

 

 

Page 342: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

335   

All references included in the meta-analysis

     

1 Bondi, M. W. (1991). Neurobehavioural functioning in Parkinson's disease: The role of basal ganglia-thalamocortical circuit loops in predicting performance. (Doctor of Philosophy), The University of Arizona.

2 Brown, R. G., Jahanshahi, M., Limousin-Dowsey, P., Thomas, D., Quinn, N. P., & Rothwell, J. C. (2003). Pallidotomy and incidental sequence learning in Parkinson's disease. NeuroReport, 14(1), 21-24.

3 Cameli, L. (2006). Memory and language: Insights from picture description and past tense generation in a native and a second language in bilingual Alzheimer and Parkinson patients. (Doctor of Philosophy), Concordia University.

4 Deroost, N., Kerckhofs, E., Coene, M., Wijnants, G., & Soetens, E. (2006). Learning sequence movements in a homogenous sample of patients with Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychologia, 44(10), 1653-1662.

5 Ferraro, F. R., Balota, D. A., & Connor, L. T. (1993). Implicit memory and the formation of new associations in nondemented Parkinson's disease individuals and individuals with senile dementia of the Alzheimer type: a serial reaction time (SRT) investigation. Brain and Cognition, 21(2), 163-180.

6 Gawrys, L., Szatkowska, I., Jamrozik, Z., Janik, P., Friedman, A., & Kaczmarek, L. (2008). Nonverbal deficits in explicit and implicit memory of Parkinson's disease patients. Acta Neurobiologiae Experimentalis, 68(1), 58-72.

7 Gilbert, B. (2003). Working memory and procedural memory in Parkinson's disease: Evaluation and training. (Doctor of Philosophy), University of Montreal.

8 Helmuth, L. L., Mayr, U., & Daum, I. (2000). Sequence learning in Parkinson's disease: A comparison of spatial-attention and number-response sequences. Neuropsychologia, 38(11), 1443-1451.

9 Jackson, G. M., Jackson, S. R., Harrison, J., Henderson, L., & Kennard, C. (1995). Serial reaction time learning and Parkinson's disease: evidence for a procedural learning deficit. Neuropsychologia, 33(5), 577-593.

10 Kelly, S. W., Jahanshahi, M., & Dirnberger, G. (2004). Learning of ambiguous versus hybrid sequences by patients with Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychologia, 42(10), 1350-1357.

11 Muslimovic, D., Post, B., Speelman, J. D., & Schmand, B. (2007). Motor procedural learning in Parkinson's disease. Brain, 130(Pt 11), 2887-2897. doi: 10.1093/brain/awm211

12 Pascual-Leone, A., Grafman, J., Clark, K., Stewart, M., Massaquoi, S., Lou, J. S., & Hallett, M. (1993). Procedural learning in Parkinson's disease and cerebellar degeneration. Annals of Neurology, 34(4), 594-602.

13 Sarazin, M., Deweer, B., Pillon, B., Merkl, A., & Dubois, B. (2001). Procedural learning and Parkinson's disease: Implications of the striatofrontal loops. Revue Neurologique, 157(12), 1513-1518.

Page 343: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

336   

14 Seidler, R. D., Tuite, P., & Ashe, J. (2007). Selective impairments in implicit learning in Parkinson's disease. Brain Research, 1137(1), 104-110.

15 Selco, S. L. (1998). The nature of the processes, representations, and neural substrates which support and contribute to motor sequence learning. (Doctor of Philosophy), University of Illinois.

16 Shin, J. C., & Ivry, R. B. (2003). Spatial and temporal sequence learning in patients with Parkinson's disease or cerebellar lesions. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 15(8), 1232-1243.

17 Smith, J. G., & McDowall, J. (2004). Impaired higher order implicit sequence learning on the verbal version of the serial reaction time task in patients with Parkinson's disease. Neuropsychology, 18(4), 679-691.

18 Smith, J. G., & McDowall, J. (2006). The implicit sequence learning deficit in patients with Parkinson's disease: a matter of impaired sequence integration? Neuropsychologia, 44(2), 275-288.

19 Smith, J. G., Siegert, R., McDowall, J., & Abernethy, D. (2001). Preserved implicit learning on both the serial reaction time task and artificial grammar in patients with Parkinson's disease. Brain and Cognition, 45(3), 378-391.

20 Sommer, M., Grafman, J., Clark, K., & Hallett, M. (1999). Learning in Parkinson's disease: eyeblink conditioning, declarative learning, and procedural learning. J Neurol Neurosurg Psychiatry, 67(1), 27-34.

21 Stefanova, E. D., Kostic, V. S., Ziropadja, L., Markovic, M., & Ocic, G. G. (2000). Visuomotor skill learning on serial reaction time task in patients with early Parkinson's disease. Movement Disorders, 15(6), 1095-1103.

22 van Tilborg, I., & Hulstijn, W. (2010). Implicit motor learning in patients with Parkinson's and Alzheimer's disease: differences in learning abilities? Motor Control, 14(3), 344-361.

23 Vandenbossche, J., Deroost, N., Soetens, E., Coomans, D., Spildooren, J., Vercruysse, S., . . . Kerckhofs, E. (2013). Impaired implicit sequence learning in Parkinson's disease patients with freezing of gait. Neuropsychology, 27(1), 28-36. doi: 10.1037/a0031278

24 Wang, X. P., Sun, B. M., & Ding, H. L. (2009). Changes of procedural learning in Chinese patients with non-demented Parkinson disease. Neuroscience Letters, 449(3), 161-163.

25 Werheid, K., Ziessler, M., Nattkemper, D., & Von Cramon, D. Y. (2003). Sequence learning in Parkinson's disease: the effect of spatial stimulus-response compatibility. Brain and Cognition, 52(2), 239-249.

26 Werheid, K., Zysset, S., Muller, A., Reuter, M., & Von Cramon, D. Y. (2003). Rule learning in a serial reaction time task: an fMRI study on patients with early Parkinson's disease. Cognitive Brain Research, 16(2), 273-284.

27 Westwater, H., McDowall, J., Siegert, R., Mossman, S., & Abernethy, D. (1998). Implicit learning in Parkinson's disease: evidence from a verbal version of the serial reaction time task. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 20(3), 413-418.

     

Page 344: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

337   

Appendix B

Copies of Ethics Approval documents

Page 345: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

Memorandum

To:

From:

Date:

Subject: 2013-290

Memory and language skills in the classroom

Dr Jarrad Lum

School of Psychology

B

Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee (DUHREC)

09 January, 2014

Please quote this project number in all future communications

The application for this project was considered at the DU-HREC meeting held on 09/12/2013.

cc: Miss Gillian Clark

Human Research Ethics

Deakin Research Integrity 70 Elgar Road Burwood Victoria Postal: 221 Burwood Highway Burwood Victoria 3125 Australia Telephone 03 9251 7123 Facsimile 03 9244 6581 [email protected]

Approval has been given for Miss Gillian Clark, under the supervision of Dr Jarrad Lum,School of Psychology, toundertake this project from 9/01/2014 to 9/01/2018.

In addition you will be required to report on the progress of your project at least once every year and at theconclusion of the project. Failure to report as required will result in suspension of your approval to proceed withthe project.

DUHREC may need to audit this project as part of the requirements for monitoring set out in the NationalStatement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007).

• Serious or unexpected adverse effects on the participants• Any proposed changes in the protocol, including extensions of time.• Any events which might affect the continuing ethical acceptability of the project.• The project is discontinued before the expected date of completion.• Modifications are requested by other HRECs.

The approval given by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee is given only for the project andfor the period as stated in the approval. It is your responsibility to contact the Human Research Ethics Unitimmediately should any of the following occur:

Human Research Ethics [email protected]: 03 9251 7123

Page 346: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language
Page 347: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language
parisr
Redacted stamp
Page 348: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

Memorandum

To:

From:

Date:

Subject: 2015-308

Can declarative memory compensate for a poor procedural memory system? A combined TMSand EEG study

Dr Jarrad Lum

School of Psychology

B

Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee (DUHREC)

07 January, 2016

Please quote this project number in all future communications

The application for this project was considered at the DU-HREC meeting held on 14/12/2015.

cc: Miss Gillian Clark

Human Research Ethics

Deakin Research Integrity Burwood Campus Postal: 221 Burwood Highway Burwood Victoria 3125 Australia Telephone 03 9251 7123 [email protected]

Approval has been given for Miss Gillian Clark, under the supervision of Dr Jarrad Lum, School of Psychology, to undertake this project from 7/01/2016 to 7/01/2020.

In addition you will be required to report on the progress of your project at least once every year and at theconclusion of the project. Failure to report as required will result in suspension of your approval to proceed withthe project.

DUHREC may need to audit this project as part of the requirements for monitoring set out in the NationalStatement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007).

• Serious or unexpected adverse effects on the participants• Any proposed changes in the protocol, including extensions of time.• Any events which might affect the continuing ethical acceptability of the project.• The project is discontinued before the expected date of completion.• Modifications are requested by other HRECs.

The approval given by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee is given only for the projectand for the period as stated in the approval. It is your responsibility to contact the Human Research Ethics Unitimmediately should any of the following occur:

Human Research Ethics [email protected]: 03 9251 7123

Page 349: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

Memorandum

To:

From:

Date:

Subject: 2015-308

Can declarative memory compensate for a poor procedural memory system? A combined TMSand EEG study

Dr Jarrad Lum

School of Psychology

B

Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee (DUHREC)

07 June, 2016

Please quote this project number in all future communications

The modification to this project, submitted on 19/05/2016 has been approved by the committee executive on7/06/2016.

cc: Ms Gillian Clark

Human Research Ethics

Deakin Research Integrity Burwood Campus Postal: 221 Burwood Highway Burwood Victoria 3125 Australia Telephone 03 9251 7123 [email protected]

Approval has been given for Ms Gillian Clark, under the supervision of Dr Jarrad Lum, School of Psychology, to continue this project as modified to 7/01/2020.

In addition you will be required to report on the progress of your project at least once every year and at theconclusion of the project. Failure to report as required will result in suspension of your approval to proceed withthe project.

DUHREC may need to audit this project as part of the requirements for monitoring set out in the NationalStatement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007).

• Serious or unexpected adverse effects on the participants• Any proposed changes in the protocol, including extensions of time.• Any events which might affect the continuing ethical acceptability of the project.• The project is discontinued before the expected date of completion.• Modifications are requested by other HRECs.

The approval given by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee is given only for the project and for the period as stated in the approval. It is your responsibility to contact the Human Research Ethics Unit immediately should any of the following occur:

Human Research Ethics [email protected]: 03 9251 7123

Page 350: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

Memorandum

To:

From:

Date:

Subject: 2015-308

Can declarative memory compensate for a poor procedural memory system? A combined TMSand EEG study

Dr Jarrad Lum

School of Psychology

B

Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee (DUHREC)

23 June, 2016

Please quote this project number in all future communications

The modification to this project, submitted on 20/06/2016 has been approved by the committee executive on23/06/2016.

cc: Ms Gillian Clark

Human Research Ethics

Deakin Research Integrity Burwood Campus Postal: 221 Burwood Highway Burwood Victoria 3125 Australia Telephone 03 9251 7123 [email protected]

Approval has been given for Ms Gillian Clark, under the supervision of Dr Jarrad Lum, School of Psychology, to continue this project as modified to 7/01/2020.

In addition you will be required to report on the progress of your project at least once every year and at theconclusion of the project. Failure to report as required will result in suspension of your approval to proceed withthe project.

DUHREC may need to audit this project as part of the requirements for monitoring set out in the NationalStatement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007).

• Serious or unexpected adverse effects on the participants• Any proposed changes in the protocol, including extensions of time.• Any events which might affect the continuing ethical acceptability of the project.• The project is discontinued before the expected date of completion.• Modifications are requested by other HRECs.

The approval given by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee is given only for the project andfor the period as stated in the approval. It is your responsibility to contact the Human Research Ethics Unitimmediately should any of the following occur:

Human Research Ethics [email protected]: 03 9251 7123

Page 351: The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific ...dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30103756/clark-thenature-2017.pdf · The nature of procedural memory deficits in specific language

Memorandum

To:

From:

Date:

Subject: 2015-308

Can declarative memory compensate for a poor procedural memory system? A combined TMS

and EEG study

Dr Jarrad Lum

School of Psychology

B

Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee (DUHREC)

17 November, 2016

Please quote this project number in all future communications

The DUHREC Executive has reviewed the modifications to this project received on 1/ 11/2016 and found them to

comply with the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007).

cc: Miss Gillian Clark

Human Research Ethics

Deakin Research Integrity

Burwood Campus

Postal: 221 Burwood Highway

Burwood Victoria 3125 Australia

Telephone 03 9251 7123

[email protected]

The DUHREC Executive has granted approval for Dr Jarrad Lum, School of Psychology, to continue this project

as modified to 7/01/2020.

In addition you will be required to report on the progress of your project at least once every year and at the

conclusion of the project. Failure to report as required will result in suspension of your approval to proceed with the

project.

DUHREC may need to audit this project as part of the requirements for monitoring set out in the National

Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007).

• Serious or unexpected adverse effects on the participants

• Any proposed changes in the protocol, including extensions of time.

• Any events which might affect the continuing ethical acceptability of the project .

• The project is discontinued before the expected date of completion.

• Modifications are requested by other HRECs.

The approval given by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee is given only for the project and

for the period as stated in the approval. It is your responsibility to contact the Human Research Ethics Unit

immediately should any of the following occur:

Human Research Ethics Unit

[email protected]

Telephone: 03 9251 7123