The modern slavery regime: a critical evaluation

The modern slavery regime: a critical evaluation

AGNES SIMIC and BRAD K. BLITZ

Abstract: This article sets the context to this special issue: it discusses the background to the UK Modern Slavery Act 2015 and related legislative and policy instruments and sets out a methodology for comparing modern slavery in a global context. Developing the findings of a joint British Academy–DFID programme, ‘Tackling Slavery, Human Trafficking and Child Labour in Modern Business’, it describes a modern slavery regime defined by the production and implementation of laws and policies at both the international and the domestic level that specifically seeks to address a series of abuses associated with the term ‘modern slavery’. The article interrogates the effectiveness of law and policy in curbing abuse and considers how societal and cultural norms impact on the ways in which modern slavery is conceptualised. It also suggests ways in which contributions to this special issue may advance our understandings of the modern slavery regime and where efforts to address modern slavery fall short.

Keywords: Effectiveness, implementation, modern slavery, Modern Slavery Act, modern slavery regime.

INTRODUCTION

When the UK government introduced the Modern Slavery Act (MSA) 2015, it was claimed that the legislation aimed to lay the basis for more coordinated policy, especially as it regarded existing antislavery and antitrafficking provisions (Haynes 2016). In practice, the act did so by promoting the use of transparency and voluntary dis closure to combat extreme forms of exploitation in supply chains (Bloomfield & LeBaron 2018), with varying results. This article examines the context behind the development of a ‘regime’ on modern slavery and introduces the articles that follow. While there are many definitions, we note that a regime may be defined as a ‘set of explicit or implicit principles, norms, rules and decisionmaking procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issuearea’ (Krasner 1982: 185).

The articles included in this volume are the result of research funded under a joint British Academy–DFID (Department for International Development) programme, ‘Tackling Slavery, Human Trafficking and Child Labour in Modern Business’. Together they address the modern slavery regime from a number of angles, interrogating the

Journal of the British Academy, 7(s1), 1–34. DOI https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/007s1.001Posted 18 June 2019; Preprint posted 31 May 2019. © The British Academy 2019

2 Agnes Simic and Brad K. Blitz

effectiveness of law and policy in curbing abuse, and exploring how cultural and societal norms influence the ways in which modern slavery is understood. Although modern slavery is not geographically restricted, we note that the discourse on the eradication of modern slavery reflects certain normative trends among states in the Global North. The articles in this special issue, however, focus principally on the Global South, where the modern slavery regime is compromised by various levels of governance, both overtly and covertly. While corrective laws exist in both the North and Global South, we note that in the South in particular, these are often perfunctory and are used to satisfy international agendas and country commitments or to enhance the perception of the country and its position in the global outsourcing business.

We suggest that a modern slavery regime may be inferred by the production of laws and policies at both the international and the domestic level that specifically seek to address a series of abuses that have been described under the rubric of modern slavery. This article discusses the background to the MSA and related legislative and policy instruments and sets out a methodology for comparing modern slavery in a global context before outlining how the contributions to this special issue may advance our understanding of the modern slavery regime and where it falls short of meeting its objectives.

FROM INTERNATIONAL LAW TO DOMESTIC POLICY: THE EMERGENCE OF A REGIME ON MODERN SLAVERY

The enactment of the UK Modern Slavery Act (MSA) 2015 was heralded as the first such legislation in Europe and one of the first in the world to address modern slavery as a specific set of abuses, after Brazil amended Article 149 of its penal code in 2003 to enlarge the definition of the crime of submitting someone to a ‘condition analogous to slavery’ and California introduced the Transparency in Supply Chains Act in 2010. Yet the UK law was a novel addition, not least because under Section 54, the MSA requires UKbased commercial organisations that supply goods or services and have an annual global turnover of more than £36 million to prepare an annual statement on modern slavery and human trafficking. Within four years, the law has served to inspire new legislation in other jurisdictions, and a new regime on modern slavery has quickly developed. This regime was built in part on previous international commitments, including the United Nations Trafficking Protocol (UN 2000), the Council of Europe AntiTrafficking Convention (Council of Europe 2005), and the EU AntiTrafficking Directive (EU 2011) and was supported by the introduction of new legislation. In addition, it was sustained by active antitrafficking campaigns, victim support, and rescue efforts which were assisted by a national hotline.

The modern slavery regime: a critical evaluation 3

Critics noted that Section 54, which emphasises the logic of transparency, sat, at times awkwardly, next to a human rights framework that had been boosted following the creation of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (UN 2015) and in particular SDG 8.7, which after some protest, was accepted by 193 countries. Specifically, SDG 8.7 set out measurable targets to end modern slavery offences and called upon states to take:

immediate and effective measures to eradicate forced labour, end modern slavery and human trafficking and secure the prohibition and elimination of the worst forms of child labour, including recruitment and use of child soldiers, and by 2025 end child labour in all its forms (Freedom United 2019).

For many years, states had been bound by existing international obligations which both protected the right to be free of slavery and established it as a basic human right. For example, within human rights law, legislation against slavery had secure foundations. Slavery and slaverytype situations are prohibited in both national and international laws including the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms under Article 4. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) also covers freedom from slavery under Article 8,1 as do many International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions. In fact, the ILO Conventions both predate the UN’s human rights instruments and raise issues which are now considered to be central to the modern slavery regime, including the use of remedies. We note that the ILO Convention Concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour (Forced Labour Convention, C029 (ILO 1930)) was adopted to prohibit slavery and forced labour from as far back as 1930. Most importantly, this early convention saw eradication as a process.2 A second ILO Convention on the Abolition of Forced Labour (C105 (ILO 1957)) identified the ways in which forced labour had been used to advance not only economic gain but also political agendas. It highlighted the need to suppress forced and compulsory labour as a means of political punishment against those with opposing conscientious views, who have participated in strikes, who have faced discrimination on various grounds such as race and ethnicity, and as a means of economic advancement by the state (Article 1). Most importantly, the ILO later expanded our understanding of abuses to include slaverylike practices such as

1 Similarly, other regional instruments have provisions affirming the right to be free; see the American Convention on Human Rights (Article 6) of 1969, and more recently the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Article 5) of 1982.2 It called upon states ‘to suppress the use of forced or compulsory labour in all its forms within the shortest possible period’ (Article 1), with some exceptions such as for public purposes, and ultimately and gradually to eradicate it altogether.


debtbondage, serfdom, forced marriage, bride sale, bride inheritance, and—for the first time in international law—forced child labour (Article 1).3

While the above international human rights conventions were well established, several decades elapsed before the adoption of stronger international legal instruments on forced and child labour, specifically. These include the 1998 Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (ILO 1998); the 1999 Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (C182 (ILO 1999)); and 2014 Protocol to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (P029 (ILO 2014)). Arguably the emergence of new instruments in the late 1990s laid the ground for the legal regime we associate with the modern slavery challenge known today: a collection of commitments building on the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UN 2011), UN human rights conventions, and ILO legislation, in addition to the growing body of national legislation. What was most significant about these legal developments is the threepart approach of prevention, protection, and remedies in relation to forced and compulsory labour—an approach set out in the UN Guiding Principles, a ‘global authoritative standard’ (Ra’ad Al Hussein 2015).

Furthermore, within public international law the prohibition of slavery has been established as an obligation falling on states with the status of jus cogens (Verdross 1966) and having erga omnes effect (Bassiouni 1998). This status requires all states to prevent, sanction, prosecute, and punish slavery as an obligation ‘that every state owes to all others’ (Bassiouni 1998). For this reason, some suggest that modern slavery should be considered a crime with universal jurisdiction that in certain instances could amount to the level of a crime against humanity (Cockayne et al. 2016). Although public international law has been gradually weakened (especially in relation to business practices) to the detriment of private international law (Ruggie 2017), the place of slavery within public international law has great influence on discourse and social practice.

Recognising the normative dimension of modern slavery within international law, a group of academics and nongovernmental organisations has further extended the regime by drawing upon examples of ‘modernday slavery’. Most prominent among these is Nottingham University sociologist Kevin Bales (1999). Since the late 1990s, and in no small measure as a result of Bales’ writings and the lobbying efforts of groups like AntiSlavery International and Free the Slaves, the theme of modern slavery has been embraced by new generations of scholars and activists who identify as ‘abolitionists’. Although abolitionism now focuses on contemporary ills, the language of abolition is also contested, not least because of its historic association with the transatlantic slave trade.

3 See the Supplementary ILO Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and Practices, which was adopted in 1956 (ILO 1956).


The abolitionists’ emphasis on human rights, in particular the importance of human dignity within economic relations, has been challenged by critical scholars who emphasise enduring structural and powerbased relations that foster extreme exploitation. The multiplicity of issues has complicated the development of an agreed discourse among academics on both what constitutes modern slavery and how it might be measured (O’Connell Davidson 2017); a challenge replicated in policy.

DIFFERENTIATION IN LAW, PRACTICE, AND IMPLEMENTATION

As modern slavery featured more prominently on both national and international agendas, important cracks appeared in the emerging regime. Research published by the UN University Centre for Policy Research (Gleason & Cockayne 2018) found that both before and after the introduction of the UK Modern Slavery Act 2015, there has been marked variance in terms of how countries understand this phenomenon. One reason may lie with labelling and the use of language. When the General Assembly passed the Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others on 2 December 1949, the language of modern slavery was wholly undeveloped (UN 1949). Forced labour was penalised in some notable states, while it was simultaneously practised around the world. In fact, when the above convention entered into force, fewer than twenty countries had even ratified the 1932 ILO Convention Concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour. It took over three decades for commemoration of the day to be introduced, with the first International Day for the Abolition of Slavery held in 1986. Until then, the language of modern slavery largely preoccupied a small group of elite international civil servants.

In terms of state investment, we also find much differentiation. The ways in which states have directed their investment in this policy area indicate divergent policy priorities. Examining data over a fifteenyear period that predates the modern slavery regime, Gleason and Cockayne (2018) consider how states understood their requirements in a host of related areas. Most notably they record a shift in funding from project aimed at curbing child labour to antitrafficking efforts. There has also been little realisation of a body of jurisprudence in the area of international criminal law. As Duffy concludes, although slavery cases have been increasingly dealt with by regional courts, their ‘jurisprudence remains remarkably limited in its volume and scope’ (Duffy 2016: 400). She also notes that among the regional courts there were wide interpretations of modern slavery.

The lack of agreement over the scope and definition of modern slavery has also undermined the creation of a coherent body of human rights case law. We record, for


example, that the European Court of Human Rights has been most interested in cases of forced labour, when they are, to a great extent, cases of a sexual nature.4 The InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights, by contrast has focussed on slavery in both commercial and military domains,5 while other regional courts have responded to less ‘traditional’ slavery cases, at least from a Global North view, hearing cases of, for example, ‘chattel slavery’.6

We have also witnessed multiple challenges to the implementation of both international and national legislation on modern slavery. As Vaughn et al. argue in this special issue, much compliance is based on limited information which primarily focuses on the first tier of suppliers, while lower tiers are more vulnerable to exploitative labour. Similarly, in their study on the effectiveness of the modern slavery reporting obligation enshrined in Article 54 of the UK Modern Slavery Act, Voss et al. (this issue) found that compliance approaches yield particularly limited results. While there is growing willingness on the part of businesses to comply with their legal requirements and publish transparency statements, capacity is often limited, especially as it regards remedying risks (see Rende Taylor & Shih in this issue). Moreover, the quality, scope, depth, and regularity of reports are frequently compromised, especially since there are no meaningful sanctions for noncompliance.

One further point of contention is the degree to which governments sincerely wish to eradicate modern slavery. Nowhere is this more glaring than in Bangladesh, where the modern slavery regime was given an injection of energy, following the Rana Plaza tragedy of 2013. The collapse of this eightstorey building led to the Bangladesh Accord, a fiveyear, independent, legally binding agreement between global brands and retailers and trade unions designed to build a safe and healthy Bangladeshi readymade garment industry. However, even though the government has been keen to project the image of being committed to eradicating modern slavery, the industrial police has obstructed worker protests. Workers are not able to protest about wages or working conditions legally; as a result, throughout 2019 there has been widespread industrial unrest with nationwide worker protests followed by massive worker dismissals in retaliation (Agence France Press 2019). While the UK has not experienced

4 See Siliadin v. France, ECtHR (2006) App. No. 73316/01, 2005VII. Kawogo v. United Kingdom, ECtHR (2010) App. No.56921/09. Rantsev v. Cyprus and Russia, ECtHR (2010) App. No. 25965/04. C.N & V. v. France, ECtHR (2012) App. No.67724/09. M. and Others v. Italy and Bulgaria, ECtHR (2012) App. No.40020/03.5 See: Pereira v. Brazil, Petition 11.289 (IACtHR) Report No. 95/03, OEA/Ser.L/V/II.118, doc. 5 rev. 2 (2003). Vargas Areco v. Paraguay, IACtHR (2006) Ser. C No.155. Maya Indigenous People v. Guatemala, Petition 84405 (IACtHR) Report No. 13/08, OEA/Ser.L/V/II.134, doc. 5 rev. 1 (2008). Hugo Maciel v. Paraguay, Case 11.607 (IACtHR) Report No. 85/09, OEA/Ser.L/V/II., doc. 51, corr. 1 (2009).6 See Hadijatou Mani Koroua v. Niger where the enslaved person was kept ‘like a goat’. Mme Hadijatou Mani Koroua v. The Republic of Niger (No. ECW/CCJ/JUD/06/08), ECOWAS Court, October 2008.


such unrest, the government’s commitment to ending modern slavery was also called into question by the inability to replace the Independent AntiSlavery Commissioner, a post which lay vacant for more than nine months.

Both law enforcement agencies and lawmakers have also challenged the UK government’s commitment to eradicating modern slavery. In January 2019, a distinguished panel of parliamentarians published a damning report on the application of the Modern Slavery Act. This report evaluated the transparency in supplychain provisions and laid out some frequently heard criticisms. One recurring issue has been the design and operation of the UK’s modern slavery legislation. The authors found that there was uncertainty over which companies were covered by the legislation and condemned the level of reporting by firms as inadequate. They also identified poor compliance and identified a major weakness in the legislation, since large sectors of the economy, including public bodies, were exempt from the requirement to report on their own supply chains. The guiding conclusion from this report was that this legislation is far from sufficient to address the offences that fall under the UK Modern Slavery Act 2015.

The UK is, of course, far from alone. While states may be formally committed to the eradication of forced, compulsory, and child labour, as evidenced by the numbers of ratifications to the ILO instruments, there is a marked divide in practice. This includes uneven implementation of national laws and watereddown commitments. As noted elsewhere, slaverytype practices are frequently not treated as acts to be punished under criminal law; moreover, states often refrain from prosecuting such acts (Cockayne et al. 2016). Equally, we note that many workers themselves do not consider their conditions sufficiently appalling to warrant action; with some attributing their situation to bad luck or the function of structural hierarchies which they must endure. Such socioculturally embedded traditional understandings may also undermine the effectiveness of the modern slavery regime.

One design challenge built into the Modern Slavery Act, and similar national legislation, is a tendency to pass on the obligation to eradicate modern slavery to the business sector without offering companies an incentive to comply with such obligations. While all business enterprises, regardless of their size, sector, location, ownership, or structure, are required to comply with all applicable laws and to respect human rights, both states and businesses have paid lip service to their legal obligations. There are many reasons for this, including the fact that the demand for businesses to comply with human rights requirements did not exist before the 1990s (Economist Intelligence Unit 2015). Yet, for scholars concerned to understand how the modern slavery legislation may be used to prevent abuse, such elusion in handling the issue is deeply problematic. Furthermore, even if most modern slavery abuses occur in the workplace, states should not sidestep their responsibilities to protect against human rights


abuses by third parties, as affirmed in the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (2011).

In addition, there are normative challenges which have undermined the establishment of a robust regime on modern slavery. One underreported issue regards the purpose and methodologies used to evaluate the existing legislation and policy instruments. We note that, while many government departments rely increasingly on quantitative indicators to evaluate policy, the methodological tools made available to the modern slavery regime have yet to embrace scientific techniques. Few organisations have used systematic approaches to assess modern slavery in business, with a handful of notable exceptions that are still at an early stage of development.7 Again, the lack of incentives and the increasing demands on business to audit their activities may account for this situation.

A FRAMEWORK FOR EVALUATING MODERN SLAVERY

In the absence of robust evaluation, the failings associated with the dominant compliance approach to tackle modern slavery and associated human rights abuses are often excused on the basis of circumstance. Modern slavery occurs in an extraordinarily complex economic context in which global businesses operate, so we are told. While this is undoubtedly true, the emphasis on greater transparency and reporting remains insufficient. As others note, increased transparency alone is unlikely to improve working conditions or to address modern slavery unless it is accompanied by a focus on gaps in governance (McCallSmith & Rühmkorf 2017). Arguably, we cannot ignore the institutions and processes that frustrate the implementation of laws.

There are additional challenges and further consequences that may result from the preferred compliance model, not least shifting the burden of responsibility and in effect undermining the UN Guiding Principles. As Rende Taylor and Shih, as well as Deshingkar et al., argue in this issue, the auditfocussed approach downplays the critical intersection between the state and nonstate actors and the ways in which the negligent or wrongful party may seek to avoid compliance with the law. Indeed, the design of the joint British Academy–DFID programme, ‘Tackling Slavery, Human Trafficking and Child Labour’, is squarely focussed on business practice—not government practice. Yet states are also responsible. In addition to the challenge of enforcement, which requires states to invest in people and infrastructure, scholars have condemned the role played by permissive and corrupt officials in the course activities which cross over into the business of modern slavery (see Deshingkar et al. in this issue).

7 See Corporate Human Rights Benchmark (https://www.corporatebenchmark.org/§).


For example, in the case of border guards and immigration officers who facilitate the flow of irregular migrants at risk of being trafficked, or the failure by government inspectors to report on factories and production centres where labour exploitation and associated offences takes place. Indeed, such challenges were foreseen in the 2014 ILO protocol, which demands that states introduce preventive measures such as ‘labour inspection services’ (or labour due diligences) in order to combat forced and compulsory labour both in private and public sectors of the economy (Article 2 (c) (ii)). Arguably, the prevalence of rigid social hierarchies which press individuals to accept intolerable conditions is also a factor, albeit an indirect one.

The question then arises: how can we realise the ambitions of the above international and national commitments to promote joint responsibility by states and the business sector? As established in the UN Guiding Principles, both are required to protect against human rights abuses and provide remedies where they have been violated. Taking responsibility seriously therefore means addressing the ‘wide and shocking’ situation of nonenforcement (Cockayne et al. 2016: 254) and also understanding where that may both advance and undermine human rights claims. For example, as Deshingkar et al. argue in this issue, complicit officials, who violate the law and facilitate trafficking, are often not ‘against’ trafficked persons, but may be perceived as ‘friends’ who are helping desperately poor people into other livelihood situations.

While there are no easy answers, the articles in this issue propose some possible directions for future consideration by providing a deeper understanding of structural factors, not least the relationship between exploitation, economic development, and governance. This is critical to the creation and promotion of a culture of enforcement, as Cockayne et al. (2016) found:

The economic drivers of slavery intersect with political and social vulnerabilities: susceptibility to slavery is, unsurprisingly, correlated with sociopolitical marginalization and disenfranchisement. The demand for cheap labour intersects with individual vulnerability, often caused by poverty, domestic discrimination and conflict and displacement. Even those forms of slavery that seem particular to conflict, such as forced recruitment and use of children, seem to follow a similar costsaving and industrial logic (256).

Arguably, understanding the points of intersection presents an invitation for further social scientific investigation.

We suggest that one starting point is to develop a critical understanding of the taxonomy of modern slavery offences in any given state. It is only by developing a deeper understanding of the types of state, modes of governance, and economic systems in which such offences occur, that we will arrive at suitable routes of intervention. Of course, states differ in their economic and industrial performance and we


therefore need to take account of such particularities to identify where abuse is most likely to occur. Furthermore, not all sectors are the same—some are subject to greater oversight and regulation while others invite greater abuse than others. A critical investigation of modern slavery must therefore be contextspecific. This includes an understanding of the scope and degree to which laws are in place and are enforceable. For example, as Pinheiro et al. argue in this volume, in spite of a law which criminalises modern slavery in Brazil, ineffective and fragmented law enforcement undermines its operation, deterring businesses from complying. We therefore recommend mapping existing legislation in order to identify potential avenues for redress, whether that is from antiforced labour legislation, antitrafficking laws, or newly introduced modern slavery legislation, and improved governance.

It is also essential to delineate areas of responsibility. To this end, we suggest mapping the ways in which people are affected against a typology of abuses8 and defined categories of perpetrators. We need to know which types of abuses are directed against which categories of people—and by whom. In the case of states, Webb and Garciandia (2019) suggest five principal ways in which states may be responsible. These include:

1. Direct enslavement by a state, that is, forcibly conscripting individuals: for example, in Uzbekistan to harvest cotton.

2. Indirect enslavement where state agents and recruiters place individuals in a situation of impossible debt.

3. Coercion—driven by societal, personal, and cultural expectations, as well as from situations of debt.

4. Structural factors which are poverty based; and include discrimination on the basis of gender and nationality.

5. Situations where individuals may elect to put themselves in abusive and exploitative situations.

The above factors may of course overlap.Equally, when seeking practical remedies, it is important to consider where efforts

should be concentrated. We note, for example, that states differ not only in the type of governmental regime but also in terms of the relationship with the nonstate sector, which includes both business and civil society. Such practical realities should be considered in order to press for meaningful reform. Appendix 1 illustrates some of the political challenges which complicate the eradication of modern slavery and identifies areas where remedies may be sought.

8 These include forced labour, bonded labour, forcibly trafficked persons, victims of extortion, and underpaid and indebted workers.


The Appendix sheds light on the types of modern slavery offence studied in this issue, where they occur, and who is most affected by them. It also illustrates where development assistance might be used to enhance state capacity to tackle the issues associated with modern slavery: for example, by providing judicial training, or clarifying where both criminal and labour laws may be used to punish abuse (Beate 2016). Such abstract illustrations are complemented by further empirical research into the context in which modern slavery exists and in some cases flourishes.

For example, the article by Vaughn et al., which is based on qualitative data collected from workers in the ‘fast fashion’ garment industry of Bangladesh and Myanmar, presents various forms and extents of verbal, physical, psychological, sexual, and economic workplace violence and their numerous constellations. By showcasing the variegated exploitative experiences of workers and their families, it promotes the need to reconceptualise definitions of modern slavery along a spectrum with severe and less severe types and forms of exploitation at various ends (Skrivankova 2010).

Voss et al. (this issue) also explore the effectiveness of the MSA’s reporting obligation. Following an analysis of publicly available transparency statements of supply chains in the fashion and textile sectors in terms of formal and contentrelated compliance, they have come to a similar conclusion to Vaughn et al., when stressing that tackling the issue of modern slavery primarily using the preferred compliance tool yields limited results. The growing willingness of businesses to comply with such legal requirements and publish transparency statements has been viewed by them as a positive sign, even though the quality, scope, depth, and regularity of the statements are frequently compromised, especially since they lack real sanctions for noncompliance. They argue, moreover, that the companies’ overreliance on media exposure of transparency statements has been instrumentalised by the state which has paid lip service to proper law enforcement mechanisms. Yet, the possibility of unsolicited media publicity may often act as a deterrent for businesses and could push them in the opposite direction: it can enhance noncompliance or highly restrained compliance. These findings reinforce the need for a diversity of multilevel, multiform, and multiactor approaches to address modern slavery and highlight the relevance of joint responsibility which demands equal commitment of the various actors.

Trafficking and physical coercion are often viewed as phenomena inextricably linked to modern slavery, particularly in the case of sex work. Cruz et al. (this issue) critically examine the boundaries between work, slavery, and freedom in an established Global North rhetoric. In particular, they argue that the way major legal instruments, such as the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 in the United States and the Modern Slavery Act of 2015 in the United Kingdom, define trafficking and modern slavery ‘fail to capture the realities, abuses, and needs’ of their participants. They draw on data gained from narratives of sex workers in Jamaica, a country


which is frequently presented as one deeply entangled in the web of ‘trafficking’ and ‘modern slavery’. In the cases of their participants, physical coercion, as an inherent feature of discourses on sexual work, was often superseded by economic coercion driven by extreme poverty, especially at the entry stage to sex work. The authors thus call on us to pay attention to the underlying structural and socio economic factors when inquiring into the junction of work, freedom, and trafficking.

In a similar vein to Cruz et al.’s article, Deshingkar et al.’s work (this issue) on precarious labour conditions of Ghanaians and Burmese migrants in the construction and domestic work sectors of Libya, the Middle East, Singapore, and Thailand also raises conceptual issues. Their study is another important contribution that interrogates some aspects of the migration industry in a culturally embedded way. By unsettling the widely held assumptions on the irreconcilable dialectics of migrants and brokers, together with the rhetoric of the benevolent state which is viewed as a positive actor, the article urges us to assume a less rigid, less compartmentalised approach to understanding modern slavery. Conditions of modern slavery arise with the concurrence, cooperation, and implications of the various actors of the regime, although at different levels and in different forms and depths. States, through their complicity, can be equally involved in the process, such as migrant workers who exercise agency. This article enables us to consider the fluid and contingent nature of the responsibility–action nexus, and in the meantime it urges us to think about responsibility in a holistic way.

The article by Pinheiro et al. (this issue) examines the nexus of laws tackling modern slavery, including human rights legislation, and the market characteristics of the Brazilian–UK beef and timber supply chains. The paper aims to explore to what extent multilayered and overlapping norms and practices can contribute to business methods where human rights are respected. Unsurprisingly, ineffective and fragmented law enforcement creates a business environment where noncompliance with laws seem to be encouraged. Nevertheless, as the paper stresses, sectorspecific characteristics leave significant footprints on business practices, including on exploitative ones. Although the article is written from a legal perspective, the recurring practice of ineffective law enforcement by the state has been raised in most of the contributions to this special issue. It foregrounds the role of responsibility by the state to enforce its national laws, as well as regional and international laws to which it adheres. At the same time, there is a clear responsibility on businesses, including transnational ones with part of their supply chains in Brazil, to abide by laws that address them, even in the event of a weaker institutional compliance control. As the article highlights, a more concerted approach would be needed to eradicate labour law exploitation with stronger enforcement and monitoring. This latter might be done increasingly with the use of technology, as businesses’ compliance with human rights is more difficult to supervise when exploitative labour takes place in remote areas.


The potential of technologies—in particular mobilephonebased tools and applications—to combat modern slavery in global supply chains is reviewed by Rende Taylor and Shih (this issue). It is assumed that, since businesses are better placed to identify and remediate modern slavery conditions with the use of technologies that enable worker feedback, they would take greater responsibility in combating modernday slavery. Their article, however, paints a darker picture by shedding light on significantly lesser ambitions and practices of corporations, where corporations are primarily interested in promoting due diligence, rather than remediation.

The authors demonstrate that due diligence tools, developed and sold to businesses by forprofit tech companies, are used primarily by businesses to identify human trafficking and forced labour within their supply chains but not to address it. They argue that these tools are purposefully designed to have limited scope and not reveal, in earnest, serious modern slavery issues, mainly for lack of willingness and capacity on the side of businesses to deal with and to remedy such risks. Hence, these technologies seem to be the perfect tools to ‘produce deliverables’, which are so much needed for compliance. On the other hand, remediation tools are usually developed and/or primarily used by nonprofit entities, such as civil society and human rights enhancing organisations, with the aim of identifying and addressing issues of modern slavery. The article calls for reconsidering the sole use of due diligence tech tools by transnational companies. Instead, they advocate for the need for businesses to employ more remediation tech tools with real remediation potential. The intended use of these technological methods allows us to ponder on the recurring theme of conflicting responsibilities in the fight against modern slavery. Are businesses solely responsible for the wide use of the more formulaic and, from a business risk perspective, safer due diligence process? The authors infer that companies would probably be more prepared to do more than basic legal compliance if real options for them were available to remedy modern slavery conditions within their supply chain.

In the last article of this collection, Jones et al. (this issue) raise the issue of moral and ethical responsibility of transnational businesses in combating and remedying forced labour within their supply chains. They do so by investigating poor working conditions of Indonesian fishermen within the domestic labour market, situated at the axis of the state and global fish market. Their study identifies a high degree of informality within the sector and the extensive reliance on existing social networks, especially in the case of smaller fishing vessels. These attributes manifest themselves mainly in recruitment practices, in the pervasive lack of written employment agreements, but also in terms of onboard workshare and discipline procedures. Importantly, these also have an impact on payment conditions, which are closely linked to (temporary) bonded labour.


The authors invite transnational businesses in the global fish for food sector to reconsider their responsible sourcing approaches in relation to their sourcing from Indonesian supply chains. In particular, as they state, hitherto not enough attention has been given to potential forced labour conditions experienced by domestic workers within the Indonesian fishing industry, whilst exploitation of migrant workers, especially on Thai and Taiwanese shipping vessels, has received widespread media scrutiny. According to them, these may be related to illseated assumptions linked to the structure and smallscale fishing methods of the Indonesian fishing sector, which make transnational companies unaware of and reluctant to investigate potential labour risks. Scarcity in the availability of worker’s voices and lack of organisations that could effectively represent workers’ interests may also add to such business practice. The authors warn us that, in the absence of responsible sourcing practices of transnational businesses, the business risks continue to rest jointly on local companies and workers, while human rights risks would always be allocated to the fishing crew.

CONCLUSION

The contributions to this special issue highlight the complex nature of the modern slavery regime and also the value of joint, as well as individual, responsibility in combatting modernday slavery. Whilst profound power imbalances exist between the state, businesses, and workers, all play their part in tackling the issue. A central problem remains the governance of modern slavery. It is still early days and, as noted above, the challenges of implementation and commitment on the part of states and businesses undermine effective enforcement of human rights norms. However, reform follows analysis and criticism. By illustrating where action has proven successful, and why poor governance allows abuse to flourish, the articles in this issue provide a rare insight into the operations of the modern slavery regime in an international and comparative context. Most importantly, they demonstrate how empirically grounded research may advance our understanding of emerging global discourses on modern slavery and shine a light on promising practices that incentivise action to tackle abuse and exploitation.


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Notes on the authorsAgnes Simic is a former Hungarian solicitor turned into social policy researcher in the area of migration. She is currently a research officer at the Institute of Global Affairs of the London School of Economics and Political Science. She had worked as a research assistant on numerous migrationrelated research projects at the LSE, the


University of Exeter, and Middlesex University. One of her recent research projects focussed on legal and procedural information provision to asylum seekers in the UK and in Hungary. Agnes has held lectures and seminars at the Department of Criminology and Sociology of Middlesex University, where she is currently an hourly paid lecturer in Migration and [email protected] or [email protected]

Recent publications:‘Subversive Citizens: Using EU Free Movement Law to Bypass The UK’s Rules on Marriage Migration’

(with Helena Wray & Eleonore Kofman), Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Special Issue (forthcoming 2019, accepted).

‘INFORM: Legal and procedural information for asylum seekers in the European Union. Hungary Country Report (with Zoltán BarczaSzabó, Gruśa Matevžič, Zoltán Somogyvári & Zsolt Szekeres), (2018). https://www.informasylum.eu/uploads/1/2/1/7/12176018/midj6040_middlesexunihungary 180712.pdf

‘INFORM: Legal and Procedural Information for Asylum Seekers in the European Union’, UK Country Report (with Jocelyn Hutton & Brad Blitz), (2018). https://www.informasylum.eu/uploads/1/2/1/7/12176018/midj6040reportuk1804168web.pdf

Brad K. Blitz is Director of the British Academy/DFID Programme, ‘Tackling Slavery, Human Trafficking and Child Labour in Modern Business’, and has recently been appointed Professor of International Politics and Policy at University College London Institute of Education. He is also Visiting Professor at the London School of Economics, and Senior Fellow of the Global Migration Centre in the Graduate Institute, Geneva.

He recently acted as Principal Investigator for the ESRC–DFID funded EVIMED project on refugee and migrant reception systems in the Mediterranean and the EU Commission project INFORM, which seeks to understand how asylum seekers access legal and procedural information. In March 2019 he began a fiveyear project as co investigator of a £17.4 million ‘hub’ on Gender, Justice and Security, funded by the Global Challenges Research Fund (GCRF) with the London School of Economics.

Publications include Statelessness in the European Union: Displaced, Undocumented and Unwanted (Cambridge University Press, 2011) and Statelessness and Citizenship: A Comparative Study on the Benefits of Nationality (Edward Elgar, 2011). In 2011, he completed a US State Department funded project ‘Measuring the Costs of Statelessness’, which subsequently informed US humanitarian policy. He also contributed to UNDP’s Asia-Pacific Human Development Report. In November 2013, he completed a major crossnational study of the benefits of birth registration on development outcomes for Plan International. He is also the author of Migration and


Freedom: Mobility, Citizenship, and Exclusion (Edward Elgar, 2014; reissued in 2016), which was nominated for three awards. [email protected]

To cite the article: Agnes Simic and Brad K. Blitz (2019), ‘The modern slavery regime: a critical evaluation’, Journal of the British Academy, 7(s1): 1–34.DOI https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/007s1.001

This article is licensed under a Creative Commons AttributionNonCommercialNoDerivs 4.0 Unported License.

Journal of the British Academy (ISSN 2052–7217) is published by

10–11 Carlton House Terrace, London, SW1Y 5AHwww.thebritishacademy.ac.uk


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iati

on

(BG

ME

A),

UN

ICE

F

Ban

glad

esh

and

the

Inte

rnat

iona

l Lab

our

Org

aniz

atio

n (I

LO

) B

angl

ades

h.

• St

rong

er la

bour

reg

ulat

ion

syst

em a

nd p

rote

ctio

n m

ea

sure

s ne

eded

tha

t ex

tend

to

form

al a

nd in

form

al

econ

omie

s.

• In

crea

se p

rose

cuti

on a

nd

conv

icti

on o

f fo

rced

labo

ur

offe

nder

s.

• A

ddre

ss o

ffici

al c

ompl

i cit

y in

tra

ffick

ing

and

forc

ed

labo

ur c

rim

es.

• E

nhan

ce t

rain

ing

to o

ffi

cial

s on

forc

ed la

bour

iden

ti

ficat

ion

and

prot

ecti

on.

• A

ddre

ss s

emi

form

al

recr

uitm

ent

prac

tice

s.

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.

Bra

zil (

2)•

Fas

tgr

owin

g m

arke

t ec

onom

ic w

ith

high

di

spar

itie

s be

twee

n ge

ogra

phic

al a

reas

(N

orth

an

d So

uth)

and

rur

al/u

rban

ar

eas

• E

cono

mic

cri

sis

of 2

015

slow

ed d

own

econ

omic

gr

owth

• R

elia

nce

on m

igra

nts

from

ne

ighb

ouri

ng c

ount

ries

, So

uth

Asi

a, a

nd A

fric

a

• R

ural

are

as: a

gric

ultu

ral

sect

or (

coff

ee, c

harc

oal

prod

ucti

on, f

ores

try,

cat

tle

ranc

hing

)•

Urb

an a

reas

: tex

tile

, co

nstr

ucti

on, d

omes

tic

labo

ur a

nd t

ouri

sm (

sex)

in

dust

ries

• R

ural

wor

kers

(es

peci

ally

in

the

Am

azon

reg

ion)

: in

form

al w

orki

ng c

ondi

ti

ons

(no

cont

ract

s),

unet

hica

l rec

ruit

men

t,

rest

rict

ed la

bour

mar

ket

mob

iliti

es, p

hysi

cal t

hrea

ts

and

hara

ssm

ent,

low

pay

, lo

ng w

orkd

ays,

poo

r w

orki

ng c

ondi

tion

s•

Mig

rant

wor

kers

: hig

hly

vuln

erab

le, u

ndoc

umen

ted

stat

us, d

ebt

bond

age,

lack

of

lang

uage

kno

wle

dge,

to

tal r

elia

nce

on e

mpl

oyer

•

Dom

esti

c la

bour

: bas

ic

righ

ts d

enie

d•

Lon

gst

andi

ng d

iscr

imin

at

ion

agai

nst

indi

geno

us

Bra

zilia

ns a

nd p

eopl

e of

A

fric

an o

rigi

ns, m

ore

pron

e to

exp

loit

atio

n•

Chi

ld la

bour

(es

p. d

omes

tic

and

sex

wor

k)

• IL

O C

029,

098

, 100

, 105

, 11

1, 1

38, 1

82, C

RC

, CR

C

Opt

iona

l Pro

toco

ls a

nd

Pale

rmo

Pro

toco

l (U

N 2

000)

• F

orce

d la

bour

is a

cri

min

al

offe

nce

unde

r A

rtic

le 1

49

and

197

of t

he P

enal

Cod

e.

In O

ctob

er 2

016,

Law

13

.344

/16

was

pas

sed,

cr

imin

alis

ing

all f

orm

s of

hu

man

tra

ffick

ing

wit

h ha

rshe

r pe

nalt

ies

for

perp

etra

tors

, pro

posi

ng

prev

enta

tive

mea

sure

s in

clud

ing

the

crea

tion

of

a da

taba

se fo

r of

fend

ers,

and

ex

tend

ing

the

righ

t to

lega

l, so

cial

, and

hea

lth

bene

fits

to t

raffi

ckin

g vi

ctim

s.

Bra

zil’s

pro

gres

sive

and

br

oad

defin

itio

n of

sla

very

ha

s be

en r

ecen

tly

chal

le

nged

by

a go

vern

men

t de

cree

see

king

to

chan

ge

and

limit

the

defi

niti

on.

• N

atio

nal P

act f

or th

e E

radi

catio

n of

Sla

ve L

abou

r w

as la

unch

ed in

200

5,

sign

ator

y co

mpa

nies

hav

e vo

lunt

arily

agr

eed

to

prom

ote

dece

nt w

ork

prac

tices

and

cut

com

mer

cial

tie

s w

ith th

ose

busi

ness

es o

n th

e ‘S

lave

Lab

our

Dir

ty L

ist’

(cri

ticis

m th

at th

e lis

t has

not

be

en u

pdat

ed).

• St

reng

then

legi

slat

ion

(e.g

. to

ena

ct e

thic

al r

ecru

itm

ent

law

, law

tha

t re

quir

es

com

pani

es t

o m

ake

publ

ic

thei

r ac

tion

s ag

ains

t m

oder

n sl

aver

y in

sup

ply

chai

ns)

• M

onit

or t

he im

plem

enta

ti

on o

f la

bour

law

s•

Tac

kle

wid

er s

ocie

tal r

oot

caus

es a

nd r

isk

fact

ors

such

as

lack

of

educ

atio

n, jo

b cr

eati

on, e

tc.


Chi

na (3

) •

Rap

idly

dev

elop

ing

mar

ket

econ

omy

spec

ialis

es in

pr

oduc

tion

for

expo

rt o

f ch

eap

good

s th

at r

equi

re

inte

nsiv

e la

bour

•

Eno

rmou

s di

verg

ence

s be

twee

n in

com

e le

vels

ac

ross

geo

grap

hica

l are

as•

Stat

eim

pose

d fo

rced

labo

ur

• M

anuf

actu

ring

(ga

rmen

t,

elec

tron

ics)

, con

stru

ctio

n se

ctor

s•

Les

s fo

rmal

indu

stri

es, e

.g.

bric

k ki

lns,

sug

arca

ne

• St

ate

sect

or: f

orce

d la

bour

in

det

enti

on, d

rug

reha

bilit

atio

n, r

eed

ucat

ion

cent

res;

org

an h

arve

stin

g fr

om p

riso

ners

(m

ainl

y of

co

nsci

ence

); ‘i

nter

nshi

ps’ o

f st

uden

ts in

fac

tori

es a

s pa

rt

of v

ocat

iona

l tra

inin

gs

• Se

x in

dust

ry: l

ocal

s an

d m

igra

nts,

adu

lts

and

child

ren

• L

ow, d

elay

ed (

e.g.

in t

he

cons

truc

tion

sec

tor)

or

som

etim

es n

o pa

y, lo

ng

wor

king

hou

rs, p

hysi

cal

thre

ats

and

abus

e, la

ck o

f em

ploy

men

t co

ntra

ct•

Chi

ld la

bour

: lon

g w

ork,

ph

ysic

al h

aras

smen

t fo

r re

fusa

l to

com

ply,

oft

en

limit

ed p

hysi

cal m

obili

ty

(con

fisca

ted

pass

port

s,

mob

ile p

hone

s)

• In

tern

al m

igra

nts:

hig

hly

vuln

erab

le g

roup

, red

uced

ac

cess

to

soci

al s

ervi

ces

follo

win

g th

eir

mov

e (h

ealt

h, e

duca

tion

, etc

.),

undo

cum

ente

d, o

ften

wor

k in

info

rmal

sec

tors

• In

tern

atio

nal m

igra

nts:

of

ten

undo

cum

ente

d, h

ighl

y vu

lner

able

to

labo

ur a

buse

•

Sex

indu

stry

: adu

lts

and

child

ren

traf

ficke

d in

to

forc

ed s

exua

l exp

loit

atio

n (m

ainl

y fr

om n

eigh

bour

ing

coun

trie

s); f

orce

d m

arri

ages

of

fore

ign

wiv

es•

Vic

tim

s m

ay b

e pu

nish

ed

for

thei

r fo

rced

act

s

(e.g

. sex

ual w

ork)

, hen

ce

ofte

n do

not

see

k he

lp

• IL

O C

100,

111

, 138

, 182

•

For

ced

labo

ur is

a c

rim

inal

of

fens

e as

laid

out

by

sect

ion

244

in t

he C

hine

se

crim

inal

cod

e •

No

lega

l req

uire

men

t fo

r co

mpa

nies

to

publ

ish

case

s of

mod

ern

slav

ery

that

the

y ha

ve d

isco

vere

d in

the

ir

supp

ly c

hain

s

• L

ooph

oles

in le

gisl

atio

n to

be

clo

sed

to e

nabl

e be

tter

pr

otec

tion

of

wor

kers

•

Law

s to

be

effe

ctiv

ely

enfo

rced

• V

icti

m p

rote

ctio

n to

be

prof

ound

ly r

econ

side

red

and

deve

lope

d •

Tra

inin

gs fo

r bo

th s

tate

of

ficia

ls a

nd e

mpl

oyer

s ab

out

reco

gnit

ion

and

tack

ling

of m

oder

n sl

aver

y ca

ses

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Dom

inic

an R

epub

lic (4

) •

Mar

ket

econ

omy

wit

h re

lati

vely

str

ong

econ

omic

gr

owth

in t

he la

st y

ears

•

Stri

king

soc

ial i

nequ

alit

y,

extr

eme

pove

rty,

illit

erac

y,

unem

ploy

men

t, d

rug

use

• C

ount

ry is

hea

vily

inde

bted

• N

atur

al d

isas

ters

can

aff

ect

stab

ility

• R

ampa

nt c

orru

ptio

n

• R

ural

are

as: a

gric

ultu

re

(esp

. sug

ar, r

ice

and

coff

ee

prod

ucti

on)

• U

rban

are

as: c

onst

ruct

ion,

to

uris

m, d

omes

tic

serv

itud

e,

forc

ed b

eggi

ng, s

tree

t se

lling

, sex

wor

k

• D

elay

ed o

r no

npa

ymen

t of

w

ages

, man

dato

ry o

vert

ime,

bo

nded

labo

ur, d

ecep

tion

re

. wor

k co

ndit

ions

, ha

zard

ous

wor

king

co

ndit

ions

, exp

osur

e to

sun

an

d pe

stic

ides

• M

igra

nts,

mai

nly

from

H

aiti

and

Dom

inic

an–

Hai

tian

eth

nic

min

orit

y:

ofte

n un

docu

men

ted,

no

r

ight

s to

bas

ic s

ocia

l wel

fare

(e

duca

tion

for

thei

r ch

ildre

n, h

ealt

hcar

e)

prec

ario

us w

ork

and

life

cond

itio

ns, i

nsti

tuti

onal

ised

di

scri

min

atio

n ag

ains

t th

em•

Adu

lt a

nd c

hild

sex

tou

rism

th

rivi

ng

• F

orce

d m

arri

age

of c

hild

ren

• G

ende

red

viol

ence

hig

h•

Polic

e vi

olen

ce, e

sp. a

gain

st

LG

BT

Q

ILO

C02

9, 0

87, 0

98, 1

00, 1

05,

111,

138

, 182

, CR

C, C

RC

O

ptio

nal P

roto

cols

and

P

aler

mo

Pro

toco

l

• T

ackl

e w

ider

soc

ieta

l roo

t ca

uses

• St

reng

then

law

enf

orce

men

t•

End

sti

gmat

isat

ion

and

crim

inal

isat

ion

of s

ex w

ork

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Gha

na (5

) •

Mar

ket

econ

omy

wit

h ec

onom

ic c

halle

nges

(e

.g. h

igh

infla

tion

, hea

vy

inde

bted

ness

) bu

t w

ith

high

ra

te o

f co

mpe

titi

on; s

tate

st

ill m

ost

prom

inen

t em

ploy

er in

form

al

econ

omy

• W

ide

econ

omic

and

soc

ial

ineq

ualit

ies

• C

onsp

icuo

us g

eogr

aphi

c an

d re

ligio

us d

ivid

e (p

oor

Nor

th w

ith

a si

gnifi

cant

M

uslim

pop

ulat

ion,

mor

e af

fluen

t So

uth)

• R

ampa

nt c

orru

ptio

n

• G

old

min

ing

and

othe

r ill

egal

art

isan

al s

mal

lsc

ale

min

ing,

agr

icul

ture

(co

ca),

fis

hing

, oil

• C

hild

labo

ur a

lso

in

dom

esti

c la

bour

, por

tera

ge,

haw

king

, fish

ing

(esp

. Lak

e V

olta

)

• L

ong

stan

ding

str

uctu

ral

disc

rim

inat

ion

agai

nst

wom

en: w

idow

inhe

rita

nce,

fo

rced

mou

rnin

g pr

acti

ces

• C

hild

ren:

forc

ed c

hild

m

arri

age,

com

mer

cial

se

xual

exp

loit

atio

n,

espe

cial

ly o

f th

ose

who

m

igra

ted

to u

rban

are

as,

phys

ical

ly d

rain

ing

and

haza

rdou

s fo

rced

wor

k,

long

wor

king

hou

rs, o

ften

un

derg

roun

d an

d un

der

wat

er (

cons

tant

thr

eat

of

drow

ning

), e

xpos

ure

to

heal

th h

azar

dous

mat

eria

ls

(e.g

. mer

cury

), p

hysi

cal

abus

e, m

aybe

sex

ual a

buse

• E

xces

sive

use

of

forc

e by

po

lice

ILO

C02

9, 0

87, 0

98, 1

00, 1

05,

111,

138

, 182

, CR

C, C

RC

O

ptio

nal P

roto

cols

and

P

aler

mo

Pro

toco

l

• St

reng

then

law

enf

orce

m

ent,

als

o by

allo

cati

ng

suffi

cien

t re

sour

ces

for

trai

ning

and

labo

ur

insp

ecti

ons

• T

ackl

e co

rrup

tion

and

ad

min

istr

ativ

e in

erti

a

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Indi

a (6

) •

Mar

ket

econ

omy

wit

h st

rong

eco

nom

ic g

row

th•

Sign

ifica

nt in

com

e an

d liv

elih

ood

disp

arit

ies

betw

een

Indi

an s

tate

s •

Lon

gst

andi

ng s

ocia

l and

ec

onom

ic d

iscr

imin

atio

n ag

ains

t im

port

ant

grou

ps o

f th

e po

pula

tion

(Sc

hedu

led

Cas

tes,

Sch

edul

es T

ribe

s an

d D

alit

s, w

omen

)

Man

ly in

info

rmal

ec

onom

ies

in

agri

cult

ure,

fore

stry

, fis

hing

, min

ing

(e

.g. g

rani

te, s

ands

tone

),

man

ufac

turi

ng

(e.g

. bri

ck k

ilns)

, co

nstr

ucti

on a

nd

serv

ices

(e.

g. s

ex

wor

k). I

n T

amil

N

adu:

spi

nnin

g m

ills

•

ILO

C02

9, 1

00, 1

05,

111,

138

, 182

, CR

C,

CR

C O

ptio

nal P

roto

cols

an

d P

aler

mo

Pro

toco

l•

Indi

a’s

Pen

al C

ode

crim

inal

ised

mos

t fo

rms

of m

oder

n sl

aver

y, i.

e.

traf

ficki

ng, s

lave

ry,

forc

ed la

bour

, and

chi

ld

sexu

al e

xplo

itat

ion

(for

ced

mar

riag

e is

ra

rely

cri

min

alis

ed)

• N

o le

gal r

equi

rem

ent

for

com

pani

es t

o pu

blis

h ca

ses

of m

oder

n sl

aver

y th

at t

hey

have

dis

cov

ered

in t

heir

sup

ply

chai

ns

• Im

plem

ent

gove

rnm

ent

polic

ies

to e

nd m

oder

n sl

aver

y •

Stre

ngth

en v

icti

m r

escu

e an

d re

inte

grat

ion

• St

reng

then

acc

ount

abili

ty

of b

usin

esse

s•

Gov

ernm

ent

to c

ondu

ct

com

puls

ory

labo

ur d

ue

dilig

ence

s in

hig

hri

sk

sect

ors,

incl

udin

g in

the

in

form

al e

cono

my

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re

abus

e m

ay o

ccur

R

elev

ant

legi

slat

ion

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.

• In

tern

al m

igra

nts:

mig

rati

on d

ue to

lack

of

live

lihoo

d an

d em

ploy

men

t, la

ck o

f ID

doc

umen

tati

on, r

estr

icte

d ac

cess

to

soci

al s

ervi

ces,

cul

tura

l and

ling

uist

ic

diff

eren

ces,

lack

of

soci

al n

etw

orks

m

ake

them

vul

nera

ble

• H

igh

num

ber

of in

tern

atio

nal m

igra

nts:

si

mila

r vu

lner

abili

ties

that

inte

rnal

m

igra

nts

expe

rien

ce•

Bon

ded

labo

ur: h

igh

inte

rest

loan

s,

(som

etim

es fo

rced

) wag

e ad

vanc

es,

som

etim

es li

fel

ong

bond

ed la

bour

, tr

ansf

er o

f de

bt o

nto

child

ren,

oft

en

linke

d to

forc

ed s

exua

l exp

loit

atio

n; th

is

appl

ies

to T

amil

Nad

u’s

spin

ning

mill

s:

expl

oita

tive

labo

ur c

ondi

tion

s, lo

ng

wor

king

hou

rs, r

estr

icte

d ph

ysic

al m

obili

ty

(con

fisca

tion

of m

obile

pho

nes)

, del

ayed

pa

ymen

t with

yea

rs o

f a

lum

p su

m•

Dom

esti

c w

ork:

oft

en b

y in

tern

al

mig

rant

s, h

igh

vuln

erab

ility

• Tr

affic

king

and

forc

ed s

ex la

bour

: ad

ults

and

chi

ldre

n •

Forc

ed m

arri

age

wit

hin

Indi

a: o

ften

at a

yo

ung

age,

pro

ne to

dom

esti

c se

rvit

ude

and

phys

ical

, sex

ual a

nd e

mot

iona

l ex

ploi

tati

on•

Org

an h

arve

stin

g•

Exp

loit

atio

n of

chi

ldre

n in

arm

ed

confl

ict

• W

omen

, esp

. fro

m m

argi

nalis

ed o

r ec

onom

ical

ly b

ackw

ard

grou

ps

Nat

ure

of a

buse


Indo

nesi

a (7

) •

Maj

or e

mer

ging

eco

nom

y w

ith

conf

usin

gly

mix

ed

prot

ecti

onis

t an

d pr

om

ar

ket

mea

sure

s•

Vol

atile

dem

ocra

cy a

nd

econ

omy

• In

form

al s

ecto

r ve

ry

sign

ifica

nt•

De

cent

ralis

ed w

ay o

f go

vern

ing

• R

ampa

nt c

orru

ptio

n•

Eth

nica

lly, l

ingu

isti

cally

and

so

cio

econ

omic

ally

hig

hly

dive

rse

popu

lati

on

Pri

mar

ily a

gric

ultu

re

(e.g

. pal

m o

il) a

nd fi

shin

g •

For

ced

labo

ur a

nd h

uman

tr

affic

king

in t

he fi

sher

ies

sect

or: a

t se

a an

d in

sho

re;

thos

e w

orki

ng a

t se

a: s

ever

e re

stri

ctio

n on

phy

sica

l m

obili

ty (

ofte

n fo

r ye

ars)

, of

ten

undo

cum

ente

d,

extr

eme

labo

ur e

xplo

itat

ion

wit

h lo

ng w

orki

ng h

ours

, w

ithh

oldi

ng o

f w

ages

, se

vere

phy

sica

l and

ps

ycho

logi

cal a

buse

, uns

afe

and

unhy

gien

ic w

orki

ng a

nd

dwel

ling

cond

itio

ns,

seri

ousl

y re

stri

cted

food

and

w

ater

pro

visi

on, p

arti

cula

rly

hars

h en

viro

nmen

tal

cond

itio

ns, l

ack

of m

eans

of

com

mun

icat

ion

wit

h fa

mily

(co

nfisc

atio

n of

m

obile

pho

ne)

and

wit

h cr

ew d

ue t

o lin

guis

tic

barr

iers

• L

abou

r m

igra

nts

from

ne

ighb

ouri

ng c

ount

ries

in

high

num

bers

und

er fo

rced

la

bour

con

diti

ons,

hig

h vu

lner

abili

ty•

Chi

ld la

bour

als

o ra

mpa

nt

ILO

C02

9, 0

87, 0

98, 1

00, 1

05,

111,

138

, 182

, CR

C, C

RC

O

ptio

nal P

roto

cols

and

P

aler

mo

Pro

toco

l

• T

ackl

e w

ider

soc

ieta

l roo

t ca

uses

• D

evel

op a

nd s

tren

gthe

n la

bour

reg

ulat

ions

• St

reng

then

law

enf

orce

men

t in

a d

ecen

tral

ised

gov

erni

ng

envi

ronm

ent

• A

ddre

ss c

orru

ptio

n•

Incr

ease

tra

ceab

ility

m

onit

orin

g an

d po

licin

g at

se

a

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n Po

tent

ial a

rea

of a

ctio

n

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Jam

aica

(8)

• P

atro

nage

bas

ed t

wo

part

y de

moc

racy

(cl

ient

elis

tic

rela

tion

ship

s be

twee

n pa

rtie

s an

d ci

tize

ns)

• Sm

all a

nd u

nsta

ble

mar

ket

econ

omy,

wit

h im

port

ant

tour

ism

indu

stry

• R

ampa

nt c

orru

ptio

n an

d vi

olen

t cr

ime

• St

rong

pre

senc

e of

or

gani

sed

crim

inal

gan

gs

• L

arge

info

rmal

sec

tor

• H

igh

rate

s of

pov

erty

Tour

ism

(se

x tr

affic

king

),

forc

ed b

eggi

ng, d

omes

tic

serv

itud

e, fo

rced

cri

min

al

acti

vity

, fish

ing

• C

hild

and

adu

lt s

ex t

ouri

sm

in fo

rmal

(e.

g. h

otel

s) a

nd

info

rmal

(e.

g. n

ight

club

s,

stre

et)

sett

ings

: sex

ual a

nd

phys

ical

vio

lenc

e, e

xtor

tion

, ro

bber

y, la

ck o

f ch

ance

s of

ph

ysic

al m

obili

ty; h

owev

er,

entr

y in

to s

ex w

ork

is o

ften

‘v

olun

tary

’, do

ne m

ainl

y to

ec

onom

ic p

ress

ures

•

Hig

hri

sk g

roup

s: p

oor

youn

g w

omen

, chi

ld v

icti

ms

of s

exua

l abu

se, t

hose

livi

ng

in a

reas

con

trol

led

by

‘don

s’, (

undo

cum

ente

d)

mig

rant

s, in

form

al s

ecto

r w

orke

rs•

Reg

ardi

ng o

ther

typ

es o

f w

ork

linke

d to

the

tou

rism

in

dust

ry: l

ow, d

elay

ed o

r no

pa

y at

all,

labo

ur r

egul

ati

ons

circ

umve

nted

by

empl

oyer

s, p

reve

ntin

g ba

sic

stab

ility

in li

fe•

Tour

ism

indu

stry

rem

inis

ce

nt o

f cl

assi

cal s

lave

ry

heri

tage

: whi

te ‘r

ich’

cu

stom

ers

serv

ed b

y bl

ack

loca

ls

ILO

C02

9, 0

87, 0

98, 1

00, 1

05,

111,

138

, 182

, CR

C, C

RC

O

ptio

nal P

roto

cols

and

P

aler

mo

Pro

toco

l

• T

ackl

e w

ider

soc

ieta

l roo

t ca

uses

• St

reng

then

law

enf

orce

men

t•

Stre

ngth

en v

icti

m

iden

tific

atio

n an

d pr

otec

tion

• P

rovi

de t

rain

ing

to o

ffici

als

on h

uman

tra

ffick

ing

and

forc

ed la

bour

and

aw

aren

ess

rais

ing

to p

ublic

• E

nd s

tigm

atis

atio

n an

d cr

imin

alis

atio

n of

sex

wor

k•

Dec

rim

inal

ise

hom

osex

ualit

y

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Mal

aysi

a (9

) •

Hyb

rid

or m

oder

ate

auth

orit

aria

nism

wit

h un

conv

inci

ng t

rans

form

at

ion

into

dem

ocra

cy•

At

the

sam

e ti

me

stab

le

mar

ket

base

d ec

onom

y•

Soci

ocu

ltur

al o

bsta

cles

, et

hnic

– re

ligio

us c

onfli

cts

root

ed in

inst

itut

iona

lised

di

scri

min

atio

n ag

ains

t no

net

hnic

Mal

ay

popu

lati

on (

mai

n et

hnic

m

inor

itie

s: C

hine

se a

nd

Indi

an)

• H

eavy

rel

ianc

e on

mig

rant

w

orke

rs m

ainl

y fr

om

neig

hbou

ring

cou

ntri

es

• R

ural

/at

sea:

agr

icul

ture

, pl

anta

tion

, for

estr

y, fi

shin

g,

man

ufac

turi

ng

(e.g

. ele

ctro

nics

, rub

ber

glov

es)

• U

rban

: con

stru

ctio

n,

tour

ism

(co

mm

erci

al s

exua

l ex

ploi

tati

on),

food

ser

vice

• M

igra

nt w

orke

rs: m

ore

prev

alen

t in

rur

al a

reas

, are

le

sser

edu

cate

d, t

hus

empl

oyed

in lo

wer

ski

lled

jobs

; the

y ex

peri

ence

forc

ed

labo

ur, f

orce

d ov

erti

me,

de

bt b

onda

ge, w

ithh

eld

wag

es, u

nsaf

e w

orki

ng a

nd

acco

mm

odat

ion

cond

itio

ns,

pass

port

con

fisca

tion

, un

docu

men

ted

wit

h de

port

atio

n th

reat

s, p

hysi

cal

and

soci

al is

olat

ion,

ph

ysic

al a

nd v

erba

l abu

se•

Sign

ifica

nt n

umbe

r of

fo

reig

n an

d a

smal

ler

num

ber

of lo

cal w

omen

and

ch

ildre

n tr

affic

ked

and

forc

ed in

to c

omm

erci

al

sexu

al a

ctiv

itie

s•

Syst

emic

dis

crim

inat

ion

agai

nst

wom

en, e

thni

c m

inor

itie

s, a

nd L

GB

TQ

ILO

C02

9, 0

98, 1

00, 1

05, 1

11,

138,

182

. Den

ounc

ed C

105

•

Stre

ngth

en e

ffor

ts a

gain

st

hum

an t

raffi

ckin

g•

Bet

ter

prot

ect

(oft

en

undo

cum

ente

d) m

igra

nts

both

in fo

rmal

and

info

rmal

se

ctor

s•

Ado

pt p

olic

ies

to t

ackl

e et

hnic

and

gen

der

disc

rim

inat

ion

• R

aise

aw

aren

ess

of m

oder

n sl

aver

y am

ong

wor

kers

; pr

ovid

e m

ore

prot

ecti

on fo

r vi

ctim

s.

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Mex

ico

(10)

•

For

mal

ly d

emoc

racy

wit

h cl

ient

elis

m (

‘par

ticr

acy’

)•

Lib

eral

eco

nom

y w

ith

mon

opol

ies

and

olig

opol

ies

mai

nly

in t

he e

nerg

y,

tele

com

mun

icat

ions

, ce

men

t, e

lect

roni

c m

edia

an

d re

tail

sect

ors

• V

ery

sign

ifica

nt in

form

al

sect

or•

Ram

pant

cor

rupt

ion

• Po

wer

ful o

rgan

ised

cri

min

al

gang

s th

at f

requ

entl

y co

ntro

l pol

itic

s as

wel

l•

Gen

eral

impu

nity

for

hum

an r

ight

s ab

uses

• R

ural

: agr

icul

ture

(e

.g. o

nion

, cuc

umbe

r,

chill

i pep

per,

coff

ee,

suga

r, to

bacc

o), m

inin

g,

food

pro

cess

ing

• U

rban

: man

ufac

turi

ng,

cons

truc

tion

, tou

rism

, do

mes

tic

serv

itud

e, c

hild

ca

re, f

orce

d be

ggin

g, s

tree

t ve

ndin

g•

Pre

vale

nt in

the

info

rmal

se

ctor

• P

arti

cula

rly

vuln

erab

le t

o fo

rced

labo

ur: w

omen

, ch

ildre

n, in

dige

nous

pe

rson

s, p

erso

ns w

ith

men

tal a

nd p

hysi

cal

disa

bilit

ies,

LG

BT

I, a

nd

mig

rant

s; e

xtre

mel

y lo

w

wag

es, o

ften

bon

ded

labo

ur,

rest

rict

ed p

hysi

cal m

obili

ty,

inhu

man

wor

king

co

ndit

ions

•

For

ced

crim

inal

ity

by

orga

nise

d cr

imin

al g

roup

s:

peop

le fo

rced

to

act

as

assa

ssin

s, lo

okou

ts, a

nd

wor

k in

the

dru

gs b

usin

ess

• C

hild

ren:

com

mer

cial

se

xual

exp

loit

atio

n,

espe

cial

ly in

hol

iday

res

ort

tow

ns•

Sexu

al a

buse

and

ext

rem

e vi

olen

ce a

lso

in g

over

nmen

t in

stit

utio

ns fo

r th

e di

sabl

ed,

drug

reh

abili

tati

on c

entr

es

and

wom

en’s

shel

ters

ILO

C02

9, 0

87, 0

98 (

will

ent

er

into

forc

e on

23

Nov

embe

r 20

19),

100

, 105

, 111

, 138

, 182

• St

reng

then

labo

ur la

w

(inc

ludi

ng c

hild

labo

ur)

enfo

rcem

ent,

inve

stig

atio

n an

d pr

osec

utio

n at

sm

alle

r en

terp

rise

s, in

the

agr

icul

tu

ral a

nd c

onst

ruct

ion

sect

ors

and

in g

ener

al in

the

in

form

al e

cono

my

• In

crea

se id

enti

ficat

ion

of

and

prov

ide

serv

ices

for

vict

ims

• A

lloca

te m

ore

fund

s fo

r th

e ab

ove

• C

omba

t co

rrup

tion

and

of

ficia

l com

plic

ity

• C

omba

t or

gani

sed

crim

inal

gr

oups

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Mya

nmar

(11)

•

Sem

ide

moc

rati

c re

gim

e w

ith

stro

ng m

ilita

ry p

ower

•

Fas

tgr

owin

g ‘p

reda

tory

’ m

arke

t ec

onom

y (l

owc

ost,

lo

wv

alue

add

ed, a

nd

larg

evo

lum

e su

pplie

s w

ith

shor

ter

lead

tim

es)

wit

h pr

oduc

tion

of

garm

ents

as

a ke

y ec

onom

ic a

ctiv

ity

• O

ffici

al c

ompl

icit

y an

d co

erci

on in

to fo

rced

labo

ur

of c

ivili

ans

• E

xtre

me

unde

rnut

riti

on

• St

ate

and

ethn

ic a

rmed

fo

rces

, pre

ciou

s st

one

min

ing

(e.g

. jad

e),

agri

cult

ure

(pal

m o

il,

rubb

er),

rip

aria

n fis

hing

, se

x tr

affic

king

, dom

esti

c se

rvit

ude

• C

hild

ren:

sta

te a

nd e

thni

c ar

med

forc

es, s

ex t

raffi

ck

ing,

forc

ed la

bour

in

teas

hops

, sm

all b

usin

esse

s,

agri

cult

ure,

con

stru

ctio

n,

begg

ing,

dom

esti

c se

rvit

ude

• C

ivili

ans

(mos

tly

men

) co

erce

d by

offi

cial

s, s

tate

ar

med

forc

es in

to fo

rced

la

bour

of

any

type

: cl

eani

ng, c

ooki

ng, p

ublic

in

fras

truc

ture

, als

o th

roug

h so

cal

led

‘sel

fre

lianc

e’

polic

y: p

eopl

e fo

rced

to

prov

ide

for

thei

r ow

n fo

od

and

labo

ur f

rom

nea

rby

com

mun

itie

s•

Ram

pant

labo

ur e

xplo

it

atio

n: lo

w p

ay, l

ow

unio

nisa

tion

, exc

essi

ve

over

tim

e, d

ire

wor

king

co

ndit

ions

esp

. in

smal

ler

fact

orie

s•

Chi

ld s

oldi

er r

ecru

itm

ent

and

use,

inti

mid

atio

n,

phys

ical

thr

eats

and

abu

ses,

ar

bitr

ary

taxa

tion

, pr

osec

utio

n an

d de

fam

atio

n w

hen

dese

rtin

g•

For

ced

conc

ubin

ism

, es

peci

ally

fro

m e

thni

c m

inor

itie

s, o

ften

to

fore

ign

men

• A

buse

of

wor

ker’s

dru

g (m

ainl

y op

iate

) ad

dict

ion

• H

igh

risk

gro

ups:

eth

nic

grou

ps, o

ften

inte

rnal

ly

disp

lace

d an

d st

atel

ess

(Roh

ingy

a, e

tc.)

ILO

C02

9, 0

87, 1

82, C

RC

, C

RC

Opt

iona

l Pro

toco

l (C

RC

AC

) an

d P

aler

mo

Pro

toco

l

• E

nhan

ce g

over

nanc

e an

d la

w e

nfor

cem

ent

in r

elat

ion

to fo

rced

labo

ur

• C

omba

t co

rrup

tion

and

of

ficia

l com

plic

ity

• St

op o

ffici

al im

plic

atio

n in

co

erci

ng c

ivili

ans

to a

ny

type

s of

forc

ed la

bour

• St

op r

ecru

itin

g an

d us

ing

child

ren

in a

rmed

forc

es,

and

late

r pu

nish

ing

for

thei

r ac

tivi

ties

don

e in

forc

ed

labo

ur

• E

nhan

ce p

rose

cuti

on a

nd

conv

icti

on o

f pe

rpet

rato

rs

• St

reng

then

vic

tim

id

enti

ficat

ion

and

prot

ecti

on•

Allo

cate

fun

ding

for

the

abov

e

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Nep

al (1

2)

• T

rans

itio

n fr

om m

onar

chy

to f

eder

al d

emoc

rati

c re

publ

ic•

Fra

gile

law

and

gov

erna

nce,

w

eak

infr

astr

uctu

re•

Polit

ical

inst

abili

ty•

Offi

cial

com

plic

ity

in

mod

ern

slav

ery

• O

ne o

f th

e w

orld

’s po

ores

t co

untr

ies

• N

atur

al d

isas

ter

zone

(e

.g. 2

015

deva

stat

ing

eart

hqua

ke)

• R

ural

: agr

icul

ture

, bri

ck

kiln

s, m

ines

• U

rban

: con

stru

ctio

n,

fact

orie

s, d

omes

tic

wor

k,

sex

wor

k, b

eggi

ng, a

dult

en

tert

ainm

ent

indu

stry

.•

Chi

ld la

bour

: agr

icul

ture

, br

ick

kiln

s, s

tone

bre

akin

g,

dom

esti

c se

rvit

ude,

em

broi

dere

d te

xtile

and

ca

rpet

indu

stry

, for

ced

begg

ing,

rec

yclin

g,

tran

spor

tati

on, e

nter

tain

m

ent

sect

ors

• P

reva

lenc

e of

bon

ded

labo

ur (

esp.

re.

tho

se

wor

king

in G

ulf

coun

trie

s)•

Wom

en: e

arly

and

forc

ed

mar

riag

es, a

rran

ged

mar

riag

es w

ith

Chi

nese

and

So

uth

Kor

ean

men

. E

xper

ienc

e fr

eque

ntly

do

mes

tic

viol

ence

, dom

esti

c se

rvit

ude,

hig

hly

rest

rict

ed

phys

ical

mob

ility

, dow

ryr

ela

ted

viol

ence

•

Chi

ldre

n: s

ex t

raffi

ckin

g an

d se

xual

exp

loit

atio

n of

ch

ildre

n in

dan

ce b

ars,

m

assa

ge p

arlo

urs,

cab

in

rest

aura

nts;

in o

ther

sec

tors

, lo

ng w

orki

ng h

ours

, un

heal

thy

envi

ronm

ents

ca

usin

g he

alth

pro

blem

s,

carr

ying

hea

vy lo

ads

• So

cio

econ

omic

and

lega

l di

scri

min

atio

n ag

ains

t w

omen

, mem

bers

of

cert

ain

ethn

ic g

roup

s, u

ntou

chab

les

• In

tern

ally

dis

plac

ed a

fter

20

15 e

arth

quak

e pa

rtic

ula

rly

vuln

erab

le

ILO

C02

9, 0

98, 1

00, 1

05, 1

11,

138,

182

, CR

C, C

RC

Opt

iona

l P

roto

cols

• St

reng

then

gov

erna

nce

• E

nabl

e w

omen

to

mig

rate

th

roug

h of

ficia

l cha

nnel

s to

pr

even

t ill

egal

mig

rati

on

and

subs

eque

nt

vuln

erab

ility

• C

omba

t co

rrup

tion

and

of

ficia

l com

plic

ity

in fo

rced

la

bour

.•

Incr

ease

vic

tim

iden

tific

ati

on, d

est

igm

atiz

atio

n of

vi

ctim

s, a

nd m

ale

vict

im

prot

ecti

on b

oth

in N

epal

an

d ab

road

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Per

u (1

3)

• E

mer

ging

dem

ocra

cy w

ith

stro

ng p

ower

s of

the

ex

ecut

ive

• M

arke

tba

sed

econ

omy

• O

ffici

al c

ompl

icit

y in

m

oder

n sl

aver

y•

Ver

y si

gnifi

cant

info

rmal

se

ctor

• Im

port

ant

guer

rilla

gro

up

acti

viti

es, n

atio

nal s

ecur

ity

conc

erns

•

Wor

ld’s

prim

e pr

oduc

er o

f co

cain

e •

Ris

k of

nat

ural

dis

aste

rs

(e.g

. floo

ding

)

• R

ural

: agr

icul

ture

(c

oca–

coca

ine)

, log

ging

, le

gal a

nd il

lega

l gol

d m

inin

g (a

nd r

elat

ed s

ervi

ces)

, bri

ck

mak

ing

(ille

gal)

, fac

tori

es,

sex

wor

k •

Urb

an: f

orce

d be

ggin

g,

stre

et v

endi

ng, d

omes

tic

serv

ice,

sex

wor

k

• H

igh

risk

gro

ups:

indi

ge

nous

peo

ple,

wom

en,

rura

l poo

r, L

GB

TI,

po

pula

tion

livi

ng c

lose

to

illeg

al m

inin

g si

tes

and

rece

nt V

enez

uela

n m

igra

nts

• In

min

ing

sect

or: e

.g. f

orce

d la

bour

, mis

lead

ing

recr

uitm

ent

prac

tice

s, d

ebt

bond

age,

res

tric

ted

phys

ical

m

obili

ty, n

o or

late

pay

men

t of

wag

es, t

hrea

ts a

nd u

se o

f ph

ysic

al v

iole

nce

• Se

x tr

affic

king

and

sex

w

ork:

adu

lts

and

child

ren

affe

cted

, rec

ruit

men

t th

roug

h fa

lse

offe

rs, b

onde

d la

bour

, res

tric

ted

phys

ical

m

obili

ty (

if c

lose

to

min

ing

site

s: in

rem

ote

area

s).

• C

hild

ren:

sex

wor

k, fo

rced

cr

imin

al a

ctiv

itie

s su

ch a

s dr

ugr

elat

ed (

prod

ucti

on

and

tran

spor

tati

on o

f co

cain

e) o

r te

rror

ism

re

late

d, fo

rced

beg

ging

and

st

reet

sel

ling

ILO

C02

9, 0

87, 0

98, 1

00, 1

05,

111,

138

, 182

, CR

C, C

RC

O

ptio

nal P

roto

cols

and

P

aler

mo

Pro

toco

• St

reng

hten

law

enf

orce

men

t an

d cr

ime

pros

ecut

ion

• In

crea

se c

omm

unic

atio

n an

d co

oper

atio

n w

ithi

n th

e ex

ecut

ive

at d

iffer

ent

leve

ls

of g

over

nanc

e —

reg

iona

l an

d na

tion

al

• C

omba

t co

rrup

tion

and

of

ficia

l com

plic

ity

• St

reng

then

vic

tim

id

enti

ficat

ion,

pro

tect

ion

and

soci

al r

eint

egra

tion

•

Allo

cate

mor

e fu

nds

to

com

bat

mod

ern

slav

ery

• P

rovi

de t

rain

ings

to

offic

ials

de

alin

g w

ith

mod

ern

slav

ery

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Vie

tnam

(14)

•

One

par

ty c

omm

unis

t di

ctat

orsh

ip•

Fas

tgr

owin

g an

d in

crea

sin

gly

mar

ket

orie

nted

ec

onom

y•

Mix

ed e

cono

my:

sta

te

mon

opol

ies

(sti

ll in

m

ajor

ity)

, pri

vate

ent

er

pris

es a

nd jo

int

stoc

k•

Lar

ge in

form

al s

ecto

r•

Stat

e im

plic

ated

in fo

rced

la

bour

: e.g

. in

drug

re

habi

litat

ion

cent

res;

als

o,

offic

ial c

ompl

icit

y in

m

oder

n sl

aver

y•

Ram

pant

cor

rupt

ion

• St

ate

drug

reh

abili

tati

on

cent

res:

forc

ed la

bour

• R

ural

: pri

vate

gol

d m

ines

• U

rban

: for

ced

stre

et

haw

king

and

beg

ging

, in

form

al g

arm

ent

and

bric

k fa

ctor

ies,

dom

esti

c se

rvit

ude,

tou

rism

(se

x w

ork)

• H

igh

risk

gro

ups:

und

ocu

men

ted

mig

rant

s, e

thni

c m

inor

itie

s (e

sp. i

n ru

ral a

nd

mou

ntai

nous

are

as),

di

sabl

ed, a

nd w

omen

•

Wor

king

abr

oad:

deb

t bo

ndag

e (e

xces

sive

re

crui

tmen

t fe

es fo

r fo

reig

n w

ork)

, pas

spor

t co

nfisc

ati

on, t

hrea

t of

dep

orta

tion

of

the

und

ocum

ente

d;

arra

nged

inte

rnat

iona

l m

arri

ages

or

wor

k in

fo

reig

n re

stau

rant

s, m

assa

ge

parl

ours

and

kar

aoke

bar

s:

dom

esti

c se

rvit

ude,

forc

ed

sexu

al w

ork

• Se

x tr

affic

king

: bot

h w

omen

an

d ch

ildre

n, d

ecei

tful

em

ploy

men

t ch

ance

s su

ch

as s

ellin

g th

em t

o br

othe

ls

on t

he b

orde

rs•

Org

an h

arve

stin

g•

Gir

ls: b

ride

kid

napp

ing

in

rura

l are

as

ILO

C02

9, 0

98, 1

00, 1

05, 1

11,

138,

182

• St

reng

then

inte

rage

ncy

coor

dina

tion

wit

hin

the

exec

utiv

e •

Impr

ove

forc

ed la

bour

and

vi

ctim

iden

tific

atio

n an

d pr

osec

utio

n •

Com

bat

offic

ial c

ompl

icit

y •

Pro

visi

on o

f tr

aini

ng t

o of

ficia

ls o

n ta

cklin

g fo

rced

la

bour

• A

war

enes

s ra

isin

g am

ong

the

popu

lati

on

Eco

nom

ic a

nd p

olit

ical

sy

stem

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Indu

stry

whe

re a

buse

may

oc

cur

Nat

ure

of a

buse

Rel

evan

t le

gisl

atio

n

Pote

ntia

l are

a of

act

ion

App

endi

x 1.

Con

tinu

ed.


Sour

ce o

f da

ta:

1:

Ban

glad

esh:

Vau

ghn

et a

l. (2

019)

; htt

ps://

ww

w.b

bc.c

o.uk

/new

s/w

orld

sou

tha

sia

1265

0940

; htt

ps://

ww

w.b

tip

roje

ct.o

rg/fi

lead

min

/file

s/B

TI/

Dow

nloa

ds/R

epor

ts/2

018/

pdf/

BT

I_20

18_B

angl

ades

h.pd

f; h

ttps

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ww

.sta

te.g

ov/d

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ents

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aniz

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n/28

2800

.pdf

2:

Bra

zil:

Glo

bal S

lave

ry I

ndex

. C

ount

ry S

tudi

es: B

razi

l: ht

tps:

//ww

w.g

loba

lsla

very

inde

x.or

g/20

18/fi

ndin

gs/c

ount

rys

tudi

es/b

razi

l/

3: C

hina

: Glo

bal S

lave

ry I

ndex

. Cou

ntry

Stu

dies

: Chi

na. h

ttps

://w

ww

.glo

bals

lave

ryin

dex.

org/

2018

/find

ings

/cou

ntry

stu

dies

/chi

na/

4:

Dom

inic

an R

epub

lic: h

ttps

://w

ww

.fre

ethe

slav

es.n

et/w

here

we

wor

k/do

min

ican

rep

ublic

/; ht

tps:

//ww

w.f

reed

omun

ited

.org

/new

s/se

xtr

affic

king

dom

inic

anr

epub

lic/;

http

s://

ww

w.o

pend

emoc

racy

.net

/bey

onds

lave

ry/r

al

zecc

aca

stel

/ext

orte

dan

dex

ploi

ted

hait

ian

labo

urer

son

dom

inic

ans

ugar

pla

ntat

i; ht

tps:

//ww

w.r

eute

rs.c

om/a

rtic

le/u

sdo

min

ica

nse

xcri

mes

/chi

lds

ext

ouri

sts

dod

irty

bus

ines

sw

ith

impu

nity

in

dom

inic

anr

epub

lici

dUSK

BN

1972

7B; h

ttps

://w

ww

.wor

ldba

nk.o

rg/e

n/co

untr

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min

ican

repu

blic

/ove

rvie

w;

http

s://w

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.bti

pro

ject

.org

/file

adm

in/fi

les/

BT

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oads

/Rep

orts

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f/B

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2018

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inic

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epub

lic.p

df; h

ttps

://w

ww

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te.g

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ents

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aniz

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n/27

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.pd

f.

5: G

hana

: htt

ps://

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w.b

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ct.o

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Dow

nloa

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epor

ts/2

018/

pdf/

BT

I_20

18_G

hana

.pdf

; htt

ps://

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tate

.gov

/doc

umen

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rgan

izat

ion/

2772

49.p

df h

ttps

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ww

.dol

.gov

/sit

es/d

efau

lt/fi

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docu

men

ts/il

ab/C

hild

Lab

orR

epor

t.pd

f

6: I

ndia

: Gob

al S

lave

ry I

ndex

. Cou

ntry

Stu

dies

: Ind

ia. h

ttps

://w

ww

.glo

bals

lave

ryin

dex.

org/

2018

/find

ings

/cou

ntry

stu

dies

/indi

a/

7: I

ndon

esia

: htt

ps://

ww

w.b

bc.c

o.uk

/new

s/w

orld

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apa

cific

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ttps

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orts

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et

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