The Mild Torture Economy, London Review of Books

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    The last few years havent been the

    best for the business of medical re-

    search. There was the Sanofi-Aventis

    researcher in California who was arrested

    waving a loaded handgun; police found apackage of cocaine stuffed in his under-

    wear. There was the psychiatric researcher

    in Oklahoma City whose medical licence was

    suspended after he infected two patients

    with genital herpes, and who was invest-

    igated by the FDA after he barred a re-

    search subject from leaving his clinical trial

    facility. In Miami, investigative reporters

    for Bloomberg Markets magazine discovered

    that a contract research organisation called

    SFBC International was testing drugs on

    undocumented immigrants in a rundown

    motel; since that report, the motel has been

    demolished for fire and safety violations.

    Several pharmaceutical companies have been

    caught up in controversial cases of suicide,

    such as that of Dan Markingson, a youngman who stabbed himself to death while

    taking Seroquel in an AstraZeneca trial at

    the University of Minnesota, and Traci John-

    son, who hanged herself in a study of Cym-

    balta at the Eli Lilly trial site in Indianapolis.

    Britain had its own disaster at Northwick

    Park Hospital in north-west London, where

    six healthy subjects nearly died in a first in

    man study of a monoclonal antibody. And

    Pfizer has spent longer than a decade deal-

    ing with the fallout of a study in Kano,

    Nigeria, in which 11 children died during a

    The Mild Torture EconomyCarl ElliottMedical Research for Hire:

    The Political Economy of Pharmaceutical Clinical Trials

    by Jill Fisher.

    Rutgers, 257 pp., 23.50, January 2009, 978 0 8135 4410 6

    When Experiments Travel:

    Clinical Trials and the Global Search for Human Subjects

    by Adriana Petryna.Princeton, 258 pp., 18.95, June 2009, 978 0 691 12657 9

    The Professional Guinea Pig:

    Big Pharma and the Risky World of Human Subjects

    by Roberto Abadie.

    Duke, 184 pp., 15.99, October, 978 0 8223 4823 8

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    meningitis trial allegedly rigged to show

    that the antibiotic Trovan was superior to a

    competitors drug. The Trovan case has

    wound its way through various courts for

    years, generating millions of dollars in

    damages and a stubborn public relations

    problem for Pfizer.

    It is time for a rebranding campaign,

    according to the Center for Information and

    Study on Clinical Research Participation.

    CISCRP is a non-profit group funded by

    pharmaceutical companies, academic health

    centres and contract research organisations.

    According to CISCRP, the public image of

    the pharmaceutical industry ranks along-side that of used-car dealerships and tob-

    acco companies, and too often the media

    portray pharmaceutical research as decept-

    ive and evil. So CISCRP has launched a new

    public relations initiative, called Medical

    heroes can be found in everyday places.

    Funded by the pharmaceutical company Eli

    Lilly and orchestrated by Ogilvy Health-

    world, the purpose of the initiative is to

    transform the image of the clinical trial vol-

    unteer from guinea pig to medical hero.

    CISCRP has produced a slick public serviceannouncement; it is sponsoring clinical re-

    search education days all over America; and

    it is distributing posters, DVDs and shiny

    Medical Hero badges to research subjects.

    Apparently the strategy is working: subject

    recruitment is up in areas where the cam-

    paign has run. Even bioethicists are pitch-

    ing in. A team from the Department of Clin-

    ical Bioethics at the National Institutes of

    Health recently argued in the Journal of the

    American Medical Association that signing up

    for clinical trials is a prima facie moral duty

    owed by every citizen.

    Over the past twenty years or so, without

    much fanfare, clinical research has under-

    gone a remarkable free-market conversion.

    Until the early 1990s, most pharmaceutical

    research on human subjects was conducted

    by physicians in universities and teaching

    hospitals. (The FDA, which must approve

    drugs before they can be marketed, doesnt

    conduct clinical trials itself.) However,

    pharmaceutical companies have been in

    search of cheaper, more efficient venues

    and today about 70 per cent of clinical trials

    take place in the private sector, often in

    the offices of private physicians or at de-dicated sites. Clinical research has become

    a multibillion-dollar global industry, spawn-

    ing spin-off businesses that barely exist-

    ed 25 years ago, from patient recruitment

    firms and medical communication agencies

    to for-profit research ethics boards. The

    most important new players are contract

    research organisations (CROs) such as Par-

    exel, Quintiles, PPD and Covance, which

    have built themselves into corporate giants

    by taking up the management of clinical

    trials. The research that many of us usedto imagine as a humanitarian enterprise,

    carried out by selfless scientists and fund-

    ed by Pink Ribbon campaigns and Race

    for the Cure marathons, is actually a thor-

    oughly Taylorised corporate system, out-

    sourced and streamlined for maximum

    efficiency.

    It is striking just how little is known

    about the new clinical trials industry. Partly

    this is because it is so widely dispersed.

    Back in the old days, if you worked in a

    medical school or teaching hospital, you

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    could often get a feel for a clinical trial sim-

    ply by walking down the hall. Now you

    might need to go to India or Uzbekistan.

    Even if you restricted yourself to domestic

    studies, you would log a lot of miles trying

    to visit all the various stations in the pro-

    duction line. The trial itself might take

    place at fifty different sites, ranging from

    Ivy League teaching hospitals to a business

    park near Toronto airport. The ethics com-

    mittee approval would probably come from

    Olympia, Washington; the subject recruit-

    ment could be managed in Dallas, Texas;

    and the trial results might be written up in

    Princeton, New Jersey. It is no wonder onlyindustry insiders seem to know exactly

    what is going on. When Bloomberg reporters

    discovered that SFBC International was

    paying immigrants to be test subjects in a

    dilapidated former Holiday Inn in Miami,

    SFBC had recently been named one of the

    best small businesses in America byForbes

    magazine. The Holiday Inn testing facility

    was the largest in North America, and had

    been operating for nearly ten years before

    inspectors noticed there was anything

    wrong.Lodged somewhere between the secrecy

    and the scandals is the work of a new gen-

    eration of ethnographers who are quietly

    studying the way the clinical trials business

    operates. What interests Jill Fisher, Adriana

    Petryna and Roberto Abadie is not so much

    the occasional outrage uncovered by in-

    vestigative reporters, or even the formal

    regulation of clinical trials. They are more

    concerned with the everyday pressures and

    moral choices facing the workers who man

    the production line: the private-sector phys-

    icians who conduct the trials, the study

    monitors and trial co-ordinators who over-

    see them, and the research subjects who

    take experimental drugs, often in exchange

    for free medical care or a wage. What does

    clinical research look like when everyone is

    in it for the money?

    For a start, it looks a lot less like science.

    I do not do original research; I do con-

    tract research, says a private physician-

    researcher in Medical Research for Hire. A con-

    tract researcher does not come up with

    original ideas, or design research proto-

    cols, or analyse research results, or write

    them up for scientific publications. All ofthis is done by the pharmaceutical company

    or its hired specialists. What a contract re-

    searcher does is recruit subjects, monitor

    their clinical care and sign off on the paper-

    work. Not a lot of original work is done,

    and in some cases, not much work at all

    (a running joke has it that physicians do

    clinical trials in order to improve their golf

    games). The industry term for these near-

    absent physicians is phantom investig-

    ators. Usually they will come in on a daily

    basis, on most days, and theyll sign off onall the things they need to sign off on, see

    any patients they need to see, and theyre

    gone, a study monitor says to Fisher. The

    researchers are usually on-site for no more

    than an hour or two a day.

    Contract researchers may not do much

    intellectual work, but this doesnt mean

    they are not well paid. A part-time contract

    researcher conducting four or five clinical

    trials a year can earn an average of $300,000

    in extra income. In 2000, a full-time clinical

    trial site earned an average of $1.6 million.

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    According to Fisher, any given service will

    generate between two and five times as

    much money for a physician when a pharm-

    aceutical company is paying the bill as when

    a health insurance company or a govern-

    ment agency is paying. Even an ordinary

    office visit will be paid at twice the usual

    rate if the visit is part of a research study.

    Some physicians sign up as contract re-

    searchers for the same reasons they might

    peddle nutraceuticals or dispense cosmetic

    Botox injections. It is a way to make extra

    money.

    However, the most valuable com-modity in the contract research

    business is not the physician. It is

    the patient: ideally, the sort of patient that

    the industry calls ready to recruit. Ready to

    recruit patients are sick people who can

    easily be persuaded to enrol in clinical trials,

    often because they are so poor that they

    have no better alternative. If a patient can

    be persuaded to enrol in a study quickly,

    so much the better: drug patents last only

    twenty years, and the patent clock ticks

    down while the drug is being tested. Fourout of every five clinical trials are forced to

    extend their timelines because of recruiting

    delays.

    For years the demand for research sub-

    jects has been growing, driven not least by

    the sheer number of clinical trials being

    conducted in the desperate search for new

    blockbuster drugs. Nobody really knows

    how many trials the industry is currently

    conducting, but a WHO official estimates

    that 20,000 are initiated each year. They are

    getting larger and more complex, partly to

    satisfy safety regulations, but also because

    many of the drugs being tested are so simil-

    ar to drugs already on the market: if a new

    drug is only incrementally better than a

    control drug or placebo, demonstrating a

    statistical difference requires many more

    research subjects. The pool of potential

    subjects is gradually becoming depleted, in

    part because so many subjects in North

    America and Western Europe are taking

    other medications, which will often exclude

    them from enrolling in trials. Drug com-

    panies need treatment-naive subjects, who,

    like the ready to recruit, are easier to find

    in the developing world. In 1991, only 10 percent of clinical trials were conducted in

    emerging markets; by 2005, that figure had

    increased to 40 per cent.

    According to Adriana PetrynasWhen Ex-

    periments Travel, the most popular place for

    new trial sites is Central and Eastern Eur-

    ope; there are plenty of sites, too, in the

    Asia-Pacific region. Between 1995 and

    2006, the highest annual increases in the

    number of active clinical researchers oc-

    curred in Russia, Argentina, India, Poland,

    China and Brazil. Many of these placeshave established a foothold in the industry

    as rescue countries: drug companies go

    there when they need data quickly when

    their trials in the West have failed to show

    the drug is effective, for example, or when

    they have been unable to recruit enough

    subjects. Poland has been a popular place to

    test urology drugs and asthma drugs, a

    Czech physician tells Petryna; the Czech

    Republic has been a good spot for anti-

    biotics and arthritis drugs. There were

    treatment-naive, steroid-naive, statin-naive

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    people people you could hardly find in the

    US or Western Europe, the physician ex-

    plains. We had extremely high recruitment

    rates.

    The move into Eastern Europe began with

    the opportunity phase, or the gold rush,

    when the trials industry first discovered the

    rescue countries. In the early post-Soviet

    years, clinical trials were easy to launch.

    No one cared about the content of the

    investigations, the Czech physician says.

    Ethical approval was a mere formality.

    There followed a normalisation phase,

    when the trials became a routine, accepted

    part of healthcare. Over time, patients nolonger saw them as experimental, but as

    part of their standard medical treatment.

    Finally came the exhaustion phase. Too

    many companies were competing for sub-

    jects; the subjects began to get choosy;

    regulations began to tighten. So the clinical

    trials industry began to move further east

    to Russia, for example, Ukraine, Uzbek-

    istan and Kazakhstan.

    The move to poorer countries intensifies

    the ethical problem created by a market-

    based trial system. The patients have evenless access to standard medical care than

    patients in the US, and by enrolling in

    trials they can get drugs that they could

    not otherwise afford never mind that the

    drugs are experimental, or may be placebos.

    Physicians who are paid handsomely to re-

    cruit their patients for trials will often find

    the money hard to resist, since they make

    so little practising ordinary medicine. In

    Russia, a doctor makes $200 a month, a

    contract research executive tells Petryna,

    and he is going to make $5000 per Alz-

    heimers patient.

    Contract researchers may find that their

    sponsors do not welcome bad news about

    the trials, especially if the drug appears un-

    safe. Reporting that subjects have exper-

    ienced a serious adverse event (industry-

    speak for the worst side effects) may mean

    losing the contract. One physician told

    Petryna she had done a clinical trial on a

    drug that appeared dangerous, but when

    she documented her concerns and recom-

    mended redesigning the trial, the sponsor

    ignored her and successfully submitted the

    drug for approval. The drug was later with-

    drawn from the market. We never got acontract from that manufacturer again,

    she adds.

    Financial incentives present a different

    ethical problem for a Phase I trial, the pur-

    pose of which is to determine if a drug is

    safe. Most Phase I trials are done on healthy

    subjects. Until the mid-1970s, this usually

    meant prisoners; today the trials are done

    mainly on the poor, who sign up for the

    money. Not just any poor person will do,

    though. Ideally they should be between the

    ages of 18 and 45 and in good health, or atleast good enough to pass the screening

    tests, and they should not be taking any

    drugs other than the ones they are testing.

    Most important, they need to be available to

    check into a testing facility for up to several

    weeks at a time, where they will eat, sleep

    and endure a daily routine of blood draws,

    urine tests and invasive medical proced-

    ures. It isnt hard to imagine the sort of

    people that make up the bulk of Phase I tri-

    al subjects: the unemployed, immigrants,

    contract workers, university students, ex-

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    cons and anyone else with a reason for

    working off the grid. Some people even

    manage to make a living as professional

    guinea pigs, travelling from one trial site to

    another for years. One guinea pig pro de-

    scribes it to Roberto Abadie as the mild

    torture economy.

    The issue of payment has always worried

    regulators and ethicists, who are concerned

    that excessive fees will tempt impoverished

    subjects to take risks with their health.

    Nevertheless, the amount of money offered

    to subjects has, over the years, gradually

    crept up. At the low end of the pay scale are

    bioequivalence trials, or what guinea pigpros call bleed and feeds. These studies

    compare standard FDA-approved drugs at

    the end of a patent cycle with their gen-

    eric equivalents; they pay the least because

    they are seen as the least risky. The most

    lucrative studies are longer trials testing the

    safety of new drugs, with lots of in-patient

    time and plenty of unpleasant medical pro-

    cedures. These sometimes pay subjects up-

    wards of $6000. (One recent study spons-

    ored by Nasa offered subjects $17,000 to lie

    in bed for 60 days, not to test a drug, but tostudy the effects of microgravity on the hu-

    man body.) The range of subjects eligible

    for payment has also expanded consider-

    ably. Several years ago, most trial sites paid

    only healthy adult subjects. Now some sites

    pay parents to enrol their children. Many

    also pay subjects who are sick, especially

    subjects with milder chronic illnesses such

    as asthma, or whose metabolism is im-

    paired by kidney or liver disease. A study

    currently being advertised in St Paul, Min-

    nesota, near where I live, is testing a drug

    on patients whose kidney function is so

    badly compromised they are on dialysis.

    The sponsors will pay patients $2525 to

    take part, as long as they are willing to

    spend four nights at the test site and come

    back for eight out-patient visits.

    Perhaps the most fertile guinea pig-

    ging territory in the United States is

    the region around Philadelphia, which

    is home to a number of medical schools,

    pharmaceutical companies and clinical trial

    sites. For his work onThe Professional Guinea

    Pig, Abadie lived in an anarchist community

    in West Philadelphia, many of whose mem-bers enrol in trials to fund their work as

    artists and activists. These trial subjects

    have few illusions about the value of

    what they are doing or why they are doing

    it. They pay you just to demean you to

    animal status, one seasoned trial subject

    says. A Latino man with the pseudonym

    KingLabRat says he began enrolling in

    studies in the mid-1980s after he was dis-

    charged from the army, allegedly for beat-

    ing up his sergeant. In between trials he

    sells drugs and works in a morgue. Its forthe rent-use of your body and the inside op-

    erating fluids, he explains. Thats it pretty

    much in a nutshell. KingLabRat has been

    injected so many times he has scars up and

    down his arms, which he regards as badges

    of honour.

    Guinea pigging may have become a job,

    but it does not carry many benefits. Re-

    search subjects do not have the right to

    workers compensation, health insurance

    or a minimum wage. Trial sites are not reg-

    ulated in the same way as workplaces. If

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    subjects are harmed by the drugs they take,

    they have no right to compensation, and

    they may well have to pay their own medical

    expenses. According to a survey published

    in the New England Journal of Medicine, only 16

    per cent of the policies issued by academic

    health centres in the US offer free care to re-

    search subjects injured in trials. Litigation,

    the usual American substitute for regulat-

    ion, is not really an option for most guinea

    pigs, at least not if they want to continue

    doing trials; just a whiff of defiance can

    be enough to get a subject banned from a

    research site. Robert Helms, a veteran of

    more than 80 trials who founded a jobzinefor research subjects in the mid-1990s

    called Guinea Pig Zero, compares guinea pig-

    ging to prostitution. They are penetrating

    your body, Helms says. You are renting out

    your body and they dont care about what

    you are thinking.

    Many of the guinea pigs in West Phila-

    delphia are anti-corporate political activists

    who take the easy money on offer instead of

    signing up for a nine to five job. Yet because

    they dont buy into the medical heroes

    propaganda of the clinical trials industry,they have no incentive to take the job ser-

    iously. I even try to sabotage the results now

    and then, one subject tells Abadie. I am

    pretty cynical and dont think that the trials

    result in much medical benefit. These

    activists take up guinea pigging because it

    allows them a measure of distance from

    ordinary corporate capitalism, yet it is only

    by virtue of their participation that the

    system can work.

    None of these ethnographers appear to

    place much confidence in the systems cur-

    rent means of protecting human subjects.

    There is a heavy reliance on the informed-

    consent forms that subjects are expected

    to sign, but as Fisher points out, most

    subjects have already made up their minds

    to enrol in a trial before they even see

    the form. Institutional review boards, the

    quasi-regulatory bodies charged with over-

    seeing the ethics of clinical trials, are often

    for-profit companies paid by the sponsors

    of the research they are evaluating. If one

    review board says a study is unethical, the

    sponsor can simply take it to another one.

    No wonder some subjects feel as if they are

    on their own. As Helms puts it: The auth-orities, the regulators, the courts, they are

    not there to protect you if you are working-

    class or a guinea pig, anybody at the low

    end of the totem pole.

    By turning clinical research over to the

    market we have created a system in which

    private physician-investigators can make far

    more money persuading their patients to

    enrol in research studies than by simply

    treating their illnesses; in which patients

    sign up to test new drugs, either because they

    need the money or because they have noway to pay for ordinary healthcare; in which

    investigators are financially punished for

    telling companies that their drugs are risky

    or dangerous; and in which even ethical

    oversight has become a revenue-generating

    mechanism. Lost in this business model

    are the human research subjects themselves.

    As a CRO manager in Eastern Europe tells

    Petryna, apparently without irony: We dont

    see patients, we see data. c