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University of Northern Iowa
The Metaphysics of the John Birch SocietyAuthor(s): Paul FriedmanSource: The North American Review, Vol. 253, No. 1 (Jan., 1968), pp. 33-35Published by: University of Northern IowaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25116727 .
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The
iWetap?jpo?cs?
of the
John Birch Society
by Paul Friedman
Concern is frequently expressed about the growth in membership and power of the John Birch Society; yet there is another side to that coin and one that is not often looked at. Certainly the John Birch Society is actively involved in recruiting. Whatever its present
membership may be, it could be larger. Why isn't it? To the extent that its growth is held back, what is
holding it? Increased membership for an organization is a means,
not an end; the more members an organization has, the more power that organization wields; the more power an organization wields, the greater the possibility that the organization will be able to achieve its goals. Ac
cepting that, an inviolable rule that emerges for an or
ganization concerned with recruiting is : While it is im
portant to make the organization seem as attractive and
appealing as possible, to as many people as possible, do not in the process compromise away the organiza tion's ideals and goals.
Though often run down there, the American public feels safest in the middle of the road; that is a reality of American political life, and a corresponding reality is: Avoid the label radical, it is damaging. The word
radical, in a political context, however, carries two dis
tinctly different meanings, and this needs examination.
Many organizations?I am thinking of the New Left in particular, the old and new New Left?are radical in nature and members of these organizations state that
they are engaging in radical politics. The word radical, as used in this sense, defines: An organization engaged in radical politics is?by definition?attempting to
bring about certain fundamental changes in the nature
of society. Radical means that much. And no more.
Any organization sharing that commitment?bringing basic change to society?regardless of its position on
the political spectrum, is radical.
Students for a Democratic Society and the DuBois
Clubs are radical because they are working toward re
placing one economic system with another in America; the Fellowship of Reconciliation and other like minded
pacifists groups are radical because they wish to see
communities of love established in the United States;
Congress Of Racial Equality and Student Non Violent
Coordinating Committee are radical because they are
going to "turn American society upside down and in side out in order to finally make it stand right side up." It is an organization's goals?how those goals stand vis a vis the structure and content of the present es tablishment?that determines whether or not the or
ganization is radical. In one sense of the word. There is the second sense. Radical, in this second
sense, does not define, it describes; it describes nega tively the appearance, tactic, or pronouncements?not
goal?of a person or organization. Radical now be comes synonymous with far out or ridiculous or wild or dangerous or crazy. A case in point: Goldwater
apologists claim that their candidate was defeated be cause Johnson managed to pin the radical label on him: Goldwater shoots from the hip, he'd defoliate the
jungles in Vietnam, etc. Stuck with that label, they say, Goldwater was a certain loser.
Goldwater and Johnson both want to Win the War in Vietnam; both demand that South Vietnam not be
communist; they disagreed?it seemed at one time? about tactic, never goal.
Radical, in this second sense of the word, can be broken down, as I have already suggested, into three
categories: Radical 1) Tactic: Placing bodies in front of a
troop train.
Radical 2) Dress and Appearance: Bearded (The bearded youth placed his body in front of a troop train.)
Radical 3) Pronouncement: Bring The Troops Home Now chant the friends of the bearded youth as he is dragged from the tracks of the oncoming troop train. (If this youth belongs to an organization whose
only goal is peace in Vietnam the organization would not be radical in the first sense of the word. Neverthe
less, the pronouncement Bring The Troops Home Now is radical in the second sense. )
The pronouncements made by these hypothetical protesters not only go unheeded, but, for the most part, unheard. This is so because their tactics and/or ap pearance evoke stock responses from the American
PAUL FRIEDMAN will publish a story in the next New Directions
Annual. Wis work has also appeared in New World Writing and in NAH. He teaches at Wisconsin State at Stevens Point.
January, 1968 33
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public. Tactic: draft card burning, blocking adminis tration buildings, flag burning, going limp. Those peo
ple must be crazy, the public says, look what they are
doing, that kind of behavior is just too far out. (The tactic becomes the message, i.e., the tactic is far out,
radical, therefore what the draft card burner is attempt
ing to say must be far out, radical ? so goes public thinking.
In terms of swaying the public, converting the pub lic, the more extreme a tactic is, the more the tactic
defeats itself. The most powerful example of this
would be the self immolations that took place in the
United States. How many Americans were shocked
into rethinking their positions on the war in Vietnam
because of the self immolations, and how many Ameri cans said, Those people were crazy.) Appearance: A
beard, he's weird. Who listens to what a kook or a
beatnik has to say? (To put this another way: After
hearing what the man has to say, the American pub lic feels: Yes, that fellow is raising some disturbing
questions but luckily he is a kook so I can dismiss what
he said.) The general public was lost to the organizations I
have been alluding to long before the pronouncements were made. And even if the New Left bathed and shav
ed and discovered less controversial tactics, still it
wouldn't be cleansed in the public mind because, fi
nally, essentially, its values are not the values of the
people of the United States.
With the John Birch Society it is quite a different
story. Until they get to category three on the second
level of radical, surprising as this may seem, they are
in a fairly strong position (from the point of view of
recruitment).
The John Birch Society, unlike Students for a Demo
cratic Society, does not perceive itself as radical. The
John Birch Society feels that its values and prejudices (and values lead quite directly to goals) are basically the same values that millions of other Americans sub
scribe to. The Society does not want to make funda
mental changes in American society; rather, it feels, it
wants to get back to the fundamentals: less govern ment, more freedom, fewer taxes, property rights, states rights?the way things were in the good old days.
The Birchers have created an imaginary past, idyllic,
Edenesque, and they worship it: The Good Old Days: G. O. D.
Aware that radical is a costly cross to bear, well
aware that it would profit the Society to rid itself of
this brand, the Society explains: We are on the radi
cal right only because the political center is drawn so
far to the left of the road. That is their pitch and the
public is receptive: it's folksy, simple, reassuring. These are difficult days in the States. While certainly not escaping unscathed from this initial encounter with
the first sense of the word radical, the Society's re
cruiting officer, surveying the lay of the land at this
point, would have no reason to feel pessimistic (as the recruiter for the War Resisters League or the Com
mittee for Non Violent Action would have every reason, as this same point, for pessimism).
How vulnerable is the John Birch Society when it comes to the second sense of the word radical? Is the Birch Society far out or wild tactically, far enough out to frighten people away? Not really. Birchers do not
engage in sitins or march through streets disturbing traffic; rather, they support reading rooms and buy billboard space and write letters and sponsor radio
programs. Radical: Is the Society wild or far out in dress or appearance? They are clean shaven, with
precious few clerical collars in their midst and hardly a mulatta in sight. Is the Society radical in pronounce
ment? Monumentally. This is where they lose the man who seeks the mid
dle of the road. Ike is Red. The American public can not swallow that. And the Society's recruiter can not
get the Society to tone down here. (As the Society did tone down, for instance, when it parted company with
Revilo Oliver, University of Illinois Classics Professor and one of the Society's founding fathers.) Let re cruitment suffer; John Foster Dulles must be called
Red because, to the John Birch Society, that is the name of the game. It is a metaphysical hangup.
The John Birch Society holds unswervingly to cer tain basic beliefs: America is Good, Russia or com
munism is Bad. The concepts embodied in Russia?
any communist state would do?are Absolute Bad; the concepts embodied in America?the concepts they see?are Absolute Good. America becomes the per sonification of Good, or God; Russia the personifica tion of Evil, or the Devil. Monolithic communism,
monster Russia, is: athiest, collectivist; America is:
Christian, capitalist (they prefer free enterprise). In their Eden (America) Adam blossoms forth fully
Americanized: Adam Smith.
Certain things inevitably follow when Russia is un
alterably black and America unalterably white. Just as you can not be almost a virgin, so you can not be the devil incarnate and still have an occasional re
deeming feature, nor can there be internal reform, nor can there be meaningful difference between Stalin and
Yevtushenko; reform can only be faked, schism only a scheme.
The John Birch Society constantly states that all is not well in the United States, i.e., Support Your Local Police. Why should crime in the streets be a major concern in the land of Absolute Good? Fight Fluori dation. They Bus Strangers Into Your Neighborhood School, Fight To Get God Back In. How in (literally)
God's Country was God driven out?
Whatever evil the Society finds in the United States could easily?and logically?be explained by the So
ciety if the Society would see the United States as
something other than the land of Absolute Good. But the Society must cling to that sight for that is their vision: looking backward, looking forward: a pure white America. Gray can not enter the picture, Abso lute can not yield to Relative.
There are two realities the John Birch Society must
34 The North American Review
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explain within this framework, the framework of Ab solutes: 1) The existence of evil in America; 2) The
spread, rather than the collapse, of communism
throughout the world. A smattering of Birch Society pronouncements: Without the active complicity of the powers-that-be
in Washington, communism would long ago have faded from the face of the earth.
Had America not extended recognition to Russia in
1933 Russia would have crumbled. John Birch was murdered in China less than two
weeks after World War 11 ended. The government of the United States withheld details of his death until 1950. This was done because those who killed him, the Red Chinese, did not finally and firmly wrest con
trol of mainland China until 1949 and had the Ameri can people known of the circumstances under which Birch perished they would have risen, outraged, and
smashed the Red Chinese?and China today would be
free.
Reds not only infiltrated, they instigated the civil
rights movement in America. When a liberal looks at the civil rights movement
he sees evil: the evil of second class citizenship, the
evil of segregation, the evil of slavery: American evil.
The Bircher, looking at the movement, also sees evil;
seeing evil is forced to see Red. He can not see Ameri can evil because America is Absolute Good; evil is Red to the Bircher and Red, evil: so just as flouridation
is a communist plot, the civil rights movement is a
communist movement. Martin Luther King, the move
ment's symbol, becomes Martin Lucifer King, com
munist Devil. The Bircher is forced to this conclusion, he has no other choice.
If there is evil in America there must be communists
in America. If the evil is deeply rooted the communists must be highly placed.
Communism, on the international scene, should not
have flourished and spread, it should have withered and died. The only reason it did not was because
Americans aided and abetted this cancerous growth ?and it is only important Americans who have had
the power to do that.
I am suggesting that the John Birch Society, the most powerful radical right wing organization in the United States, makes far out, wild, blatantly ridiculous
pronouncements?Every Tom, Dick and Harry of a recent American president has been Red?because it is an Absolute necessity. The radical pronouncement costs the Society untold members but that is the price the John Birch Society must pay to save what it must save: its Absolute soul.
THE SECOND ANGEL
We could be going home. He sits behind me. The road breaks over the charred crests and I follow. I want to speak. I hear his lips and fingers
meeting in the drained rhythms of prayer, I hear the pages fluttering like the voices of farm wives, like the voices of onions. Is it money? He could buy it all, harvests of dried-out, cured cars, vineyards of ashes.
Along the road the burned gangs of small drawn men
explode into peonies. In the mirror his face grows? ancient and smooth and raised, a face that has never cried, a face of growing stone, a face as cold as newsprint. This angel is my brother. When I turn he sees all my madness, all
my anger. He sees I'm lost forever.
The body is
light as milk, and still I bruise his head against the doorpost, and carry him, calm and pliant, and lay him in the roadside bones and nettles like a doll, his eyes still open, seeing, his wings breathing in and out in the winds of traffic. What can I do but turn away,
my chest and arms smeared with dust and tipped with bloodless feathers.
My brother, the angel, has fallen.
Philip Levine
A new hook of poems hy PHILIP LEVINE, Not This Pig, will he published hy Wesleyan University Press in February. 'His first collection, On the Edge, was published by 7he
Stone Wall Press. Tie lives and teaches in Fresno, California.
January, 1968 35
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