The Logic of Clientelism in Argentina - An Ethnographic Account

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The Logic of Clientelism in Argentina: An Ethnographic AccountAuthor(s): Javier AuyeroSource: Latin American Research Review, Vol. 35, No. 3 (2000), pp. 55-81Published by: The Latin American Studies AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2692042 .

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THE LOGIC OF CLIENTELISMIN ARGENTINA:An Ethnographicccount*

Javier uyeroStateUniversityfNew York, tony rook

Abstract:ased n ethnographicieldworkn a shantytownnthe utskirtsfBuenos ires,his rticletudiesheworkingsf eronistpoliticallientelism"among he rban oor.t analyzesheweb f elationshat ome lum-dwellersestablishith ocal oliticalrokersoobtainmedicine,ood,nd olutionsoother verydayoncerns.he rticlelsoexploreshemain unctionsfthe"problem-solvingetworks,"hichre esourceontrolnd nformationoard-ing, ndpays articularttentiono nunderexploredimensionf he pera-tion f lientelism:lients'wn iews nthe etwork.

Thirty-four-yearld Norma ives n a slumn the ity fCospito,ntheConurbanoonaerense.1hehasno stableob, ndherhusband asre-centlyosthis s a constructionorker.hey ave handicapped abygirland a teenage oywhodroppedout of theneighborhoodublichighschool.nSeptember996, hey pened grocerytoren the rontart ftheir ouse.Norma oldme nour nterview,Youknow,hings erenotworking erywell, oI decided oopen nunidadasicaagrassrootsfficeof thePeronist arty) nd see whathappens!"Their ecision oincidedwith he scendingareer fGustavo edele, Peronistouncilmanryingtomake nroadsnto he lum o aunch is1998mayoral ampaign.edele

*This esearch as funded y a grant rom heJoint ommitteen LatinAmericanndCaribbean tudies fthe SocialScienceResearch ouncil nd theAmerican ouncil fLearned ocieties ith unds rovided y he ord oundation.would ike o hank harlesTilly, eborah oole,Robert ay, nd Steve evitskyor heir riticalommentsn earlierversions. rafts ere resentedt theColloquium nArgentineolitical ulturet theUni-versityf llinois, rbana, nd the eminario eneral t theCasa de Altos studios nd the

Fundaci6n anco atriciosnArgentina.would ike othank ulioHalperin, ose un, ndtheparticipantsn those orums or heirnsightfulriticismsndencouragement.arts fthis ssay were adapted frommy forthcomingook,ThePolitics f urvival:Networksnd Cul-ture mong heArgentine rban oor to be published by Duke University ress).

1.TheConurbanoonaerenses the rea omprisinghenineteenistrictsntheArgentineindustrialeartlandurroundinghe ederal apital f he ountry.ames f ocationsndpersons avebeen hangedoensure nonymity.

LatinAmericanesearch eviewolume 5number ? 2000 55



LatinAmerican esearch eview

nowpaysNorma's tilityills ndprovides er amily ith mall mountsof ash.NormasnowPedele'sbrokerhispuntera)nd Pedele s Norma's

politicalatronher eferente).Everyweek,Norma'sunidadbasica (UB) distributesowderedmilk romhe rograma aterno-Infantila nutritionalrogramundedythenational elfareministry)ndfood romheocalmunicipalityomorethanfiftylum-dwellers.ormaexplained, Everymonth,t thepartymeetings,hemayornformss [the rokersf he 40UBs whousually t-tend hemeeting]fthedatewhen heyre going ogiveoutfood t themunicipality...Wetell heneighbors." ecauseNorma s "just tartingwith hisparty hing," er ccesstostate esourcessfor he ime eing

restricted.ButNorma dmittedhathe"compensates"or his imited ccess

"with therhings,"uch s organizinghort rips or he lum-dwellersand other ecreationalctivities.ouncilman edeleprovides erwithbus ortwo ndwith read nd meat ausages.Once month,he akes p-proximatelyhirtyhildren rom he lumtoa nearby each resort rapark. They rereally appy,"hetoldme. replied, They urely re, utisn't ta lotofwork, oget hebusesand thefood ndto take areofthekids?"Norma espondedonfidently,It'snot o difficultoobtain oods.

Youhave oknowhowtopull he ighttrings,nock tthe ightoor. hemostmportanthingstoknow he ighterson." or hepresent,ormaknows he ighterson,nd fCouncilman edele dvancesnthe ocalpo-litical ield,hewill urelybtainccess o more esources.f he s ableto"mobilize eople"forherpolitical atronmobilization eans ttendingPeronistalliesndvotingn nternallections),hewillhavemore oodsandmorenformation.hat appenedoher while ackwouldnot ccuragain: Youknow.. ., Imissed hePlanVida food istributionrogram],but havethePrograma aterno."2

2. The PlanVida Life lan) was inspired y theChilean lan de Alimentaci6nomple-mentariand thefunctioningf heCubanComites e Defensa e laRevoluci6n. hePlanVida sthe argestood-distributionrogramurrentlyperated y thegovernmentftheProvinciae BuenosAires. sa petprojectf he overnor's ife"Chiche" uhalde),twaslaunched irstnoneof he oorest istrictsf heConurbano onaerensenNovember994.Accordingoofficialigureseleased n November996, hePlanVida reacheshirty-eightdistrictsnBuenosAires hat ontain 44poorneighborhoodsndslums. heprogramsfundedystate esourcesrom heConsejo rovinciale la Familia Desarrollo umano,whichspresidedver y Chiche" uhalde. he salso the residentf heRamaFeminina(Women's ranch) f hePeronistarty. hePlanVida distributes ilk, ereal,ndeggs oalmost alf millionreschoolhildrenndtopregnant omen. heyive nneighborhoodsthat he fficialMapa de la Pobreza" efineds areaswith unmet asicneeds."Thedailydistributionfmilk nd theweekly istributionf ereal ndeggs recarried utby"blockdelegates,"who are known as manzanerasblocks nBuenos Aires are called manzanas). hemanzaneraseceive omonetaryemunerationor heir ork xcept half-literfmilk erday ndtheweekly llowance f ggs nd cereals llottedo llbeneficiariesf he rogram.

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CLIENTELISM IN ARGENTINA

Duringhe ummerf1989,Norma ttendedhe aunchingfPres-ident arlosMenem's lectoralampaignn Mardel Plata, hemain each

resortnBuenosAires. hatwasthefirstime hatNorma awtheocean:"It's o nice."ThePartido usticialistathe eronistarty) aidfor er usfare,nd shestayed t theTransportnion'shotelwhere, orma elated,"Jwevenhadhotwater."

Norma's torys a typical xample ftheworkingsfPeronist o-litical lientelismn contemporaryrgentina.n contextsf xtreme ate-rialdeprivationnd socioculturalestitution,ared eronistaperatess aproblem-solvingetworkhatnstituteswebofmaterialnd symbolice-source istribution.t functionss a source fgoodsand services, safety

netprotectinggainst herisks feverydayife, neofthefew emainingpaths f ocialmobility,nda solidaristicommunityhat tandsnoppo-sition othehardshipndexclusion isited n those ivingnpoor nddes-titutereas.Thisnet oncentratesmonopolizes)nformationnd dependstoa great xtentn state esources. y goal nthis rticles to provide nempiricalescriptionf he elevancef hePeronistroblem-solvinget-workwithin nclaves furban overtynBuenosAires nd to analyze tsforms,unctions,ensions,ndresources.

"Politicallientelism"asbeendefined s 'the distributionfre-

sourcesorpromisef)bypoliticalfficeolders rpoliticalandidatesnexchange orpoliticalupport, rimarily-althoughotexclusively-inthe ormf hevote" Gay1990, 48). uch lientelismasbeen recurrentthemenstudyinghe inks etweenhepoormasses ndpoliticallitesnLatinAmericaDe la Torre 992; tein 980;MenendezCarrion 986) ndinanalyzinghe hortcomingsfdemocraticnstitutionsO'Donnell 996a;Fox1994;Gunther,iamandouros,nd Puhle1996).Clientelismasbeenexamined s oneof hepossible elationshipsetween olitical artiesndorganizedopular roups, ith focus n the ffortsadebypopular r-

ganized roups o"bypass raditionalechanismsfpoliticalo-optation"(Cardoso1992, 92;see also Escobar1994;Velez-Ibafiez 983).Politicalclientelismas alsobeen xamined s a form f tomizationndfragmen-tation f theelectorater "thepopular ector" Rock1975;O'Donnell1992).3

SpecialistsnLatinAmericand studentsfpolitical rocessesnArgentinarefamiliar ith he tereotypicalmages f "captivelientelistelectorate"onveyed ythemassmedia.Thisphenomenonas beende-pictedwithmore ubtletyynovelists,s in BeatrizGuido'swell-known

descriptionf political oss ntheArgentinaf he1930sn Findefiestaor themorerecent bliqueportrayalfthe ife f a Mexican acique n

3. Gerrit urgwald'sthnographicnalysisf lientelistetworksna squatterettlementin Quito, cuador,howed hat ragmentationnd atomizationo not nevitablyesultncasesof collectivelientelism"Burgwald996).

57



Latin mericanesearcheview

AngelesMastretta'srrancamea vida.4 lientelistolitics ave alsobeenportrayedyquasi nsiders,ikeAlcidesGrecan the ittle-knownutout-

standinguentoselComite'.Despite uchattention,heactualoperationf clientelismt thegrassrootsevels emainsargelynexplorednArgentina.o date, nder-standingftheworkingsfthis relationshipasedonpoliticalubordi-nationn exchangeormaterialewards"Fox1994, 53)hasbeenderivedmorefrom opular mageryhanfromerious esearch. o strongvi-dence xists f quidproquoexchange.sitpossible odetect mpiricallythe xchangef favoresor otos"hatmuch f he iteraturen clientelismtakes or ranted? owdo researchersnow hat otes nd oyaltyome

as a resultfgoods ndservices?hecase analyzed eresPeronism,so-cial nd politicalmovementhat asbeen nandoutof tate ower or helastfiftyears, as been major oliticalctornArgentina,ndhasgen-erated esilientociopoliticaldentitiesmong opular roups.n this ase,the uestions more roblematictill. ananalystsingle ut n occasiononwhich lients oted or given atron ecause f hefavors erformedbyhim rher,ndnotbecause f heir eneraloyaltyo or dentificationwith eronism?

Political lientelisms undoubtedly form fsocial and political

controlFox1994;Bodeman 988;Mouzelis 985;Guasti 977) s well s aformf cultural ominationScheper-Hughes992; ee also Scott 977).But ounderstandowclientelismakes orm ndreproducesver ime,analystsmust xaminets ocioculturalogic nd ts ntricate echanisms.Anecessaryirsttep na rigorousociologyfclientelisms toresist e-sortingo theprefabricatednd stigmatizingmagesoftheexchange fvotes or avors. lientelism ust e approachedhroughts eastknownand least pectacularide:the verydayealings fpolitical rokers,hepracticesnd perspectivesf so-called lients,nd the problem-solving

networkhat inks clients,"rokers,nd political atrons.The argerimsof his rticle retocontributeo thegrowingody

ofresearchncontemporaryorms fpoliticallientelismGay1994,1995;Burgwald 996; scobar 994, 997; hefner997;Fox1994;Velez-Ibanfez1983) nd toshed ight n the onvergencefPeronismndclientelistol-itics. heunidades asicas re he ites f his onvergencenprovidingtsmost rucial rganizationalupport. uriously nough,hesenstitutionsofpopularife avebeenneglectednmost tudies f ontemporaryeron-ism.The constrictingiew ofpoliticalction hat ermeatesmuch fthe

understandingfpoliticsnArgentinaas consistentlyverlookedhis n-spectacularnd somehow idden ealm.Noneof hemost ited tudies fcontemporaryeronismormenemismo)ave conductedrimaryield e-

4. For reviewf he iteraryepresentationsf rokers,aciques,ndothermanifestationsofbossismn LatinAmericaniterature,eeNason 1973).

58




searchn the reasofhighestupport or eronism,heplaceswhere oorpeople ive.5 sa result, ost f he tudies re till ominated y he op-

down view thatpermeatedmuchof the research n the transitionsodemocracy.6iven he tate-centeredrientationfcurrentolitical tud-iesbeing oneon and nArgentina,t s no surprisehat verydayorms fclientelistroblem olving rehabituallyverlooked. hisarticle onsti-tutes firstttemptoredress his ne-sided erspective.

Based on ethnographicieldwork,his rticle enters n therela-tionship etween rokers fthePeronistarty nd slum-dwellersnVillaParaiso.Theslum s locatednthe ity fCospito,nthe outhern art fthe Conurbano onaerense orderinghe FederalCapitalofArgentina.

VillaParaiso s oneoftheoldest ndlargest lums nBuenosAires,withsomefifteenhousandnhabitantsccordingo the astpopulation ensus(INDEC 1993a).Thearticle rawson materials athered uring year ffieldworknthe lum,ntheunidades asicas here,nd nthe ecretariadeAccion ocial f hemunicipalityfCospito. lthoughhe ocus entersonfive olitical rokersn oneslum, am confidenthat hevalidityf heanalyses xtends eyond hemonograph. ecent esearch ndertakenyother cholarsLevitsky996, 997) onfirmshe indingseportedere.

Fieldwork as carried utfrom ecember 995 o February996

and fromuly996 oJanuary997.twas basedonparticipantbservationinVilla araiso. participatednmany allies f he eronistarty,ttendedpartymeetings,nd nterviewedocalbrokers,arty ctivists,ublic ffi-cials, ocialworkers,ndcommunityctivists.conductedmore han ortyin-depthnterviews,ollected ifteenife tories rom esidents f VillaParaiso, nd took survey asedon a stratifiedandomample f threehundredases.Thesurvey,nterviews,nd ife tories ocused n variousaspects f ndividual nd collectiveroblemolving. inally,interviewedall theblockdelegates fthe argesttate-fundedood-distributionro-

gram peratingn VillaParaiso, hePlanVida.This rticle lso drawsonsecondaryesourcesuch s statisticalataprovided ythe nstituto a-cional eEstadisticas Censo INDEC)andmy eading year's ssues for1996) fLaUnion,hemain ocalnewspaperf he outh f heConurbanoBonaerense.

5. See, for xample, or6n t al. (1995), alermo nd Novaro 1996), nd Sidicaro ndMayer 1995). or sympatheticiew, ee Munck 1997). or n exception,ee MartuccelliandSvampa 1997). lthoughelectoralolatility"as ncreased uring he 990s, ccording

to Levitsky,such de-freezing'asoccurredlmost xclusivelynthe nti-Peronistideofthe eronist-anti-Peronistleavage.... [T]he eronistlectorate,oth nterms f ts izeandits omposition,asremained elativelytable" Levitsky997, ). A majorityf heArgen-tine oor ontinueovotePeronist.

6. As Tilly erceptivelyoted,many fthe heories fdemocratizationave given ittleplace to popular ollectivection nd have accentuatednstead instrumentalaneuversandbargains mong lites" 1994, ).

59




First,willprovide few mpiricalndicatorso ssess he xclusionand hardship acedbythe nhabitantsfVilla Paraiso nd describe he

process f ncreasingverlap f nformaletworksf urvivalndpoliticalnetworksnthe lum. hen will nalyze he eronistroblem-solvinget-worknthe lum, heweb ofrelationshat omeneighborsstablish ithlocalpolitical rokers o obtainfood,medicine,nd solutions o othereverydayoncerns.

The secondpart fthe rticlellustrateshe womainfunctionsftheproblem-solvingetworknVillaParaiso: esourceontrolndinfor-mation oarding.oth racticesavehelpedmake hePeronistetworkdominationetwork.he hirdart f he rticleocusesn the lients'er-

ceptionsf henetworknd outlinesor utureesearchentrallementsnthe verydayonstructionf he egitimacyf lientelism.

This nalysis f he ocial ogic f lientelismillpresenthe eaderwith paradox.7 ta timewhenpublicdiscourses dominated yneo-liberal hetorichat tresseshe alutaryetreatfthe tate rommarkets,my rticlewill llustrateneof theways n which oliticsandpersonalties) re ncreasinglymportantor ainingccessto resources.nfact,strongunctionalistrgumentanbe madeout of his aradox: lientelistnetworksre mportantreciselyecause hey ulfillhe unctionshat he

state s abandoning.8

SURVIVING IN THE SLUM: HYPER-UNEMPLOYMENT

Widespreadmaterialeprivation,ersistentoblessnessndmisery,and unmercifulconomic ressuren the working-classeighborhoodsandslums fArgentinaavebeencausedbya combinationffactors:helanguishingf thewage-laborconomy;he casualizationfblue-collarjobs CiezaandBeyreuther996;CEB1995; ozanoand Feletti996;Mur-

mis ndFeldman 996;BeccariandLopez1996); ndtheparticularom-bination fmalignndbenigntate eglectrovokedy tructuraldjust-ment oliciesGolbert996; o Vuolo ndBarbeito 993;CetrangolondGolbert995; revot chapira 996; loyd-Sherlock997).Widespreadn-employments themost ignificantefiningharacteristicfVillaParaiso.Sixty ercentf tseconomicallyctivepopulation recurrentlynem-ployed nd underemployed,0percentaveunmet asicneeds, nd about70percentave ncomes elow he fficialovertyine.9

7.Thisparadoxwashighlightednthe ommentsf ne anonymousARR eviewer.8.RobertMertonmade the ame rgumentn hispathbreakingnalysis fU.S. political

machinesMerton949).9.Thedata ome romNDEC 1993a, 993b)ndfrommy urveyasedona stratifiedan-

dom amplethree undred ases), arriedut nSeptembernd OctobernVillaParaiso.

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In this ontextfoutrighteproletarianization,10owdo neighborswith ittle rno ncomend nopension rother enefits anage o obtain

themeans f ubsistence:ood nd medicine? re here ny nstitutionsrpersonswithin he lum owhom hey an turn o obtain elp?What on-tacts othey stablishoobtain hesemeans f ubsistence? hohas con-tactswithwhom?

It s hardly ewsthatnetworksfreciprocalelpabound npoorneighborhoodsn Argentinand throughoutatinAmerica. nzo Min-gione coinedthe termpopular conomy,ywhich he means "the combina-tion f ctivitiesndertakenor irectubsistencendforowmonetaryn-come" Mingione991, 7). n VillaParaiso, hese ctivitiesnclude aising

animals, peratingood talls, ndertakingelf-helpepairsndbuildings,and ndustrialome-workingn subcontractinghains. amilyndneigh-borhood etworkshave lwaysmade tpossible or hese arious ctivi-ties ocoagulatento poorbut ocially rotected ayof ife"Mingione1991, 7).LarissaLomnitz howed nher tudy f Mexicanhantytownthat ocialnetworksasedonresidencendkinshipunctions a surrogatesystemf ocial ecurityorndividual urvivalmong he esidents1975,1988).WhatFriedmanndSalguero alled"proximateetworksf reci-procity ithneighborsndkin" 1988, 1)arethuswell-studiedlements

in understandingow ndividualsonfronthe hallengef urvivalndthekinds frelationshey stablishntheprocess. hose nformalet-workshave beenthoroughlyxaminedn LatinAmerica, ften s thesource fthe urvival trategieseveloped ytheurban ndrural oor(Lomnitz975, 988;Hintze 989). olitical etworksave lsobeen tud-ied nLatinAmericandall over heworldConniff981; urgwald 996;Kornblum974;Guterbock987;Katznelson981;Knoke 990). ut he e-lationshipsetweennformaletworksf eciprocalelp nd political et-works avebeenunderexplored.

InVillaParaiso ndmany ther oorneighborhoodsntheConur-banoBonaerense,nformaletworksf urvival ndpolitical etworksn-creasinglyverlap. herehe nidades asicas, oliticalrokers,ndstate-funded rogramsavebecome he ources fresourceshat irculatentheinformaletworksf urvival. hewitheringwayofpaidformalnd n-formal orkmost f hose urrentlynemployedad ost heirobsdur-

10.Therate funemploymentn theConurbanon 1995was22.6of he conomicallyc-tive opulation843,840ersons). nemploymentnd underemploymentmounted o33.8

percentf thepopulation.n the 1990s, heConurbano onaerenseost 5,508 ndustrialplants;ndbetween991 nd 1995, hemanufacturingndustryliminated00,000obs CEB1995; ozano andFeletti 996).Due to the trongorrelationetween nemploymentndpovertyMurmisnd Feldman993), overtynd nequalityave ccompaniedhis rowthin unemployment.n1980, 1.5 ercentf hehouseholdsivedbelowthe povertyine" nGreater uenosAires.n 1994, 0.4percentfthehouseholds erebelowthe ine, ndin1995, 5.8fell nto his ategoryGolbert996).

61




ing theprevious wo years nd had notbeen able tofindnew ones) hasdrainedhe lum conomy,ausing nformaleciprocaletworksobleed

to death.Theformerlymployed, nce able to support heir elatives,friends,rkinwhowere emporarilyobless, renowunemployedhem-selves. lum-dwellersesortothe ocal tate rthenearest eronistom-mittee rbrokerwhich lmost mounts o the amething) oobtain oodor medicine.notherwords,VillaParaiso urvivaltrategiesre ncreas-ingly mbeddednpolitical etworks.11

Theexpanding elevance fpolitical etworksoes notmean hatnetworksfreciprocal elp have disappeared, owever.n VillaParaiso,these roximate etworksemain entralnthe urvivaltrategiesfthe

slum-dwellers.wenty-threeercentf hose onsultedna survey asedona stratifiedandomample f hree undredasesmentionedheirel-atives s sources fhelpwhen hey eedmedicine.hirtyercentf hoseinterviewedelied nkinand friends heneverhey an short f food.Thusreciprocalavors bound n the lumeconomy, uch s they o inother oorneighborhoodscross heAmericasStack 974; din ndLein1997; omnitz 975). utwith he scalationfunemploymentndunder-employmentnd thegeneralizedeductionf ncome,hesenetworksrebeing rogressivelymptied f heir esources. he venues hat ormerly

linkedhe lum conomyooutsidewagework renowdisrupted,nd themoneyhat sed to come nto he lum s the ifebloodf hose eciprocalnetworksasbecome trickle. hen ejectionromhe abormarketeasesto betemporarynd ncome eductionffectsveryobthat heunskilledresidentsfVillaParaiso anobtain,12he ocial conomyf he lumosesitstraditionalunctions a bufferhathelpscushion he mpacts f eco-nomic ardship.

Forty ercentf he lumpopulation eceive ood or hemselvesrtheir hildrenrom ne or more tate-fundedssistancerogramserving

VillaParaiso.Theseprogramsistribute ilk, ggs,noodles, nd cerealsfrom hePlanVida;powderedmilk rom heProgramaMaterno-Infantil;noodles, orn il,polenta, erbamate, entils,nd the ikefrom hePlanAsoma;and cheese,vegetables, oodles, ornoil,polenta, nd severalother roducts rom hePlan Pro-Bienestar.n addition,ome residents

11.My usage ofpolitical etworksollowsKnoke 1990) and Granovetter1973): a set ofreg-ular ontactsr imilarocial onnectionsmong ndividualsrgroupsnwhicht east neof hose s a memberf political arty r n officialf he tate. urvivaltrategiesre husembeddedn a politicalroblem-solvingetworkecause heyre xpressednthe nterac-tions etween arty gents r ocalofficialsndslum-dwellers.

12.Jobsndomesticervice ndthe onstructionector ere he redominantccupationsamongwomenndmennthe lum.Workersnthese ectors avebeenparticularlyurtywhatKessler1996) alled the pidemic isease" fhyper-unemployment.hese wo ate-gories epresent3.9 ercentf he mployed opulationnBuenosAiresnd19.8 f he n-employedMurmisnd Feldman 996).

62




go tothemunicipal uilding, herewice monthhe ecretariae AccionSocialdistributesighttems ffood erperson sugar, ice, lour,oodles,

polenta,entils, orn il, and yerbamate).Nearlyhalf hepopulation fVillaParaiso46 percent)now bout his ooddistributionarried ut nthemunicipal uilding. hirty ercentf thosehave goneto obtain he11nineilos" t east nceduring he astyear. ormedicine,lmost thirdof he esidentsfVilla araiso ely nrelatives31percent).hosewho reemployed30 percent)ely n their bra ocial social ecurity elated otheir ormalob). Others esort o themunicipality,he ocalpublichealthcenter28percent),ra Peronist rassrootsommitteer Peronist roker(11percent).

Evidence f thedramatic eteriorationn living onditionsf theslumpopulationsthe pening f soupkitchenytheCatholic hurch.Nearly inetyhildrennd womennow eattheirunch hereveryweek-day. t is importanto note,however,hat his oup kitchens fundedmostlyy thewelfare epartmentfthemunicipality,heremanyocalPeronistrokerswork.Caritas, he charityrganizationfthe CatholicChurch,s also multiplyingts activities.13verymonth, aritas ssistsabout hundred amilies ith ood nd clothes,nd talso sellsdonatedclothest lowprices.Mariano, he ocalpriest,ndNora, hewoman n

charge fCaritas, greed hat uringheprevious ear, emand or oodand medicine ad substantiallyncreased. ariano ommented,InCari-tas,we used tohelp omefamilies orimitederiods f ime,et's ayforthreemonthsntil heywere bletoresolve hedifficultituationnwhichthey ound hemselves,s when heywere aid off. utnowwedon't tophelping hem, nd there re morepeople coming, nd we are over-whelmed."

AlthoughMariano nd Noradidnotfully cknowledgeheirn-creasing ependencenstate esources,hey dmitted hat heir wnre-

sources redecreasing.oth onceded hatheCatholic hurchs notkeep-ingpacewith he ncreasingemandfor id,and they oint othe ocalPeronist rassrootsommitteesUBs) s the ource fpossible olutionsorthe xtremecarcityndured ythe lum-dwellers.

InVillaParaiso, s inmany oorneighborhoodsntheConurbanoBonaerense,ne ofthemost eliablemeans fsatisfyinghepoor'sbasicneedsfor ood nd health are s throughhepoliticalartyhat asdirectaccesstothe tate's esources-the eronistarty. s Levitskybserved,this artyisdeeply ntrenchedtthebase evel.... Peronisms inked o

itsmassbasethroughrade nions, eighborhoodssociations,nd soccer

13.At henationalevel, aritass also enlargingts ctivitiesapidly.ccordingothe i-rector, onseniorafaelRey, henumberfchildrenedbyCaritasn ts oupkitchen assoared rom iftyhousandn 1993 ofour undredhousandn 1996. ee Clarin igital,9Nov.1996.

63




clubs.The partys also linked o working-nd lower-classociety ymeans fclientelisticies o ocalandneighborhoodosses,who serve s

brokersetweenhemunicipalnd provincialeronistovernmentsndthemassbase" Levitsky996, 0).

Inpoverty-strickeneighborhoods,quatterettlements,ndslums,theunidades asicas onstitutekeyplace where asicneeds anbe met,throughhich asicproblemsanbe solved. heseUBsprovidencredibleorganizationaltrengthor hePeronist arty Levitsky998) nd are thesiteswhere eronist rokersperate.

BROKERS AND THEIR NETWORKS

Villa Paraisocountsfive Peronist rokers known s punteros):Matilde, uan, holo,Andrea,nd Norma. rokers sually ofavorsuchas distributingood ndmedicine or heir otentialoters ndothers.14They renotalone ntheirwork, owever,ecausethey lmost lwayshave n inner ircle ffollowers. brokers relatedo themembersfhisorher nner irclehroughtrongies f ong-lastingriendship,arentage,orfictiveinship.othMatildendJuanthe womost owerfulocal ead-ers)maintainhis ind f ffectiveetworkround hem,ndividuals ith

whom heynteractegularlynd ntensely.Matildehas a circle fmen nd womenwho visither n a weekly

basis.For xample, orty-five-year-olduciausedtobeMatilde's leaninglady. woyearsgo,Luciahad a stroke,ndMatilde thenhe ecretariaeAccion ocial fCospito),btainedpension f110 ollars month or er.Lucia now receives ailymedicine orherhighblood pressure romMatilde. hespends lmost veryfternoont theneighborhood'sentroCulturalwhereMatilde's on Paco serves s thepresident),n thefrontpart fMatilde's ouse, half-blockromheUB. There uciamakes up-

petsthat he CulturalCenter ells or givesaway on specialoccasionsamong he hildrenf he lum.Adolfo Matilde's usband ndtheUnder-SecretaryfPublicWorks) otLucia'shusband jobat themunicipality.

Lucia andher omadrentonia ashion uppetswith sewingma-chine elongingothe lanPais.Launched lmost enyears go, his tate-funded rograms intended to strengthenommunityrganization"npoorneighborhoodshroughhe ubsidized evelopmentfproductivemicro-enterprises.nCospito hebrokersapturedart f hefunds f heprogram,hus cquiringnextra ource or heirnner ircles. atilde b-

tained ne of he ubsidies ndorganized group fwomen oworkwith(andfor)herat the Cultural enter. ucia considers erself friend f

14.An extensivelassicaliteraturexistsn the ole fbrokerss centralrticulatingig-uresnthe perationf lientelistystems.eethe eminal nalyses fEricWolf1977), ydelSilverman1977),ndJohn uncan owell 1977).

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Matilde: She always endsyoua hand."Lucia has knownMatilde ince1984 nd is a manzanerablockdelegate) f thestate-fundedlan Vida.

Matilde lsoprovides erwith ood.Brigitteastaken ucia'splace sMatilde's leaningady. he s alsothe ecretaryf heCultural enter, herehedistributeshemedicinendfoodpackages hatMatilde rings romhemunicipality.rigittes alsoamanzanerafthePlanVida.15 er grandmotherecentlyufferedheartattack,nd Matilde rovides erwith art f he xtremelyxpensive utvitalmedicine.rigitte'sotheroldmethathehoped hatMatildewouldsoonget jobat themunicipalityor er aughter.hehopeof jobservesas importantluewithin he nner ircle. lthough oteveryones em-

ployed tthemunicipality,he act hatomeone ets fixed-termontractor part-timeobhasan mportantemonstrationffect.f he thersnthecircle re diligentnd "knowhow towait" saber sperar,ccordingoBrigitte),ooner r later heywill be rewardedwithposts.Alfonsina,memberfJuan'snner ircle, other obas a cleaningwoman t a publicschool hroughis ntervention.hetoldme nour nterview:When hereis a rally, e (thepeopleof heparty) ollaboraten anywaypossible....Somaybe oucanget job there,utyouhavetobepatient....Yes, waspatient,ndwith atiencegot t...."

Matilde's irclehas other ircleswithint, ikeCholo'snetwork.Choloexplainedhathe "works orMatilde.... She coordinates hathave odo...." Matilde rovides holo'sUBwith ood ackagesnd med-icines odistributemong hispeople" n notherreaof he lum.Matildeis hisreferente,ispolitical atron. holo s whatArgentinesalla nioqui,partyctivist ho collects paychecks a ghost mployeet themunici-palityfCospito.Heholds fixed-termontractobthatmust erenewedevery,threeonthswith he pproval fMatilde. he alsoprovided imwith ipes obuild he ewage ystemn"his rea."

Choloreported,When started orking ithMatilde,hetoldmethat heUB should eopenevery ayof heyear."Matilde avehim keyresourceo tart. hrougher ontactst themunicipality,hemanaged oinstall hefirstublicpay phone n thearea n his UB. Residents o toCholo's UB to use thephone, ogetpowderedmilk rom heProgramaMaterno-Infantil,rto askfor ome ntibioticrpainreliever.

Cholo s whatMatilde erms akey omponentf hegroup."He isknownnthe rea nearhisUB andhas beenpraised ysomeas theonewhohas done hemost o mprovehe lum.Cholo lsoworks or hePlan

Vida.Everymorningexceptundays), holo ccompanieshe lanVida's

15.Seenote . Althoughfficialsonstantlymphasize the oliticalmpartiality"f hePlanVida nd the acthat hemanzanerasmergenaturally"romhe ommunity,wentyout oftwenty-threeanzanerasnVillaParaisowere ecruitedya Peronistarty roker.Mostmeetingsf he rogram ereheld tMatilde's B.

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truck n tsroute hroughhe lum nd other oorneighborhoodsfthearea djacentoVilla araiso.He andtwo thermendistributehemilk, e-

real, nd eggsto theblockdelegates fthePlan Vida. He spreadsnewsabout heplan such s a forthcomingally o aunch he rogramnwhichthegovernorrthegovernor's ifewillbepresent). holo lso distributestheprogram's ewspaper nd provides ewsrelated o thePeronist arty(the ime f hemeeting or rally,n nvitationo a barbecue,l sado ero-nista). holoreportsnyproblemmanzaneramight ave a newmemberof heprogram, dropout, complaintbout shortage ffood) o Mimi,Matilde's aughter-in-law,ho s the reacoordinatorf heprogram.ordoing his ob,he earns iftyesosa week.16

In structural erms,Juan Pisutti's nner circle s identical oMatilde's.Yetthenumber fpersonswhohave closerelationshipsithJuan ssmaller, aking is nner ircle maller. is family oes notpartic-ipate nhis ctivitiess Matilde's amilyoes nhers.Alfonsinaotherobata public chool hroughhe nterventionfPisutti,osa receivesmedi-cine forherhemoplegy rom im, nd Carlitos ets packagesof foodthrough uan's imelymediation. s inMatilde'snner ircle,hese rob-lemholders rovide roblemolversikeJuan isutti ith ome ervicesnreturn.he nner ircle elps hebroker o solve he veryday roblemsf

slum-dwellers.hey un he oupkitchenst thebroker's nidadbasicaandarenormallyncharge fopening,leaning,ndmaintaininghe o-cale.Membersf he nner ircle sually nnounce hen he roker illbeavailable ttheUB totheouter ircle ndspread henewswhenfood sbeing istributedttheUB orthemunicipal uilding. nlikeMatilde, uanPisuttioesnothaveanother Bworkingor im.Hisareaof nfluencesmuchmore imited hanMatilde's, overing nly hefour locks hat ur-round isUB.

Members ftheouter irclethepotentialeneficiariesfthebro-

kers' istributiveapacities)rerelated obrokersyweak ies.17hey on-tact hebroker henproblems rise r when specialfavorsneeded afood ackage,omemedicine,driver'sicense,hewaterruck,friendnjail).But hose n the uter ircle o notdevelop ies ffriendshiprfictivekinship ith rokers.lthoughheymay ttendome allies rgatherings

16.Matilde's uclear nd extended amilies articipateullynher oliticalctivities.ertwodaughters-in-lawre he egionaloordinatorsf he argest ood-distributionrogramin the area. Her husband s theUnder-Secretaryf PublicWorks n themunicipalityfC6spito. ne ofher ons s thepresidentftheneighborhoodulturalenterwhich ffec-tively peratessanother B), ndher ther on erves sherhusband's rivateecretarytthemunicipality.nPeronistolitics,his atterns a common henomenon.urtheresearchisneeded nthe verlap etween amily inshipndpolitical etworks-andhe rominent,althoughubordinated,ole fwomenwithinhem.

17. On thedifferenceetween trong nd weak ties in terms fthe ime, ntimacy,ndemotionalntensitynvolvednthe elationships),ee Granovetter1973).

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organized ythe roker revenvotefor im rhern an nternallection,they onothave neverydayntimateelationshipith he roker. hile

the rokers'ies otheirnner ircles redense nd ntense,heir ies otheouter irclesremore parse nd ntermittent.Thebasesfor his trong elationshipre multiple. hosewho are

part fthebrokers'nner ircle ave known heir rokersor long ime(usuallymore han our r fiveyears), nd thebrokers ave "lent hemhand" n a time fextreme ardship.n the ife tories nd interviewsrecorded, ostmembersf n nner ircle ighlightedfoundationalavorthatnauguratedhis ong-lastingnd "very seful" elationship.rokersareportrayeds "comingo rescue" hemwithout lterior otives. hat

foundationalavor stablishesrelationshipfmutual elp.The founda-tional ransactionslusternto ies,which n urnoncatenatento etworks.

Dominationetworks:ontrollingesourcesnd nformation

One standard nglish-Spanishictionaryefines etworks red,malla,eticulo.ed,nturn,as everalmeaningsnEnglish.hefirsts"net,particularlyor fishingnd fowling," ut anothermeaninggivenis"snare./18

Problem-solvingetworksreneitherrozenimelesstructuresorthe ntendedutcomef politician'salculated rcynicalction. hey e-sult romong-termegularnteractionshat,lthough sually nauguratedby foundingavor, ust e continuouslyultivatedndpracticed. uchlike universityrofessorntheUnited tates, uan isutti oldshisofficehours ttheUB twice week.He spendsmostWednesdayfternoonsndSaturdaymorningsssistinghe treamfpersonswho howupathisUB.His inner ircle s usually here, reparingmate, istributingowderedmilk, atching p on recent ews.Juancitoakes ime o listen o every

dwellerwhocomes ohisUB.Althoughmost ome oaskhimfor ome-thinghat soutofhisreachlike obs),he gives hem omekind fusefulinformation:tipfor indingood tthemunicipality,rtheprecise atewhenfoodwillbe distributedt themunicipal uildingnd how topro-ceedto obtain he ninekilos fmerchandise."uan lsouseshiscontactsatthe ocalpublichospital rhisownhealth nsuranceo obtainmedicineinanemergency.

Within hePeronist roblem-solvingetwork,eronist rokersfunctions gatekeepers,ctings go-betweensetweenheflow fgoods

andservicesomingromhe xecutiveranchf hemunicipal ower themayor) nd theflow f upport nd votes oming rom he lients. s inmany ther istoricalndgeographicalettings,atekeepings'themostimportantunctionfPeronistrokers. s Carlos ndAnderson bserved,

18.See NewRevisedeldzquezpanishndEnglish ictionary.

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"a politicalbroker an either bstruct rfacilitate he flowofdemands, fa-vors,goods and services o or from ome constituency"1981,172-73).Yet

significantifferencesmerge mong brokers. hese differencestemfromtheir ontrol f resourcesfrom bove (goods and services),which n turndetermines he amountof resourcesfrom elow (human beings)they an"control."

Resources foodand medicine) move from hemunicipality o theunidades basicas,wherethe brokershave discretionaryower to do whatthey wantwith the resources.The informationoncerning ood distribu-tion at the municipalbuilding also circulates hrough he UBs, as the bro-kerNorma explained.Employmentt themunicipalityndmembershipn

the Peronist artyprovidebrokerswith he accessto knowledge about re-source distribution. lthoughneighborsknow in generalabout the fooddistribution t themunicipality, hey do not know the precisedate onwhich the distributionwill be carriedout. Nor do they know the ever-changing rocedures o obtain he"ninekilos."Brokers now thedatesandhave the speciallydesigned cardsrequired o obtainthe food.These cardsare small ticketswitha numberon them, ndicating he date when theholdercan go to themunicipalbuilding.Whether hegeneralpopulation'signorance s "deliberately reated"or "justhappens" (Erickson 996) can-

not know.The following pisode from ne of my firstournalentries llus-tratesthat on occasion,brokers ntentionallyonfuse ndividuals to setthemselves p as theonly channelsof nformation etweentheslum andthemunicipality.

AtthebeginningfAugust 996, uan isutti ot ntouchwith he oordinatorfthe oupkitchenperatingnthe ocalCatholic hurch,women amedNora.Heintroduced imselfs a municipal fficial ho "is able to obtain airy roductsandvegetablesorhe etterunctioningf he oupkitchen."heSecretaryf o-cial Welfare oesnotprovide he oupkitchen ithmilk, heese, rvegetables.

Nora oldhim hatheusuallysksGracielaa socialworkertthe ecretaryf o-cialWelfare)f ndwhen he oupkitcheneeds nything.orwhateverroblemsthey aveat the oup kitchen,ora tells isutti,we get ntouchwithGraciela."Pisuttieplies,it's xactlyhe amething. ou can contactmeor Graciela." hesocialworker as indignantbout his pisode. he believes hat heres a lotof"confusion"oncerninghe place" achone she ndPisutti)hould ccupy.

This episode depictsthetypicalmovement f Peronist unterosorreferentes ursuingthe core of brokerage: etting hemselvesup as the(only) channels that facilitate ransactions r resourceflows Gould andFernaindez 989, 1).19 t also illustrates heobstacles hat heyhave to con-

19.This onstantfforto acquire nd control ost inks etween he ommunityndthegovernments a major haracteristicf other ypes f political rokers. s Cornelius e-scribed heMexican rban acique, e"seeks omonopolizell inks etweenhe ommu-nity nder is ontrolnd politicalndbureaucratictructuresn the xternalnvironment"(Cornelius977, 47).

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frontnthis ask. ocialworkers,ongovernmentalrganizationgents,andother ommunityctivistsreusually hemost utspokenpponents

ofPeronistrokers.20Whetherhe gnorancesdeliberatelyreatedr usthappens,t sstructurallynduced.nneighborhoodsow almost evoidof ocialorga-nizations, here wellersre ncreasinglysolated romach other,ndi-vidualshavefewnetworksor btainingnformation.rokersnd theirinnerircles,n contrast,ave ccess ohelpful,venvitalnformation.

To the xtenthatmany lum-dwellersepend nthebrokerorn-formationndmaterialesources ot vailable lsewhere,t anbe assertedthatbrokers njoy"positional entrality"nd thus "positional ower"

(Knoke 990, 0).They ccupy structuralocationimilaroa large ank-ingor creditnstitutionhat romtsmonopolisticositionan mpose tsowntermsn ts wn nterestor rantingredit.n thisway, rokersxer-cisewhatWeberwould all "dominationyvirtue f positionfmonop-oly."'21 rokers ursue heir wnpoliticalareers nd try oaccumulatesmuch oliticalower sthey an.Todo so, hey atheresourcesndhoardinformationitalto solvingproblems:heybecome"problemolvers."They onot ommand irectlyhe ctions fpoorpeoplewhomust olvepressingurvival eeds whatWeberwouldcall"dominationyvirtue f

authority,.e., ower ocommandndduty oobey"). et nly napproachthat ocuses n ndividualsatherhan elationsails operceivehe truc-tural ominationffectsn he ositionfPeronistrokers.npursuingheirowninterestsascendingohigher ositionsnthe ocalpolitical ield),somebecome uasimonopolistsnsolving roblems.nsodoing, heyn-crease heirapacityo constrainhepossibilitiesfproblem olders.

Therelationshipshat rokers stablish ith heir espectivennercirclesomposen ntriguingualificationf heway nwhich ominationis carried ut.Bysupplyingnformationnd goodsthat ppealtotheir

closefollowers'elf-interest,oluntaryompliances secured t ow cost.In this ense, rokers'ower s economical.et he xpectationf largerbenefitlike publicpost) s alsopresentn this elationshipf uthority.

20.Cardoso 1992)documentedhis ame tension etween lientelistoliticsnd localneighborhoodroupsnSao Paulo.For similarrgumentn the ase ofGuadalajara,eeShefner1997).

21.AccordingoMaxWeber,his ype fdominations"basedupon nfluenceerivedx-clusivelyromhe ossessionfgoods rmarketablekills uaranteedn omeway ndact-

ingupon he onduct f hose ominated,horemain,owever,ormallyreend aremoti-vated implyy thepursuitftheir wn nterests....Thepotentialebtors,f hey eallyneedthe redit, ustn their wn nterestubmito these onditionsndmust venguar-antee his ubmissiony supplyingollateralecurity.hecredit anks . . simply ursuetheir wn nterestsnd realize hem estwhen hedominated ersons,ctingwith ormalfreedom,ationallyursue heirwn nterestss theyreforcedpon hem yobjectiveir-cumstances"Weber968, 43).

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In the atterense, eronist roblem-solvingetworksesemblehe lassicpartymachinesnU.S.cities. oth re"systemsfdomination,elyingn

bothrewards ndpunishmentso keeptheirntouragesnline" Knoke1990,4). oget heirroblemsolved, roblem olders ecome ncreasinglyensnaredwithinhePeronist eb.That s to say, rokers' owerderivesfrom heir ositionwithin henetworknd from heposition fthenet-worktselfnthe arger ocial tructuref he lum. hePeronist roblem-solving etwork eeps xpandingts nfluence,preading ithin he lumlike n oil slick hat isperses raduallynthewater.

THE CLIENTS' PERSPECTIVE

Ondelvingnto he ntricaciesfgrassrootslientelism,ne cande-tect ertain egularitieshatform pyramidal tructuref relationsnwhich clients,"rokers,ndpatronsnteract.ut ounderstandullyhelogic f lientelistnteractionsand the onundrumf heir esiliency),nemust ocus n theobjectivemeaning fpractices ut also investigatehesubjectiveurposes f he ctions f he ctorsnvolved"ensnared")ntheweb.Once the mpiricalocus fthe nalysissnotonly elationsut x-periences,t can be seen that lientelistroblem olving nvolves on-

structingersonalizedies,n maginedolidaristicommunity,nda pro-tective ndpredictableetworkhat uffersheharsh veryday ealityfthe lum.The astsection fthis rticlewilloutline ey lementsfthis"subjective"ide ofclientelismy focusingn thebeliefsnd evaluationsofthemembers fbrokers'nner ircles,lementshat equire urthere-search.

NiceandHelpful riends

Relations fclientelistominationxist npractices relationshatareuseful romhe lients' erspectiveorolving roblems,btainingro-tectiongainsthe isks f verydayife,ndmakingriends ith omeonewho "really ares." othemembersf he rokers'nnerircles,rokersrenot heunscrupulousndcorrupt oliticians hommostneighborsalkabout. hey re helpful"nd"sacrificing"nd"goodpeople"withwhomproblem oldershave a personal elationshipometimes escribed s"friendship"ut lways s worth eeping.

BothJuan isutti ndMatilde re viewedby manyneighborss

"using hepeople" nd thus badand corrupt"oliticiansho"play heirowngame."They re sometimes lamedfor he imited mount f re-sources hat ocial ssistancerogramsistributen theneighborhoode-cause"they lwayskeep hegoodsfor hemselves."rokersre lways c-cusedof deceivinghepeople."

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Thisviewcontradictshatheldby thosewho solve most ftheireverydayife roblemshroughbroker'sntervention.osapointed ut

what n"excellenterson" uan isuttis: "thewayhe takes are fpeople,he s an exceptionaluman eing.... Hesuffersecause hosewhogothere[to heUB] nevereavewithout solutionotheir roblems. e has a solu-tion or veryone.e willinglydvises veryone. anypeople skhim ormoney... and heuseshisownmoney. e never ells hem hat edoesn'thave nymoney."

Accordingo Carlos, Juancitoacrificesimself or hepeopleofthe lum."Helpfulnd self-sacrificingre lsocharacterizationspplied oMatilde: She salways here hen omethingappens." She s sogood."

"Matilde ays ttentiono every ingle etail."Themain oint f greementmongmembersf nner irclesbouttheirrokerss that he rokersrepersonallyesponsibleor hedistribu-tion f hings.heorganizationhat rants pension,ffers job, r givesoutmedicinera food ackages not he ocal, rovincial,rnational ov-ernmentutMatilde rJuan. hey retheoneswhoreally are,whofeelfor thers, ho are their riendsnd are always vailable.Hundreds fpagesof nterviewranscriptsndfield otes estifyo oneessential act:tis not he tate hats perceiveds thedistributinggency utMatilde r

Juan rsomeother roker. ndbecause hey re theoneswho distributethegoods, heyreviewed shaving o obligationt all to do so. They oitbecause hey eallywant o, ecause hey are, ecause heysacrificeorthe eople."Roberto,art fMatilde's ircle,ummarizedhis elief: Peo-plethinktsher bligationogive ut hings,nd t'snot nobligation.hedoes tbecause hewants o.What's er bligation? ho s she? ssheyourmother?eopleget onfused lot.Youdo them favor,nd t eems ike tis an obligation. nd it s a favor." ndbecauseMatilde s theone whodares odeliverhegoodswithoutaving ny bligation hatsoeverodo

it, hebeneficiaryannotnvoke nyrighto the hing iven rthefavorgranted.heresnothird artyo which ne can resortnorder o enforceone's claim, r whatmightonstituterightseeTilly 994).But na per-sonalized elationshiput ofwhichnothingan be obtained, oproblemcanbe solved.

Brokerages an EverydayracticalActivity

Some lum-dwellerselieven"a time f lections" hendemands

can be satisfieduicklyndgoodsobtained romptlyecausepoliticiansareeagertowin their otes.As inmanyother ettingshroughoutr-gentinand LatinAmerica,the ime or olitics"sseen s somethinghatoccurs nce na while, omethinghat reaks p theroutine feverydaylifenthe lum seeHirschman984 ndHeredia 996).

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Rogelio, residentf neof he ewneighborhoodssociations,oldme:"Matildehowsup when t's he ime or olitics, hen here reelec-

tions. hat swhenpoliticianshowup... ." Horacio, residentfone ofthemany occer lubsnthe rea, greed: Ifwewant oget omethinglikea sewage ystem], ewillhaveto waitfor he lections. t that ime,wecandemand omething.. ; we provideo manyvotes] hatwe might etsomethingn return." hebeliefhat lectoralimes reanopportunityosolveproblemss anchoredn personalxperiences.othRogelio nd Ho-raciogot idfor heir espectiverganizationshortlyeforehepast woelections. oracio elated, Througholitics, egot plotof andfor heclub.... Now we need thebricks,o I willhaveto waitfor henext lec-

tion."Whetherestrictedo electoralimes r imitedothemultipleallydays,politicsreviewed s a discontinuousctivity.oliticsrealso seenas "dirty" nd "corrupt":a lucrative usiness," an opportunityogetahead," nactivityhats "deceitfulnd manipulative."

Suchobservationsrehardly ew.But nthe amedestitute eigh-borhood,trikinglyontradictoryvaluations f politics oexist. lmosteveryonehares he dea that oliticsssomethingIdon'tdo"-by impli-cation,omethinghat otherso."All agree hat oliticsonstituteuni-versewith ts wnrules nd mighterve o mprovene'sown ot, egard-

lessof he ommon ood.Yet ome lum-dwellersighlightertainspectsofpoliticss worthxploring.

Someresidentsraise hework hat rokersndthemunicipalityofor heneighborhood,speciallywith he distributionffood, heets fmetal,ndmattresses.s one ntervieweelaborated,Theres a lot fhelp.. , themunicipalitylwayshas an answer, ot nlywith he ood.fyouneed metal heet,hey'll ive t oyou.... Ina UB, hey sed togivemilkwith pieceofbread.Here, heres a lotofhelp, nyonewho ays heresnohelp s lying.... Whathappenss thatyouhave togothere nd wait.

Everythingas tsowntime."Consonant ith heperceivedteady ccessibilityf hebrokers f

thePeronist arty,ome lum-dwellersonotbelieve hat he id comingfromoliticiansncreases uringlectioneriods,ather,assistance"s aneveryday ersonalizedssue.When inquired,Someofyourneighborstoldme that he id comes uicker uringlectionime?" ictoriaeplied,"No, don't hinko."Adelaadded,"Frommypoint fview,t'salwaysthe ame."

Problem olvingbecomespersonalized nd partofthe habitual

knowledgefmembersfbrokers'nner ircles. hosewhoreceivehingsknow hat hey avetogoralliesndsupportheir rokers.hey repartof universenwhich verydayavorsmplyome xpectedeturns theruleofthegame, ruleunderstoods a "schememmanentnpractice"(Bourdieu 977, 8), s a mandate hat xistsna practicaltate. elationsbetween roblem olders ndproblemolvers re"practical"nsofar s

72




they reroutinelypractised,ept p, ndcultivated"hroughhedistrib-ution f hingsnd thegrantingffavorsBourdieu 977, 8).Attendance

at a rallyspart f he tock fpracticalnowledge.I askedCoca,"So whenMatilde ets hemedicine ouneed,doesshe come nd tellyou, Youhaveto comewithmeto the ally'?" oca ex-plained, No, know hat have to gowithher nstead fwith omeoneelse.Because he gave memedicine,r somemilk, r a packet fyerba rsugar,know hat havetogoto her allynordero fulfill y bligationtoher,o showmygratitude.ecause f do notgotoher ally,henwhenIneed omethinghewon't ive t ome. Shewould ay,]Goasktheper-son whowent othe allywith ou."'

Theextensiveiteraturenpoliticallientelismas shown hat rust(Roniger 990), olidarity,hopesfor hefuture"Ayata 994), amilisticorientationsTellisNovak 1983), nd reciprocityGouldner 977;Scott1977)ndeed xistnthe elationshipsstablishedmong atrons,rokers,and clients. hese xperiencesndfeelingsreverbalized yboth lientsandbrokers hen sked bout hem. hey reremarkedn time ndagaininbrokers'ublic peeches. rokersf he eronistarty resentheirate-keeping unctions a specialrelationshipith hepoor, relationshipcouchedn terms f debt ndobligation,pecial arefor hem,the ove

they eel or hem" othepoint hat ureaucraticndifferences tobe elim-inatedAuyero 999a). mbodyingndenactingpersistenteronistra-dition-thatfEva Peron s the bridgef ove"between uan eron ndthepoormasses-Peronistrokersresentheir olitical ork ot s a jobbut s "a passion or hepeople."Theirworks "all sacrifice"o thepointof xhaustionnthepost.Thebrokersnsist,Wecare bout hem." omeof he lientsay, Thebrokersare boutus." Those utside henetworkssay, Thebrokersare nly are bout hemselves."

Thisdiscursivemphasisn trust,olidarity,eciprocity,aring,nd

hopehasparticularffects.nsofars the olutions,ervices,ndprotectionprovided ybrokersinseparablematerial nd symbolicxchanges,nwhich thingsgiven, favor ranted,nd somethings communicated)are nclined o egitimatede facto tate f ffairshat s anunequalbal-anceofpower a dominationetwork),hey an bedescribed s ideologi-cal machinesfollowingourdieu). heactofgiving,he aringctions fbrokers,nd thetrustingesponse ftheirnner ircles ransformorat-temptotransform)contingentocial elationshiphelpingomeonewhois inneed) nto recognizedacknowledgeds lasting) elationship: e

solveourproblem,ndbytheway,werecognizeMatilde rJuan s ourproblemolver. hisrecognitionnderliesroblemolvinghrough olit-ical mediation.nan ideologicalnvironmentfcooperation,ompanion-ship, ndsolidarity,ies re constructedhat reeze particularalance fforces.

The cceptancehatmembersf he nner ircle onfern theworld

73




of problemolving hrougholiticalmediation ndoubtedlyonstitutesthe trengthf he rokers'osition. ltimately,t s the xpressionf heir

legitimacy.et tthe ame ime, uch cceptanceepresentsmajorweak-ness.This egitimacys produced y close verydayondbetween rob-lemholder ndproblemolver, relationhatmust e constantlypheld,personallyracticed,nddirectlyxercised. eeping p therelationshipdepends n the apacityfthebrokero maintainhe trengthfthis ie,somethingargelyontingentnhis orher apacityo deliver. s itturnsout, his apacitysfinitenddependentnother actors.brokerangetjobs, elivermedicine, o "essential"avors,ndassist omeone s ifheorshewerepart f herecipient'samily,utonly or restrictedumberf

persons. hemost owerfulrokernthe lum,Matilde, as nomore hana hundredndividuals oundtoher hroughtrong ies, utof a votingpopulationfmore han even housand.hebroker'sapacityomaintaineachtie s alsocontingentecause tdepends n thebroker'selationshipto a third artyinthis ase, hemayor fCospito),whoprovideshebro-kerwith hegoodstobe distributed.

The cope nd imits f hebrokers'apacitieselie hepresumablyall-powerfulharacter fclientelistolitics. he imageof an extended"captive"lientelistlectoratestereotypicallyortrayedy hemedia, nd

sometimesdoptedunreflectivelyyscholars)s in this ense mpiricallyshaky. he sizeofbrokers'nner ircles,lthoughignificant,anscarcelyaccount or he conquest fthevote" ndthe buildingfelectoralon-sensus" sually ttributedoclientelism.et his onclusionoesnotmeanthat cholarshould top tudyingolitical lientelism.histype f net-work eproducesominationndinequalityndguarantees somewhatstablenumber f hard-coreoterswhomight rovedecisive n internalelections.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

Althoughhe iteraturenpoliticallientelisms varied nd exten-sive, ittles knownbout he ctualworkingsf lientelistetworkstthegrassrootsevel ncontemporaryatinAmerica.nArgentinalmost oth-ingis known boutPeronist etworksn areasofhighpoverty.22heunidades asicas,he ites f onvergenceetweenontemporaryeronismandclientelistolitics, avenever eenseriouslytudied.23yfocusing

22. Levitsky'srecent esearch 1996,1998)may be the only exception o this ack of first-handknowledge.

23. Bianchi nd Sanchis's 1988)studyofthewomen'sbranch fthePeronist arty s,to myknowledge,the only seriousresearch hat ncludes some reference o theunidades basicasduringthefirst nd secondPeronist overnments1946-1955).

74




ontheform,unctions,esources,nddynamicsfthePeronist roblem-solving etwork,have oughtoproviden nitialnalysisf he ractices

ofreal-liferokersndthe xperiencesfreal-lifelients. hefirst art fthe article xaminednformationoardingnd resource ontrols twoequallymportantracticesnthe unctioningf lientelistetworks.

The article lso explored he"subjective imension" fPeronistclientelism.he experiencefclientelismroved o be a decisive lementintheworkingsf his ierarchicalocial rrangement.lientelistelationsare experienceds legitimate,abitual,nd taken or ranted ya smallportionfbrokers' ollowers,hose lientswith trongnd everydayieswith eronistocalpoliticians.hus he tudy as shown hat he copeof

the lientelistetworks imited.onsequently,t ppears hat ther indsofpoliticsreoperatingnconjunctionith clientelistolitics"nthe on-quest f hePeronistote.

Engagedparticipationn Peronist roblem-solvingetworksein-forcesociopoliticaldentitiess much s itprovides oods ndfavors.hestructuref elationsmong rokers,lients,nnerircles,ndstate fficialsaswell s the ocationf ndividual ctorsnthenetworkrethebasesforexploringheirehaviors,erceptions,nd attitudes.roblem-solvinget-worksreoneof he elationalupportsf heheterogeneousoliticalul-

tures f he rban oor. urtheresearchs needed n threessues: he er-ceptualand behavioral onsequences hatthe locationwithin hesenetworksandtherelationsetween ositions) ngendersor gentsn-volved nthem;he apacityf hese etworkso reproducendreconfig-ure nalways mbiguousPeronistdentity";ndthe ffectivenessf histype f lientelistrrangements a mechanismf lectoralmobilization.

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Documents

The Logic of Clientelism in Argentina - An Ethnographic Account