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CHAPTER3

The Legends of Krishna and Radha

==================================================================--

Radha-Krishna is one of the popular themes in the Reeti-Kal poetry.

The legend of Krishna, as we know, has captured the imagination of Indian

mind since time immemorial, but the antiquity of Radha is a disputed issue

in the literary circle. Krishna as a myth was transformed gradually, with

different concepts being added or subtracted occasionally; it mirrored many

collective strands in the Hindu pantheon. 1 In medieval context, however,

the scholars have generally discussed 'Radha-Krishna' theme in the light

of Sur Sagar of Surdas or with reference to the poetry of Mira Bai. There

are, of course, a few exceptions. 2 In this chapter, we will also by to explore

the extent of aberrations to the tradition and assertion of earlier notions. It

is not possible to go into the depth and details of the origin and development

of the legends of Krishna-Radha. We have confined our study to highlight

the metaphors and symbols for the the duo in the poetry and the new myths

1. Charlotte Vaudeville, Myths, Saints and legends in Medieval India; John Straton

Hawley, Krishna: The Butter thief, Chaitanya Krishna, The Betrayal of Krishna­

Vicissitudes of a Great Myth, Pawan K. Verma, The Playful Divine; Milton Singer,

(ed.) Krishna; Myths, Rites and Attitudes, apart from many other books trace the course of development of the myths associated with the legend of Krishna and

Radha. 2. See K.arine Schomer 'Where have all Radhas gone? New Images ofWomen in Modern

Hindi poetry' in Hawley and Donna Wulff (eds.), The Divine Consort. and Pawan K.

Verma in The playful Divine. These scholars refer Keshavdasa to project Radha as

the heroine of Reeti poetry representing different notions of love and womanhood.

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attached to them by altering the erstwhile stories. The new episodes in the

poetry further widen the scope to situate the couple in historical context.

We find that our poets were primarily concerned with the youthful Krishna

and Radha instead of their divinity. The child Krishna who figured in the

poetry of Surdasa to a great extent is not visible in our poetry. It may be

perhaps because the Reeti-kal poets were more inclined to compose sringar­

rasa poetry, religious sentiment too modulated as religio-erotic rasa. Still,

the impression of the childhood of Krishna is apparent in the epithets used

for Krishna.

Krishna in Saneh Sagar

There have been identified three distinct personalities of Krishna,

namely the Krishna of the epic, the Yadava prince of Dwarka and Krishna­

Gopala, the cowherd God. 3 It has also been suggested that the image of

Krishna underwent changes overtime due to the influence of Greek, Roman

and Christian religious ideologies.4 In the following lines, we have discussed

the image of Krishna with special reference to Saneh Sagar of Bakshi

Hansraj.

Saneh-Sagar is written on the similar pattern in which Surdasa'

Sursagar was composed. The text is much smaller than Sursagar. Bakshi

Hansraj, the poet is believed to be a follower of Prannath, the guru of the

Prannathi cult which was founded during the late seventeenth century and

some details of which we will see later in chapter five. 5 This cult was

3. Vaudeville, Myths, Saints and Legends, p. 18.

4. Krishna Chaitanya, The Betrayal of Krishna, p. 18-26.

5. For the biography of Bakshi Hansraj, see Introduction, the section 'The Reeti Poets

and Their Antologies.'

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essentially Krishnaite so far as its origin is concerned. Hansraj described

the divinity of Lord Krishna in two verses containing eight lines, where we

find Krishna himself revealing his identity to Radha when he meets her

first:

(who could be my mother father, I only perform all deeds)

The use of the first person in verse signified the authority of Krishna. However,

the Lord described his lineage and told that Yashoda was his mother and

Nanda was his father. We will see later that the myth associating his birth to

Vasudeva and Devaki available in Epics and Puranas has been marginally

touched when Krishna affiliates himself to Yadava tribe. The eclipsed image

of Vasudeva-Krishna in Saneh-Sagar undermines the extent of his divinity.

The details of the legend accepting Vasudeva as divine manifestation are

available in H.H. Wilson's translation ofVishnuPurana, Book I, (p. 18) which

found no reference in Braja text. The same text in Book V also informs

about Lord Vishnu's incarnation as the eighth child of Devaki to kill Kamsa

and protect the earth from his atrocities (p. 394-400).7 The reason can not

exactly be discemed why Bakshi Hansraj conceals this significant episode

for explaining the identity of Krishna though he accepted, in his poetry, Lord

Krishna as a divine figure. An explanation, perhaps, could be found in his

association with Prannathis to whom Lord Krishna was the absolute and the

ultimate divinity. 8 The poet therefore, as we fmd in the above citation also,

depicts him as the Supreme God with no legacy. Secondly, the image of

Krishna as cowherd and his amorous encounters with the gopis, specifically

6. Saneh-Sagar; V. 20, Section I.

7. For this discussion, See also Vaudeville, Myths, Saints and Legends, p. 18.

8. For this discussion, see Chapter on Prannathis.

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with Radha, was to be given prominence so it was necessary to identify him

as Nanda-lal or the son of Nanda and not as the son of Vasudeva.

In this context, the question put forth by Radha to know the identity

of Krishna is significant. A verse in Saneh-Sagar reads as follows:

~ em ~ 1=fm ~ ~ "ij]l1 ~ ~'9

~~~~~~~~!

(To which vansh your mother belongs, whose son are you? Are you a son of

a king or some gt9ar or ahir!)

This single verse envelops many traditions and myths connected with

Krishna. If he was a child of a king it indicated the myth of Vasudeva­

Krishna. 10 If he was a gt9ar or ahir then it reflected the tradition in which

the Lord was assigned an inferior status by linking his association with

ahirs and gt9ars. The connection between Krishna and Ahira-gt9ara has

been treated as an ancient myth that originated during the period of

Mahabharata. 11 We are, however, neither concerned with the authenticity

of the episode nor with the status of ahiras. What concerns us more is the

9. Saneh-Sagm; Section 3, V. 20.

10. Vasudeva as the king of Mathura is an established fact in the light of literary

eVidence. We accept Vasudeva as king of Mathura and Krishna thus becomes the

son of a king.

11. Chaitanya Krishna describes an episode when Aijuna was escorting the woman of

deceased Yadavas, Ahiras attacked them and carried away most of the women.

When these Yadava women mothered the Ahira progeny, Ahiras took over the myths

and legends of Yadavas. It was perhaps in this manner that Ahiras came to be

associated with Krishna. See, Chaitanya Krishna, The Betrayal of Krishna, p. 17-

18. Further, C. VaudeVille considers thatAhira-gt9araswere inferior pastroral tribes

whom Brahmanas treated as sudras or mlecchas. Krishna was also in this sense

assigned an inferior status. See her Myths, Saints and Legends, p. 32. Ahirhas also

been used by Surdasa for describing Krishna and other gopas at many places. It has also been used for Krishna by many other Reeti poets, see for example, Tosh V. 20.

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fact that the poet was aware of all these pre-existing myths and he also

preferred to assigned him a Yaduvanshi lineage. He extolled the clan of

Yadavas as follow:

(The most distinguished and the most superior kula is Yadava vamsh to

which I belong).

A similar verse then narrates Krishna as son ofYashoda and Nanda.

Hansraj also confirmed that Krishna was born to Vasudeva and

Devaki, Vasudeva being the Yadava king ofMathura. The chain of incidents

from his birth to his arrival in Nandagaon is missing in the text. With the

exception of this singular verse, Krishna in the entire text ofBakshi Hansraj

has been portrayed as a cowherd boy in the family of Nanda. In many

verses, N anda was seen as acquainting Krishna with the traditions of his

family; mother Yashoda teaching him the art of cattle-grazing as it was the

dharma of his kula:

(Father, you teach me the dharma of our family)

It is not only the Nanda's family but the entire Brajagaon was a

pastoral community. The people, both males and females, were engaged in

cattle-grazing, milching, carrying and selling milk, curd and butter. The

poet of Saneh-Sagar and other Reeti poets substituted Gokul for Nandgaon

frequently. Both the terms indicate the native place of Krishna where he

frequently encountered the gopis. We should not, therefore, understand

12. Saneh-Sagar; section 3, V. 21.

13. Ibid, Section 1, v. 21.

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Nandgaon as different from Gokul. 14 Nandagaon, at the most, could be

treated as a vernacular name of ancient Gokul. The geographical situation

of the village has also been given in Saneh-Sagar. It has been described as

a place amidst eighty four puras of Braja. The villages Nandagaon and

Barasana were surrounded by Madhupuri Mandai:

Surati Mishra in his long devotional poem Bhakti-Vinod also used epithets

Madhupuri Nath16 and Gokul Ke Nath for Krishna. The idea that Nandagaon

and Barasana were the new myths created during seventeenth century

does not seem to be appropriate. It is therefore implied that the poets utilized

the known myths in identifying Krishna.

Krishna of Saneh-Sagar is a charming adolescent whose radiant

beauty makes all the gopis irresistant. The poetry predominantly described

Krishna's encounters with Radha and other gopis and the celebrity of the

14. Mckimm Marriott, basing her argument on the gazetteer of the region questions

the existence of Nandagaon and Barasana before the early seventeenth century.

See The Feast of Love' in Milton Singer (ed), Myths, Rites and Attitudes, p. 208.

Gokul has been referred as the dwelling place of Nanda and Krishna in Vishnu

Purana, Book V, p. 412-16, and we may not be confused about the antiquity of

Nandagaon.

15. Saneh-Sagar, V. 5, Section I.

16. See C. Vaudeville, Myths, Saints and Legends, p. 48. Here, Vaudeville writes that

Madhupuri is often identified with Mathura in modern times whereas the place,

infact, was associated with Shaturghna, Lord Rama's brother. Madhupuri and

Mathura are described as the holy places associated with the legend of Krishna by

Surati Mishra. See, Bhakti-Vinod, V. 5 and, V. 121. It was also identified in Sanelt­

Sagar as one of the eightyfour puras of Braja. See V. 5 Section I. Srimad Bhagvatam

(Tr. by J.M. Sanyal), Vol. IV, p. 158-60 clearly refers Madhupuri as kingdom of

Kamsa. So we should not believe that identification of Mathura as Madhupuri in medieval and modern times was in any way wrong.

- 108-

legend as divinity remained in the background. He appeared as an ordinary

cowherd boy lured by the fascinating beauty ofRadha and applying different

tactics to see or meet her. Different myths and stories devoted to him, as

we refer to them elsewhere in the chapter, in earlier literature were briefly

versified by different poets.

Surati Mishra conceived Krishna as the Lord in all the

manifestations-as Govinda, Hari, Girdhari, Dinanath, Badrinath,

Jagannatha, Dwarikanath, Madhupurinath, Murari, Makhan-chor, Madhav,

Jadunath, Radha-Ballabha, Ramanath and so on. 17 Each of these epithets

has a long history. The incidents and episodes associated with Krishna,

were elaborated in the art and literature at different intervals. Different

cults and poets, though attempting to distinguish themselves, implicitly or

explictly, presented Lord Krishna as a composite divinity whose origin eould

hardly be ascertained. 18 Each of these prevailing myths and legends, when

traced through Epics, Puranic and Vemacular literature produced in diverse

socio-cultural settings, revealed many dimensions. The underlying tenets

varied over period of time and also differed textually. The different epithets

were probably used by the Reeti poets as metaphors for denoting Krishna.

It is interesting that the same poet utilized the different myths so distinct

in nature altogether. Surati Mishra, for example, used 'Radha-Ballabha',

'Hart', 'Jagannath' and 'Ramanath'. The poet was perhaps not associated

with all the traditions reflected in the metaphors used by him. Radha-

17. Surati Mishra, Bhakti-Vinod, V. 3, 7, 34, 41, 43, 54, 135.

18. For the myths of Govinda as protector of cows, Girdhar as upholder of Govardhana hill and Gokulnath as the cowherd God, see C. Vaudeville, Myths, Saints and Legends,

Part I, (Ch. 1 to 6). The notion of Makhan Chor has nicely been explored in Hawley,

Krishna: The Butterthief; for his different images in different regions of India, see also, Singer (ed), Rites, Myths and Attitudes, S.K. De, Early History of the Vaishnaya

Faith and Movement in Bengal and Krishna Chaitanya, The Betrayal of Krishna.

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Vallabha was a devotional community, a sampradaya, during the sixteenth

century; 'Hari' represented Vishnu and Krishna both, who encompassed

the Vaishnavaite ideology; Jagannath, a regional deification of Lord Krishna

in Orissa elaborated a different theology; and the term Ramanath implied

'the god of goddess' and this attribute has been seriously investigated by

the scholars. We may suppose that these concepts were so popular in the

oral and literate traditions that the poet conveniently applied them in his

poetry. Also, his narrations containing the episodes of Draupadi, Ajamil,

Prahlad, the killing of Shishu pal and lifting the Govardhana hill leave us in

ambiguity. Still, we conclude that the Reeti poets venerated Lord Krishna in

all the possibly conceived forms known to them through the myths since

ever. The poetry of Bakshi Hansraj and Bodha, however sounded different: as

they adopted a different mode reflecting the then contemporary notions of

devotion. The poetry of all these poets and that of Hansraj in particular,

analysed so far hints a female, one amongst so many gopis, whom Krishna

encounters frequently. She has been represented as the chief milkmaid who

fascinated Krishna the most. The origin ofRadha and her relation with Krishna

has been discussed at great length by many scholars, but with no precision.

Radha in Saneh-Sagar

References to Radha are available in the Sanskrit texts from the eighth

century onwards. 19 In the twelfth century, Jaideva composed the long lyrical

19. In this context, See S.M. Pandey and Norman Zide, 'Surdasa and Krishna Bhakti'

in Singer (ed) Rites, Myths and Attitudes, p. 182-83. They refer Dhvanya-loka of

Anandvardhana, and an anonymous Kavivachansamucchaya. Kshemendra in his

dramas and Rup Goswami and Jeev Goswami in their poetics also mention the

name of Radha as Krishna's beloved. For similar evidence, see also, Origin and

Development of the Worship of Radha by S.C. Mukherjee, Appendix A, p. 183-95;

S.K. De, Early History ofVaishanav Faith, p. 7 and 8.

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Geet Govinda mainly describing the amorous plays of Krishna and Radha,

a Later Maithili poet Vidyapati also devoted his skills to the same theme.

Influenced by Vidyapati and Jaideva, many scholars believe, that the

Vaishnava poetry of Bengal and Braja poetry in northern India was

overflooded with the love poems of Radha and Krishna. 20 S.K. De has

explained the spread of Radha-Krishna theme in Vrindavana through the

Goswamis. 21 The connection between Vaishnavas under Chaitanya's

leadership and Nimbaraka has also been considered as prime source of

popularity of Radha legend in the medieval period. In the Tantric tradition,

Radha has been conceived as 'the main companion of Krishna (attraction)'­

she is ahaladini-Shakti i.e. The Power of Enjoyment.22

All these scholars though differing in their opinions about the

emergence of Radha, they unanimously agree that Radha was not mentioned

in Bhagvat Puran, one of the most authoritative text of early medieval India.

In whatever perspective Radha has been analysed, she is certainly a product

of the imagery of the medieval Indian poets and different religious sects.

Viewed as the great Goddess, divinity or reflection of rasa poetics in different

traditions, she was the heroine of the medieval Reeti poets--the central

theme of their poetry.

20. JohnS. Hawley in his Surdas: Poet, Singer and Saints treats jaideva and Vidyapati

as the predecessors of Surdasa. S.K. De also writes that Chaitanya Movement in

Bengal accepted Gita Govinda as a source of inspiration. See, S.K. De, Early History

ojVaishnava Faith and Movement in Bengal, p. 13.

21. S.K. De, Early History, p. 110-65. 22. Alain Danielou, Hindu Polytheism, p. 264. C. Vaudeville also mentions the fusion

between Tantric and Bhagvat streams in early 16th century, Myths, Saints and

Legends, p. 154. Also, E. C. Dimock, Jr. writes, Sahjiya Vaishnavas having Tantric legacy. See his article 'Doctrine and Practice Among the Vaishnavas in Bengal' in

Singer (ed) Rites Myths and Attitudes, p. 62-63.

- 111 -

In frequent references in Reeti-Kal poet:Iy, we are introduced with

Radha as vrishbhan-kisori or the daughter ofVrishbhanu. 23 Saneh-Sagar is

the only source which describes the exact identity of Radha not only as the

daughter ofVrishbhanu but also as an embodiement of enthralling beauty

who enticed Krishna and superseded him in a number of ways. Krishna, in

Saneh-Sagar, also inquisitive, asked Radha to reveal her identity. The verse

in response reads as follows :

~ ~ X"l<l ctl -ij-tr ~ffillg t ~ 124

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ \1Jj ~I

(See is the daughter ofVrishbhanu Rai and lives in Barsana; There is nothing

worth asking, her kula is spotless and known to worldwide).

This identity of Radha as we find in Saneh-Sagar and in many other

Reeti poems sounds no different from the tradition. In the writings of many

scholars who take notice of the medieval Sanskrit and vernacular literature,

she emerges as the consort of Lord Krishna with the highest manifestation

of divinity. In divine perspective, she represented different myths containing

metaphysics and deep theological and philosophical content. 25 These

scholars commonly discuss Radha in relation to Krishna though the nature

of their relationship proposed is radically different. If she was a childhood

friend of Krishna it has not yet been answered with confidence. 26 Her status

23. Tosh, Sudhanidhi, V-3, 62 and 63; Thakur-Thasak, V. 33 and 75.

24. Saneh Sagar, Sec. II, V-24.

25. For different images of Radha see, John Straton Hawley and Donna Wulff (eds.).

The Divine Consort, p. 1 to 128.

26. Hawley thinks that Surdasa, throughout his Sursagar did not follow a conclusive

approach. The audience was, perhaps, to decide many matters. Comparing the

early and later versions of Sursagar, he feels that it can not be discerned since how

long Krishna and Radha had known each other. See, Surdas: Poet, Singer and Saint, p. 71.

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as a consort of Krishna and her marital status questioning the validity of

their love relations is a debating issue.27

Our poet in Saneh-Sagar seemingly treated Radha as an unmarried

daughter ofVrishbhanu. The introductocy verses identify Radha as a resident

ofBarsana village, a territocy of her father. 28 The so conceived marital status

of Radha as wife of some Abhimanyu is not reflected in our sources. Bakshi

Hansraj, who versified at great length the social taboos and obstructions

faced by Radha's married friends, nowhere hinted if Radha had ever

confronted such problems. Truly, some other Reeti poets placed her in the

categocy of Parkiya heroine, they also overshadowed the identity of her

marital home. If the descriptions of Saneh-Sagar and other poems are

understood as representing the myths of Radha and Krishna, the former

text is to be distinguished from the later. Saneh-Sagar is a lyrical poem

written in stocy-telling manner while other poets adopted, more or less, the

traditions of Sanskrit poetcy. Radha therein is treated as Parkiya, one

amongst different types of nayikas in the poetics; the prime motive of the

poets was to describe parkiya and not the life of Radha. Saneh-Sagar

describes Radha as a person and not as a literacy genre and we are

acquainted with different myths concerning Radha and Krishna. We may

27. Rup Goswami's plays have been analysed by Donna Wulff to show that Radha was

a married woman and her love for Krishna was extramarital. See, 'A Sanskrit Portrait:

Radhain the Plays ofRup Goswami' in Hawley and Wulff(eds.}, The Divine Consort,

p. 24-41. See also S.K. De, Early History ofVaishanavaFaith., p. 204-05. For accepting

Radha as Parkiya(wife of someone else), see E.C. Dimock, Jr. 'Doctrine and Practice

Among the Vaishnavas in Bengal' in Singer (ed). Rites, Myths and Attitudes, p. 55-

63; and Lee Siegel, Sacred and Profane Dimensions of Love in Indian Tradition, p.

117-19.

28. Reeti poet Thakur also confirms Radha as a native of Barsana living in her parental

home. See Thakur-Thasak, V. 33 which reads as follows.

<W ~ ~ ~ Xjffi ftr<ffit Ji '1 S1l6'1 +=fr6 ~ ~ I

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reasonably accept that Radha was a young beautiful and unmarried girl

who stayed with her parents. The views of many scholars, who challenge

the validity of the love between Radha and Krishna by calling it

adulterous, 29 are not subtantiated through Saneh-Sagar. In many verses,

Radha along with many other gopis of Barsana worships the banyan tree

with a wish to get Krishna as their husband. One of these verses reads

as follows:

~ \JWl ~ "ffij tT ctT "Wl Wl ~ 130

W ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~CI'< CR ~I

(The hearts of all are drenched in love; all the ladies of Braja wished to get

Kanha-Kunwar as their husband by worshipping the banyan tree)

The same verse further informs that one of the gop is suggested all others to

reach their homes hurriedly in the wake of the fear of their mothers. Hence,

it implies that Radha was unmarried and her love for Krishna was in no

way invalid. 31

29. Though Alain Danielou writes that Radha never became a lawful consort of Krishna

(Hindu Pantheon, p. 263) and Lee Siegel also treats their relationship as adulterous,

(Lee Siegel, Sacred and Profane Dimensions of Love in Indian Tradition, p. 117). Hawley finds it no marital offence in Sursagar. Surdasa, writes Hawley, was not

concerned with her being married or unmarried as it mattered little in their

devotional relationship. See his book, Surdas p. 86-88. S.K. De also concludes on

the basis of his reading of Rup Goswami's play Ujjvala-Nilmani, that the love of

parkiya (belonging to another) though deprecated in orthodox poetics, is the universally accepted symbol of soul's passionate devotion to God. See, Early History

of Vaishnava Faith, p. 204-05. Thakur also writes that Radha renounced her

patibrata to love Krishna. See Thakur Thasa.k, V. 17 4.

30. Saneh-Sagar V. 17, Sec. Vll.

31. Even as we accept Radha as Parkiya, our conclusion may hardly be altered because P.V. Kane refers to Ujjvanilmani of Rup Goswami and informs that parkiya were of two types, maiden (kanya) and married (Parodhci); see P.V. Kane, History ofSanskrit

Practice, p. 312.

- 114-

Both Radha and Krishna of Saneh-Sagar were youthful adolescents

and had not yet seen each other. 32 Unlike the descriptions of their first

meeting in other contemporary sources, the poem suggests that Sudama,

Krishna's friend and Lalita, Radha's friend mediated their relationship. Lalita

once came to Gokul and had a glance at Krishna. Inebriate with passion,

she described the incident to her friend Radha. Listening about the

captivating beauty of Krishna, Radha was astonished. She then requested

her friend Chitra to sketch Krishna on a paper. Chitra purposely goes to

Gokul and retums successfully. Radha's irresistibility after seeing the sketch

of Krishna had no limits and she made repeated requests to Lalita for

arranging her meeting with Krishna. The similar course of incidents has

been narrated on the side of Krishna, the friends in his case being Sudama

and Vichitra. Lalita escorted Radha on pretext of cattle grazing to Gokul

where Krishna had already arrived. They met as strangers, albeit each of

them had already captivated the emotions of each other. When their

yearnings had no bounds, they decided to enter the conjugal bond, though

secretly in Gandharvastyle. Bakshi Hansraj, in this way, suggests that the

first meeting of Krishna and Radha was not spontaneous but it was

deliberately planned. Their marriage was also performed as a part of ritual

essential for social approval.

The marriage was witnessed by none. The poet used all abstract

adjectives for defining the ceremony. The marriage pavalion was decorated

by 'good conduct'; the 'wishes' became the hangings; all the senses fixed

the poles. Oil (love) was mixed with turmeric (compassion) to anoint Radha's

body. Patience, satisfaction and nature accompanied the marriage

32. The third section of Saneh-Sagar describes all these incidents in sequence.

- 115-

procession. Wisdom, a friend of Radha sang customary songs and the priest

performed the yajna for completing the marriage, the offerings being

dedicated to eros. This marriage was unique literary expression in poetic

tradition. It was also indicative of a secret marriage devoid of usual social

rituals and presence of the kinfolks. 33

The underlying idea for the marriage in Saneh-Sagar and Sursagar is

strikingly different. Surdasa refers to the granting of wish by the goddess

to the women of Braja who observed penance for getting Lord Krishna as

their husband; and there appeared many illusionary Krishna, each

performing rasa-dance with gopis. Lord himself, infact, danced with Radha.

In this process, they entered the conjugal bond through gandharva form of

marriage. 34 Saneh-Sagar produces a contrary picture wherein Krishna and

Radha decided to marry with mutual consent as the worldly consort ought

to solemnize this ritual. Though this form of marriage leaving everyone in

secret was not considered as religious and was subject to annulment on

caste basis, the poet of Saneh-Sagar left it to the audience to judge its

validity:

33. The reference of the gandharva marriage of Radha and Krishna are also available

in Sursagar in context of Rasa-dance. The difference between Saneh-Sagar and

Sursagar about their being that the friends of Radhas were invited to attend the

ceremony in the latter. See Sursagar, V. 1690/13; Hawley, on the contrary doubts

if the relationships between the two damsels was conjugal on the basis of his

analysis of Sursagar. See Hawley, Krishna, The Butter thief p. 273. Mackenzine

Brown in his article The Theology of Radha in Puranas' in Hawley and Wulff (eds.).

The Divine Consort also talks of the supernatural marriage of Radha and Krishna.

S.K. De quotes Brahmavaivartaas the singular source effecting a regular marriage

between Radha and Krishna. See S.K. De, Early History ojVaishnavaFaith, p. 11.

34. Sursagar, V. 1689/2

- 116-

\i'll"fcl ~ "ffij ~ \Fq ~ c;hcp ~ &:ft t I'< I 135

"QTfUr m cBi <:ffl ~ ~ fll""l$11 61'< I I

(One may visualize this form of marriage in terms of casteism, high or lo\\

lineage, worldly and vedic discourses)

This marriage, to Surdasa, implied a formalised sublimation of sexua:

and emotional experience as means to experience the divine; the abrup1

disappearance of the Lord for crushing the feeling of self-esteem in th~

devotees having experienced the divinity so intimately clearly reflects th~

divine powers of the Lord. 36 The Reeti-kal text, however, does not delight ir

the consummation of their marriage. Surdasa elaborated extensively the love­

making between the couple but to our utter surprise, this account is missin~

in Saneh-Sagar. The poem is completed with the concluding of marriag~

rites. It is really surprising feature as Surdasa, so conceived devotional poet

also focused on the erotic aspect of their relationship, Bakshi Hansraj avoidec

such description though the socio-cultural and literary traditions of his agt

could have exonerated him. Unlike Surdasa, it is not clear how Radha reachec

her parental home but they did not lead a conjugal life is confirmed. Theil

persistent passion and longing was further described by the poet in differen1

episodes which we do not find a place in erstwhile mythical traditions.

One of these episodes concerns the visit of Krishna to Barsana in tht.

guise of a gopL His yearning for Radha became so intense that he decided ·

35. Saneh-Sagar V. 48, Section V.

36. Sursagar, V. 1703/1-2 reads as follows:

TR"6f ~ £[\Jf ~ ctT. ~~~I wn ~ WI ~. ~ 3ffim;:n I

- 117-

to dress himself as a gopi and to go to Vrishbana's place, just to have a

glance of his beloved:

~ ~ J>fi ~ cgCl\! cf> .,., -ij ~ ~ 137

~ ~ ~ w:rr cp) uc;r "fiT ~ ~ I

(One day, a thought came to Krishna's heart; In the guise of her friend, he

should meet Radha deceitfully).

The description of Krishna's dressing up as gopi, his arrival in Barsana,

the surprise of Radha and her friends to see the stranger, recognition by

Lalita and her insistence on his immediate return due to the fear of people

around produce Krishna in new form. Radha, too, in response reacting

goes to Gokul in the guise of a cowherd and we find parallel descriptions in

the episode. 38 In another incident, Radha come to celebrate the festival of

Akhti and Krishna, at the instance of Sudama, reaches that place. 39 There

is yet another occasion of Vat-Vriksh pt9a when Krishna gets the opportunity

to meet Radha. 40 Another attempt of Krishna is his visit to Barsana disguised

as yogL 41 All these incidents constitute a major portion in the poetry.

Interestingly, all these events did not find a little space in the prevailing

traditions and were also not noticed by the scholars of Krishnaite theme.

These incidents in the poetry are significant for us as they are aberrations

to the established traditions of Krishnaite religion in bhakti-kal, suggesting

the changing socio-religious norms concerning the Lord's divinity and power

relations of man and woman.

37. Saneh-Sagar, V. 1, Section-VIII.

38. Ibid, Section 8 and 9.

39. Ibid, Sec. 6.

40. Ibid, Sec. 7.

41. Ibid, Sec. 5.

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The Continuity and Change in the Legends

Radha and Krishna are introduced in the manner of story-telling.

The frequent use of expressions 'one day' or 'once it happened' clearly

suggests that the legend was being narrated as a story. Usually, in story­

telling the prologue and epilogue do not change and the same story is

reiterated from generation to generation. Bakshi Hansraj also reproduced

the introductory myths concerning Radha and krishna, concluding them

as divine manifestations. Still, the wisdom of the teller was reflected in the

use of his language through which he situated them in the contemporary

socio-cultural milieu. In order to capture the minds of each of his audience,

he knowingly added new elements for he was aware of the fact that Krishna

and Radha had always been subjected to the process of myth-making. He,

therefore, added his imagination to creative skills and produced a new

image of the divine legends in terms real and living experiences of human

life.42 Also, Bakshi Hansraj did not distort the traditions as we find that

each myth when narrated in popular version drops and adds new elements. 43

The poetry of other Reeti poets writing on the theme would be treated

separately as it reflects a different literary tradition.

The image of Lord Krishna was re-enacted as the divine Vasudeva­

Krishna to a lesser extent and as the cowherd God to a greater extent. His

relation with the Yadava clan was shown only once in the legthy poem in

42. Colin Flack in Myth, Truthand.Uteraturewrites that poetiy or imaginative literature

is the most fundamental mode of inscription of reality; the concreteness of the

imagination is more real than the abstract religious symbolism. See p. 151. Reading

the English poetiy of eighteenth century, he believes that the stories and poetiy

are the living experiences (p. 108-09). 43. See, Renate Sohnen Thieme, 'The Ahalya Story through the Ages', (p. 39-61) and

Lynn Thomas 'Parasuram and Time' in Julia Leslie (ed) Myth and Mythm.aking.

- 119-

just one line. His pastoral life was constantly highlighted with simultaneous

revelation of his divinity. The Reeti poets, in general, denoted krishna as

ahir'; the term 'ahir and Krishna frequently being used as synonyms.44

And this ahir Krishna gratified the pastoral character of his clan by

cherishing the cultural values of his family profession. In the first encounter

with Krishna, Radha preteniously tells him to take her cows also for grazing,

addressing him as cowherd. Krishna realized irony of the metaphor and

responded sharply :

(What shame in cattle-grazing, this is our livelihood).

Further, the strength of the cowherd community is also reflected in

terms of the number of cowherd males and females performing different

related tasks, routine life and the standard of living (the description of

their residence, clothes and food). We may therefore understand that the

Ahiras who were considered as inferior group in the earlier period were

claiming a higher status by associating themselves with the high lineage of

Lord, the depiction of Krishna and by bringing the divine to their land as

extant personality. S.N. Dasgupta treats the depiction of Krishna in the

form as the popular mysticism during our period. 46 It is not confirming the

views of different scholar regarding the status of ahiras but the evidence

44. In the poetry of many other Reeti poets, abhir or ahir was used as an epithet of

Krishna. See, Thakur Thasak, V. 81; Tosh, Sudhanidhi, V. 95 and 200 and 379,

Bhikharidas Granthavali, Shringar-nirnaya, V. 179 and 271, Somnath Granthavali,

p. 170, V. 7; Ras Saransh, V. 512.

45. Saneh-Sagar V. 11, Section 3.

46. S.N. Dasgupta (Hindu Mysticism p. 142) also believes that the legend of Krishna

supplies a human touch to God's dealings with men. 'The particular events related

to the life of Krishna are no doubt, eternal, timeless and spaceless but play of the

God with his own associates implies a mystic attitude of the popular groups."

- 120- .

from our source also supports this notion. The poet shows that the clan of

Vrishbanu was more affluent and reputed than that of the Ahiras. 47 The

natives of Barsana were elegant and they lived in high palaces. They were

wealthy enough to maintain large body of maids and servants. People

possessed elephants and horse-chariots were so abundant that roads were

overcrowded. Above all, each family in the town was keeping large number

of cows (the number being given as 'lacs'). Krishna also praised the grandeur

of the town as follows:

(The beauty ofVrishbhanu's town is even greater than the abode of gods).

The superiority ofVrishbhanu's clan was further asserted when Lalita,

the close associate of Radha ridicules Krishna for his desire to establish a

relationship with Radha:

(The youthful girl is the daughter of a great father and high lineage; You are

the son of a chieftain Nanda, she is also the dearest ofVrishbhanu).

The poet further assigned Krishna and his clan not only an inferior status

in relation to that of Vrishbhanu but relegated Krishna in the background

of Vrishbhanu's regime. The Lord of Braja who happened to be politically

dominant in earlier texts appeared in Saneh-Sagar as a vassal ofVrishbhanu.

His father confessed his vassalage in the following verse :

47. For this description, see. Saneh-Sagar, V. 24-29, Section 3.

48. Ibid .• V. 30, Section 8.

49. Ibid .. V. 63 & 65.

- 121 -

(Shri Vrishbhanu Rai is the lamp of his kula and the king of entire Braja;

We live under his protection and all our efforts succeed because of him).

The clan ofNanda was also assessed as inferior by another poet Dev.

Radha in the following verse extolled the kula of Vrishbhanu to an extent

which overshadowed that of Nanda or Yashoda:

~ ~ ~ cf> ~ em ern. \Il'<i~~ffi ~ em ~ em ~ 151

~ ~ ~ fR "# lf'1 "# C[l'f 11R ~ "fiT ~ I

~ ~ 611 ~ cf> ~. rr m gxm ~ "6llCR ~I

~~rr~~.~~~~"6fi~l

(Ask elderly father Nanda's lineage; do you think about Yashoda's paternal

lineage; you boasted of your lineage in the forest but you are jealous of

father Vrishbhanu; Dev says I am bound by the relation oflove, the ancestors

might have otherwise fought for (unmatched) relationship; I control my

speech not be abusive, 0 rural cowherd! You tell me that you are Hari!)

It also deserves notice that evaluation was taking place not in terms

of genealogies alone, the political and economic conditions being additional

factors, rather more significant in the social hierarchy. Both the communities

under review were pastoral with cattle-grazing as their profession. They

also hailed from high lineages. Still, their status in the society differed in

terms of assets, capital and political authority they possessed. On the same

grounds the love relations between Radha and Krishna were disapproved.

This indicates that the inferior cowhered-God of Vaudeville was further

50. Saneh-Sagar, Section 5, V. 14

51. Dev Granthavali, Sukh Sagar Tarang, V. 312

- 122-

presented as more inferior pastoral clan. 52 The divinity dwell in such an

inferior Ahira whose spiritual authority was being uplifted in the wake of

popular mysticism through affectionate mode of bhaktL

It is well known that the saint poets of Bhakti kal attempted to protest

the orthodox and ritualistic trends in religious sphere. Bhakti was no more

a preserve of the religious elites; the low-horn and inferior people also had

access to God in different mystic traditions during the period concerned.

The poet was perhaps acquainted with the prevailing trends. The spread of

bhakti in north India during the tenth and eleventh centuries, parallel growth

of different schools of philosophy and Tantricism resulting in subsequent

formation of different sects and cults were the remarkable features of the

medieval period. The revival of Vaishnavism was equally significant for it

provided different outlets to devotional sentiment in Bengal and north India

during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The introduction of new streams

did not imply displacement of earlier mystic traditions which still retained

their antiquity though adapted to the new ideologies to some extent. We

therefore find various sects and cults professing their own understanding

of religion and ways to attain union of individual soul with the transcendental

divinity during the period concerned. 53

All these traditions in Indian mysticism, differences apart, represented

a constant and unvarying phenomenon of the universal desire of the

52. Vaudeville believes that the cowherd-god belongs to the oldest stratum of Hindu

beliefs. Abhiras and Gwjaras in first century c.e. were regarded as sudras and

mlecchhas, who became powerful clans; it was probab]y they popularized the

cowherd-God all over India. See, Myths, Saints and Legends, p. 17 and 44.

53. S.N. Dasgupta distinguishes between different types of mysticism in India: the

sacrificial, the Upanishadic, the Yogic, the Buddhistic and the popular or bhakti.

See S.N. Dasgupta, Hindus Mysticism.

- 123-

individual soul for personal communion with the God. 54 The interaction

between the Hindu mysticism and Sufism caused further diversification of

the religious thought and emergence of different sampradayas and panths. 55

These developments were appreciated by the poet of Saneh-Sagar and he

himself as a member of Sakhi-Sampradaya of Krishnaite bhakti,

demonstrated the supremacy of the devotional love, the basic ideology of

his cult. It is not exhibited directly in his poetry but an episode in which

Krishna, in the guise of a yogi goes to meet Radha, brings to light the

religious atmosphere of the period.

The idea of presenting Krishna as a yogi was apparently new as our

reading of the sources, either primary or secondary, during the medieval

period does not confirm any such portrayal of Krishna. Biardeau, however,

referring to Upanishadic sources revealed foundation of yogic path to

salvation which called forth yogic asceticism in case of Gods Vishnu and

Shiva. 56 This situation envisaged contradiction as Vishnu as the deity

signified worldly image, while Shiva as Mahayogi demanded renunciation

and austerity. The power of time diffused both the features and produced

the human yogi, who, along with a certain degree of mystic experience and

eroticism surpassed empirical individuality of the two Gods. 57 This idea

was imbibed by the Tantric tradition in early medieval period in which

54. Zaehner also discusses the extent to which the indigenous and Islamic trends in

Indian mysticism in the medieval period represented the congruent ways of achieving

communion with the God. See, R.C. Zaehner, Hindu and Muslim Mysticism, p. 1-

20. 55. S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Vol. 1, p. 322-97.

56. Madeleine Biardeau, Hinduism, p. 91. 57. Wendell Charles Beane, Myths, Cults and Symbols in Sakta Hinduism, p. 195-96.

Beane finds asceticism and etrocism not as opposites though historians have

differing opinions about this notion of Shiva.

- 124-

Tantricism and bhakti exchanged some tenets with alterations. 58 The yogi

was then given a new shape by the Nath doctrines under the leadership of

Gorakhnath. 59 It has also been suggested that different sects during the

period were learning the ways of life and preaching of each other by visiting

the centres of the sects of their interest. 60 We find, in this manner, how the

image of Lord Shiva was gradually transformed and deduced as an ordinary

yogi bound to certain rituals of Gorakhnathi sect. Conception of a god as

yogi was thus in no way a strange feature. In our period, in different cults,

be it Nath or Sufi, a devotee practising meditation and other related acts

was considered as yogL The syncretic notion of yogic practices at popular

level in the medieval period has also been explained by the historians. 61 We

are in a position to suppose that the poet of Saneh-Sagarthrough mediation

of time transplanted the image of Mahayogi Shiva to the legend of Krishna.

The exchange of traditions between Ramaite and Krishnaite cults of

Vaishnavism could be a normal process but Shaivaites had generally

distinguished themselves and adoption of their tenets by a Krishnaite cult

was essentially a changed percept.

58. Biardeau, Hinduism, p. 154.

59. S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, p. 354. 60. Peter van der Veer in Gods on Earth (p. 168) writes that the Ramanandis even

during the eighteenth century visited the Krishnaite centres in Braja to learn the

concept of rasa and the pilgrimage dramas performed in Vrindavana often presented

Ramaite maryada through a yogL It could have, perhaps, influenced our poet.

61. S.A.A. Rizvi registers different stages of transformation in Tantricism. He shows that Gorakhnath reformulated the doctrine and founded the Nath-Sampradaya practising Hath-Yoga. Later, the Naths and Siddha yogis, over vast geographical area, either wandered in the towns or lived in the forests. Some of them begged and some joined the group of qalandar Sufis. See, A History of Sufism, Vol. I. p. 331-43. His views that the Sufi and Vaishnavite yogis wandered singing devotional songs (p. 358) may also be confirmed in the light of the references of such yogis given in

Saneh-Sagar.

- 125-

Moreover, the tradition of presenting Lord Krishna here as an ascetic

may also be traced in Padmavat of Malik Muhammad Jaisi. King Ratna

Sena and the heroine Padmavati resemble the ascetic Krishna and the

heroine Radha in Saneh-Sagar. King Ratha Sena has been portrayed as a

Nath-yogi by Jaisi, who, in order to many Padmavati renounces the world

and embraces yogic practices leading to austerities. 62 The perception of the

yogi was, however, strikingly different in Saneh-Sagar. J aisi presented yogi

and bhogi (worldly) as two opposites-a yogi was not permitted in his

tradition to lead a worldly life and he had to renouce all his desires. 63 Bakshi

Hansraj, on the contrary, saw no conflict between the two and his yogi

could as well enjoy the pleasure of love:

6ll \Jil7fr X11ffi ffi ~ ~ ~ R; Cf> l··t) 164

(We, wandering yogis, consume pleasure and do not have a fixed abode;

Wherever we find affection, there only we exist).

The poet, who lived during the age of intense mystic and ascetic

traditions, learnt the different aspects of yogic life. His descriptions of the

yogi and his ways of life is a generalized one. 65 He had long hair tied on the

top of his head; rings in the ear and dust on his body; covered his body

with the skin of a tiger and kept deer's skin on his shoulders; carried the

wooden spout in his hand and wore chain of horns; pure at heart he tied

cloth on his waist; jingled the tambourine and sang ragas of passion. This

62. Jaisi Granthavali, Padmavat, V. 179 & 182 and compare, Saneh-Sagar, V. 83-136,

Section V.

63. Ibid, V. 304 and 306.

64. Saneh-Sagar, V. 119, Section V.

65. Ibid., V. 83-86, Section V.

- 126-

image of a yogi as it emerges from the description was composite, enveloping

of not one but many traditions. It partially reflected the picture of a Nath

yogi whose personality and behaviour was formulated in terms of trinity­

Shiva, Matsyendra and Gorakhnath. 66 His singing of ragas, to some extent,

signified the tradition of affectionate bhakti in Krishnaite stream in which

the impassioned attachment (raga) to the divinity was focused. 67 It is difficult

for us to determine how far the perception of Nath-yogi had influenced the

portrayal of the yogi in Saneh-Sagar, it was apparently more close to

affectionate bhakti in the ongoing verses. The references that the sound of

yogi's trumpet aggravated gopis yearning and his activities aroused erotic

sentiment amongst them lend support to this idea. 68 The combination of

empirical and the then contemporary notions of yogi was not aberration as

different systems of philosophies usually and largely borrowed the ideas

from each other.

The differences and similarities in the yogic practices were further

versified as follows:

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ -m ~ 1f-=?T 3lTmtT 169

~ \JlTCf W1 ~ t-1 ~ ~ ~ W1 xmrfl

(Which God do you worship, which mantra do you propitiate; Which mantra

66. S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism, Vol. I, p. 332, the image of the yogi as described

here resembled to a low set of ascetics of Shivaism living as miracle mongers,

jugglers or whimsicalities during the period concerned. See also, Hopkins, The

Religions of India, p. 486.

67. Biardeau, Hinduism, p. 146.

68. Saneh-Sagar, V. 88 and 89, Section. V.

69. Ibid., V., 94, Section V.

- 127-

do you recite and who is the authority whom you venerate; What knowledge

makes your religion strong; how do you meditate; how through the yogic

practices your concentration is not distracted.)

They further enquired about yogi's marital status if he led a settled

or a wandering life. The caste and affiliation to some guru was also a matter

of concern. They were also eager to know the reason of his wandering all

alone. The pilgrimage centre, the school and the panth were other factors

essential for the distinguished identity of the yogi. Such a description

certainly suggests multiple dimensions of mysticism in the period under

our consideration.

The formation of a sect or panth was a widespread feature of the

medieval society. A panth as an institution was formed with the acceptance

of any religious teacher and acquisition of certain rituals. 70 The guru had

the power to awaken the soul of his disciples. The disciples were initiated

in a cult by the guru by conferring the mantra. 71 The disciples were also

expected to render personal services to win their favour and blessing. The

rituals of the cult included recitation of mantras, meditation and religious

discourses for the sake of knowledge. Apart from the panths, there existed

different schools of philosophy like Vedanta, Mimansa, Sankhya and so

on. 72 More popular amongst the panths were the schools of nirguna and

70. For different cults during the period concerned, see Winand C. Calleweart, 'Dadu

and the Dadu Panth: The Sources'; W.H. McLeod, The Development of the Silrn­

Panth' and David Lorenzen, 'Kabir panth and Social Protest' in McLeod and Schomer

(eds.), The Sants.

71. Shankar Gopal Tulpule, Mysticism in Medieval India, p. 104-25, see also, C.

Vaudeville 'Sant Mat; Santism the universal path to Sanctity' in McLeod and Schomer

(eds.) The Sants, p. 33, and Daniel Gold, The Lord as Guru, p. 104-110.

72. In Beetak of Swami Lal Das, we find the names of all these schools and different.

Prannath, the Guru of Laldas held discussions with the heads of all these schools

and cults to establish the supremacy of his religion. See, section 35.

- 128-

saguna bhakti. Vaishnavite sect was yet another popular institution which

was again split off in different sub-sects like Ramaites, Vallabha-margi,

Madhava sampradaya or Vishnuswami sampradaya. 73 The Sufi tradition

also added another dimension to the contemporary mystic traditions.

Though these panths and schools held a body of different doctrines and

each thus distinguished itself in terms of a given theory, there still existed

some features which were common to all. 74

It was these differences and similarities which Bakshi Hansraj briefly

described, though each word of the verse enveloped detailed concepts and

perceptions of his age. The most common feature reflected in his poetry,

which we have discussed in chapter five on Prannath also, was the idea of

a Guru common to all the cults. The references from our source, as we have

seen above, highlight the existence of a guru in the cults, veneration and

personal seiVice to the guru, propitiation of a mantra and ultimately achieving

contact with some divine power. The term tirath implying pilgrimage in

context of a yogi during the period convey a different meaning. A tirath for

a yogi was perhaps the dwelling place of his guru. 75

73. Peter Vander Veer, Gods on Earth, p. 168 and 169 and see also S.K. De, Early

History of Vaishnavism Introduction.

7 4. Peter van der Veer in his book Gods on Earth, has quoted L. Renou, an indologists,

who proposed criteria for Indian Sects. The criteria included adherence to a particular

sacred text and to a particular deity; adoption of a unique philosophical orientation

and a charismatic ascetic founder. Seep. 95. The gwu, however, was not necessarily

an ascetic in our sources. Asceticism and mysticism were two different features of

the religious beliefs producing different images of the gW1L He could be a bachelor observing celibacy or a married person: an ascetic or worldly person living

comfortable life. 75. Shuja Ahlaq believes that in the later traditions, the shrine of an eminent yogi, pir

or gu.n.L sometimes attached to a monastry became a centre of pilgrimage for the devotees of his cult. See, A Forgotten Vision, p. 163.

- 129-

The key terms appearing in Saneh-Sagar are yog and dhyan. Devotion

through meditation had been a common practice in all the sects, may it be

nirguna, saguna, suji. or Nath cult. Through meditation, the devotees revealed

their self and acquired knowledge. It was in the sense a more elaborated

way of devotion. 76 By negating his relation to any of these streams, Krishna,

the yogi in Saneh-Sagar, relates himself to the cult of devotional love. He

explained the essence of true love to Radha and all other gopis as follows:

~ ~ (fq ~l2.l ~ ~ "ffij ~ ~ ml77

~ WT wR \3X 31& ~ 5011 ~ Cb -.=@ ~ I

(Performing yoga, penance and pilgrimage altogether miguide the soul; until

love originates from within your heart, the God Brahma will not be achieved.)

The poetry further suggests intimacy with God receiving bliss and

ecstatic relationship with Him as the real mode of worship. By drawing

correspondence among the different percepts of yogis, Krishna as yogi

acquired a different meaning in our context. We have seen in the forgoing

discussion that the life-style of the yogis was structural wherein certain

values, rites and practices determined the boundaries. But we observed

that Krishna as a yogi defied this kind of structuring; the passionate yogi

was not guided by any preordained mode of living or philosophical thought.

Any devotee, whose heart experiences the passion and yearns for

communion involving efforts at the same time, may be treated as a yogi.

True love was the only and necessary feature of yogic life.

76. Shankar Gopal Tulpule concentrates largely on the ways of meditation in India

since Vedic period for attaining salvation and communion with God. Meditation

was also performed in the medieval period by the Saints and mystics. The Divine

Name in the Indian Tradition, Chap. X.

77. Saneh-Sagar, V. 109, Section V.

- 130-

One should not therefore take the episode connecting Krishna to a

new myth simply as a poetic imagination. It was rather a product of many

factors taken together. The divine love of Krishna for gopis, the eroticism of

Mahayogi Shiva, literacy convention of Jaisi, the prevailing ascetic and mystic

tendencies, and above all, genres of Reeti poetry were diffused to create a

new image of Krishna during our period. The poet transformed Krishna's

image as a yogi and in this form, an ordinary seeker desiring intimacy with

the Supreme.

In another section, the poet described the appearance of Krishna

and Radha in each other's dream even before their first encounter. 78 The

description of the irresistible charm as heard by each of them through

their friends made them so impassionate that both of them had the vision

of their beloved in the dream. The dream was not a sole fantasy but the

incidents of dreams turned to be the real ones. Krishna had stolen Radha's

ring in the dream and Radha took away the one of her beloved. Interestingly,

when they met for the first time, the rings were really exchanged. The incident

is nowhere available in the legendary tales of Radha and Krishna. There

seems to be no obvious reason for explaining this addition to the mythical

stories. We, no doubt, locate a persistent appeal of 'ring' incidents in Reeti

poetry and the poet of Saneh-Sagarwas also no exception. Plenty of verses

in Reeti poetry describe the exchange of ring (chhalla, mundan1 as a token

of love, as a symbol of jealousy or as a sign of remembrance in separation.

The idea of the ring was, therefore, in conformity to the poetic tradition of

the age.

78. Saneh-Sagar, Section 2.

- 131 -

Further, stealing was not something new in Krishnaite myth. Almost

every scholar dealing with Krishna in medieval bhakti poetry refers to the

thievery of Krishna. Krishna, as, butter thief had troubled not only the

gopis of Surdasa but posed a perennial threat to the gopis in Reeti poetry. 79

The incident of Krishna's thievery of the clothes of the gopis was also

considered as an allegory. He was also not devoid of his image as 'thief of

hearts' (chitchor and man chor) in Surdasa. Bakshi Hansraj, not simply

maintained the continuity in the tradition, he delighted in the myth of

Krishna as a thief by adding further the theft of the ring. In Saneh-Sagar it

is not Krishna but Radha also is presented as a thief. In the earlier tradition,

the gopis accused him and complained to Yasoda; in Saneh-Sagar, Radha

upbraided him for stealing her ring:

\J1 XjJOOJ ffi 3lR ~ 6IT6fT ~ ~ "Cfl(1 cp) c)c) 180

~ cpx) (Yf]\Jf wR f.1qc cp1{ <ffi -mel I

(What crisis is there in the family of Yashomati and Nanda; What for,

renouncing the shame you committed this impious task.)

The noble lineage of Krishna could not explain the thievery of Krishna either

in Sursagar or in Saneh-Sagar. The former explained it by describing other

related incidents of his childhood as illusionary. Surdasa's verses might be

79. John S. Hawley, Krishna: The Butter Thief, we meet with the naughty child Krishna

who troubles the gopis of Gokul by depriving them of their butter. Hawley treats

these descriptions as poems of vision (p. 104 and also the ideology in the book

reflects the same trend.) The butterthief in our sources emerges as an adolscent

boy or as the hero who steals not only the butter, but the hearts of the gopis as

well. The thievery of heart, here, is more sound. For reference of butterthief in

Reeti sources, see, Saneh-Sagar, V. 24-29, Sec. 8 and Ratan Hazara, V. 571;

Sudhanidhi, V. 445, Bhakti Vinod, V. 135; for Chitchor see, Ratan Hazara, V. 228,

245, 551, 554 and 591.

80. Saneh-Sagar, V. 33, Section 3

- 132-

interpreted as deep philosophical allegory but what is more significant for

us is the myth of Krishna's theive:ry in Sci..neh-Sagar.

In these incidents neither Radha nor Krishna were backed by the

incidents revealing their dividinty. Our sources furnish little information

to find an explanation to this thieve:ry. 81 As the theft-took place in dreams,

it demands an insight into the sufi symbols which provide interpretation of

such words. The works concentrating on Sufi symbolism reveal different

symbolic interpretation of the words used in Sufi poet:ry. The interpretation

of word passion suggests "apparition of love from 'unseen world' (dreams)

in the heart oflover, which may be caused by audition, vision or beneficence

of the Beloved. Of these causes the most complete and important is vision

which undergoes no alteration in the course of a direct encounter with the

Beloved. "82 The sequence of incidents in Saneh-Sagar is least different: Lalita

sees Krishna and describes his beauty to Radha, she becomes impassionate;

sees him in her dream; her first encounter and turning of all the incidents

in dream as real. Interestingly, Krishna's myth got yet another dimension

in our poet:ry in terms of sufistic portrayal. We have seen how the interaction

between medieval Hindu mystic traditions and Sufism in India had

influenced the Krishaite poet:ry but the reading of Saneh-Sagar explores

the extent to which the ideology of the Sufis was imbibed by the poet inspite

of their Vaishnavaite patronage in Bundelkhand.83 Narration of parallel

incidents would later be discussed in terms of gender relations.

81. Hawley explains that the thievery either of butter, hearts. vision or clothes contained

a deep philosophical message which the Lord wanted to teach his devotees. See,

the Butter thief, p. 161-64.

82. Javed Nurbaksh, Sufi Symbolism, vol. II, p. 23. See also, Haqaiq-i-Hindi of Abdul

Wahid Bilgrami, Tr. in Hindi by S.A.A. Rizvi.

83. Bodha was also a court poet in Panna and Orchha. Both these places were primarily

Vaishnavaites, See, Kolff, Naukar; Rqjput and Sipahi, p. 130-31.

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Furthermore, the historians of Hindi literature also confirm the idea

of love arising after seeing the Beloved in the dreams. 84 In context of Sufi

love-poetiy they mention different stories in which the vision of beloved in

dream causes the feeling of love even before they meet in reality. Bakshi

Hansraj, perhaps, knew that the love caused by the hearing of the beloved

might change after direct encounter so he depicted in all the possible ways

the passion between krishna and Radha, first through hearing, then vision

in dreams and finally, in reality.

The role played by the friends of Radha and those of Krishna is also

significant. Lalita, the intimate friend of Radha along with other friends,

always mediated the love relations between the two. There are instances

when Lalita appeared more sensible in problem-solving. Both Sudama and

Lalita were always exerting to lessen the intensity of their suffering by

arranging their meetings. Lalita also acted as a guide to Radha in appeasing

her jealousy for Krishna's alleged attachment for other gopis. The literary

tradition of the period dealing with Sakhi theme was popular amongst

Ramaites and Krishnaite cults. The female friends of Sita were presented

as having no personal relationship or contacts with Rama. They were

primarily concerned with the happiness of the couple. In Krishnaite tradition,

the go pis as friends of Radha maintained an erotic and esoteric relationship

with Krishna. 85 Bakshi Hansraj, as a devotee of Sakhi-Sampradaya, also

described gopis' infatuation for Krishna in the earlier sections of his poetry.

They were also chanced by the beauty of Krishna and blamed the social

84. Bhagirath Mishra. Hindi Sahitya ka Brihat Itihas, p. 209-24. The author in his

summary of different stories, informs about the vision of the beloved in dreams

before they really meet.

85. Peter Vander Veer, Gods on Earth, p. 168-69.

- 134-

constraints which imposed a check on their emotions. Still, the notion of

sakhi in our source is not different as described by Van der Veer in context

of Ramaite tradition. The go pis, Lalita in particular, was the foremost victim

of Krishna's effulgent beauty but as she realized the intensity of Radha's

love for Krishna, she tried to secure happiness for them, negating any

distinction between the concept of sakhi in Ramaite or Krishnaite sects. It

was only Radha and not all the gopis who was overwhelmed by ecstasy.

The expressions of ecstatic state are again witness of sufi influence wherein

the couple lost the consciousness of their surroundings :

~ "fR'i1l ~ ~ ffi ~ ~ ~ ~186

3lfc1 ~ 4"<''H4"< ~ ffr-R ~ ~I

(They drank the wine of their beauty by filling it in their eyes; altogether

swinging intoxicated, they forgot the pains of separation.)

The idea of cup, wine and intoxication is believed to have been

imported in India by Sufi mystics. 87 Also, the use of terms ashiq and mahbub

further represented the lover-beloved notion of Sufi mysticism. It is not to

negate the Hindu mystic tradition where love with erotic sentiment projected

the divine game between God as Purusha and soul, the female as PrakritL 88

The yearning of the soul in form of living feminine body for the Divine soul

86. Saneh-Sagar, V. 38, Sec. 6, see also V. 20 in Sec. 7 and V. 9 in Sec .. 8. Many other

verses in the poetry suggest that the couple lost their senses and reached the state of madness. Many scholars believe ecstasy as a feature of bhakti in Bhagvat Purana

where the impassionate devotee in a state of madness laughs loudly, shouts, cries

and dances. This esctatic state is also traced back to yogic practices. See for this discussion, Me Dannial June, The Madness of the Saints, p. 3-15. But the language

and metaphors clearly reflect the sufi influence. 87. M. Mujeeb, Islamic Influence on Indian Society, p. 134-36. 88. Biardeau, Hinduism, p. 146.

- 135-

either mortal or immortal has been a symbolic mode in the Hindu mythology

but the language and sequence of events in Saneh-Sagar places it very

close to Sufi tradition. The expressions of selfhood and transcendence, the

doctrine of mystical grace which revealed the divinity of human Krishna,

the boastful expressions put in the mouth of Krishna and depiction ofRadha

as third person confirm the deep influence of Sufi ideas on Bakshi Hansraj. 89

The scholars and historians of Hindi literature though keep the

poetry of Ghananand, Bodha and Alam in the category of Sufi-poetry,

Bakshi Hansraj with his highly sufic poetry has been placed elsewhere in

their writings. The differing notions concerning the lineage of Haridasa,

the founder guru of Sakhi-Sampradaya and thus the guru of Bakshi

Hansraj, adds to our anxiety.90 Even as we accept Haridasa as a Hindu by

birth, his association with the Muslim elites and that of the Chaitanyaites

with the Muslim mystics in Bengal might have influenced his ideas.

Moreover, the Goswamis, who are believed to have laid the foundation of

89. Carl. W. Ernst, Words of Ecstasy in Sufism, p. 36-45. Ernst shows how in Sufism,

the pronouns 'He' and 'I' were interchanged to reveal His existence in the hearts of

men. Krishna, throughout the poetry, emphasized his supremacy in first person.

90. M. Mujeeb decisively calls Haridasa, an eminent disciple of Chaitanya faith, a

muslim. See, Indian Muslims, p. 320. The scholars like Vishwanath Pratap Singh

and Bhagirath Mishra introduce him simply as Swami Haridasa, the founder of

Sakhi-Sam.pradaya. The editors of Hindi Sahitya ka Brihat Itihas, Part V (p. 143

and 203-04) deductively assign him a ~rahman lineage. We are also informed that he was the teacher of Tansen, the courtier of Akbar. There has been a tendency amongst various Krishnaite cults, during the period concerned, for certain reasons

to exhibit their seclusion from other cults and from the Sufis in particular. See also, H. Van Skyhawk, 'Sufi influence in Eknathi Bhagvat: Some observations on the text and its historical context' in R.S. McGregor (ed.), Devotional literature in

South Asia. p. 67-79. The Muslim lineage may cast their status as a Muslim mystic so Haridasa might have been assigned a Brahman lineage.

- 136-

Krishnaite bhaktiin Braja, are also considered as the converts. E. C. Dimock

Jr. explores all the possibilities of their being Muslim and concludes that

they were treated as outcast for their close association with the Muslims. 91

It was perhaps for these reasons that the real identity of Haridasa was

overshadowed by his Vaishnavaite identity as a servant of Hari (Hari­

dasa). These ambiguities tacitly reflect the attempts of the Vaishnavaites

to maintain distinctions in their traditions to represent mysticism in its

pure Brahmanical manifestation during the sixteenth century.

Vaishnavaite patronage in Bundelkhand, made no such efforts and

combined the ideology of his cult and that of the suflS. It could partially

be due to the changing notions of the Vaishnavaites; the acceptance of

Prannathi ideology by his patron kings in Panna might have encouraged

the innovations in his writings. It may however be interpreted as changing

religious attitudes in the medieval period.

The change was discerned not only in the ideology of the cult, the

myths of Krishna and Radha were further transformed by altering the power

relations between the two. O'Flaherty has discussed different ways in which

Indian gods and goddesses share power. Taking the examples of Vishnu­

Lakshmi, Shiva-Parvati and Krishna-Radha from different texts, she shows

91. E. C. Dimock Jr., 'Doctrine and Practice Among the Vaisnavas of Bengar in Milton

Singer (ed) Myths, Rites and Attitude; and see also, S.K. De, The Early History of

VaishnavaFaith, p. 97, note 2 and p. 141-42. He informs that the alleged conversion

of Sanatana, the uncle of Rup Goswami, had created a prejudice in recognizing his

authorship. The Vaishnavaite Cult either treated Rup Goswami and Jiva Goswami

as outcast or developed in them a feeling of being outcast for their associtation with

the Muslims.

- 137-

that different texts handle the theme differently. 92 Scholars have also

presented Radha as the divine consort of Lord Krishna, the supreme Goddess

as transfigured gopi and even as a literacy genre. 93 In different manifestations

she either emerged as cosmological character or as an earthly human figure.

The scholars, in general, analysed the relationship between the two in such

a manner that inspite of all her divine attributes and power, she assumed

a subordinate position in relation to Krishna. The Reeti poetry, in all its

dismensions, echoes in a measure the modern feminism. The central theme

of the poems was commonly the nayika. No doubt, Bakshi Hansraj was a

follower of Sakhi-Sampradaya and emphasis on Radha and her friends

was the tradition of his cult. Still, Radha of Saneh-Sagar received

exceptionally superior position in few instances while treated on equal planes

throughout the text.

If the attempt of Krishna to dress up like a gopi to meet his

Beloved was the known tradition of his cult, the visit of Radha in the

guise of a gopa to Gokul was unknown among the devotees of the

92. Wendy Doniger O'Flaherty, Sexual Metaphors and Animal Symbols in Indian

Mythology, p. 119-28. The distinction between the authority of Krishna and power

of Radha situates Radha at a lower level in the social hierarchy and makes Krishna

dominant. Donna Wulff also presents her as a model in her passionate, persistent

and total dedication to her Lord. See, 'A Sanskrit Portrait: Radha in the plays of

Rupa Goswami, in The Divine Consort, p. 27-41, Bhikharidas, however, believed in

equality of the two as he wrote:

~ ~ cg <1"1 '1 PI tf x-4 tf ~ "if5'i 10fl <:r 3lffit 1

~ "'iTQl ~ IDQl ~ ~ "ffi ~ ciT -gf cgC'1'11t1'i I

(He involves with the wisest among the wisest ladies and I happen to be one amongst

those; I have lost to Gokulanath, if the is offender of his kula-than only I am destroyer of my kula. See, Bhikharidasa Granthavali, Shrinagar Nirnaya, V. 319.

93. For this discussion, see, Hawley and Wulff (eds.) The Divine Consort, p. 1 to 128.

- 138-

cult. 94 Rasleen another poet of the same pertod refers to female androgunes

as Radha guised as Krishna goes to meet him. 95 If Krishna stole the ring of

Radha, she could as well perform the same act. For the thievery Krishna

was to be rebuked bitterly, while Radha, for the same reason, received

humble complaints of Krishna. The characterization of Krishna as dishonest,

fraudulent, frolicsome, and insatiable dove in Saneh-Sagar is very much

similar to the description of human sinners in the poetry of many other

poets. 96 Krishna in Saneh-Sagar was further taught the lesson of morality

by Radha. He was suggested not to take the belonging of others whether

big or small. If someone's thing was taken due to greed, it would lead to

sarcasm. After being cursed for the theft, he was declared a sinner and the

punishment was also to be inflicted. And Radha escaped the criticism

conveniently. She rather reacted sharply, again blaming him for framing a

false allegation against the daughter of Vrishbhanu Rai :

94. The editorial board of Nagri Pracharini Sabha who edited the fifth volume of Hindi

Sahitya kaBrihat Itihas gives a detailed account of the ideology of Sakhi-Sampradaya.

They inform that Krishna was treated as inferior with his servile attitude towards

Radha. In the tradition, Krishna, in order to get the affection of Radha acts like her

friends. O'Flaherty interprets it in terms of androgyny; she finds androgynes as a

theological symbol to accommodate the shifting currents of religious movements. In

Indian religious history, men gods (Shiva as Ardha-narishwarj have generally changed

the sex and not the female goddess. Our poet departed from the tradition as he

depicted female androgynes representing a shifting balance of power. For this

discussion, see, O'Flalerty, Wom.enAndrogynes and Other Mythical Beasts, p. 31-34.

95. See, V. 718 and 719 in his Ras-Prabodh. in Rasleen Granthavali..

96. Saneh-Sagar; V.40, Section 3, refers Krishna as cpqit, ~. ~and er=rcrR. Dev also

assigned him similar bad qualities as~ (highwayman), ~ (acrobat). cpqit

(deceptive). and thief (of clothes, curd and butter, hearts etc). Hawley in Surdas

· finds these self-contradicting qualities of the Lord as leading the devotees to an

awareness of their sins (p. 159). In his Butter thief, he finds these curses as the unbreakable attachment of gopis and as their passionate attack, (p. 156).

- 139-

(I am the daughter ofVrishbhanu Rai, I am not afraid of anything.)

It may, to some observers, appear as unbreakable attachment on part of

Radha or a passionate attack reflecting the amorous aspect in further details

of the poetry. 98 We, however, understand the descriptions as Radha winning

the argument.

The masculine and feminine roles were also reversed by the poet.

The tradition suggested a kind of imbalance between the relationship­

Krishna being conceived as divinity while Radha as devotee or soul yearning

for the union with the Lord. The divinity of Krishna no more raised his

status here and when he negotiated for some sort of intimate relationship

with Radha, he was declared as incongruent match for a lady of very high

status:

(Raising your hands while sitting on the ground, you wish to catch the

moon.).

The relationship between the two was impossible not because any of these

two was superior cosmogonically but the worldly status mattered a lot. It

has already been discussed how the poet assigned a higher socio-economic

status to Radha.

Moreover, the extent of passion and desire for direct experience was

equal on both the sides and seemingly followed the tradition of Sursagar

where Krishna's irrestible charm was matched with Radha's attraction.

Both Radha and Krishna were fascinated by hearing through their friends;

97. Saneh-Sagar, V. 51, Sec. 3.

98. Ibid., V. 52-55, Sec. 3.

99. Ibid., V. 65, Sec. 9.

- 140-

Lalita being requested by Radha to arrange for a meeting and Krishna too

desperate for a vision of Radha. But Krishna's passion in Saneh-Sagar like

that of a devotee in other modes of bha.kti and mysticism, reached the ecstatic

state reflecting chaos and restlessness. Like a mad person, he performed

audacious acts (dressing up like a yogi or gopi). He revealed his longing for

Radha to her friend Lalita so excessivly that he wept bitterly at times :

(Krishna repeated it with his eyes full of tears.)

The divinity of Krishna, as we see further, was remarkably reduced

in terms of human values whereas the unnamed gopi of earlier traditions,

Radha was exalted to the extreme in an incident when Krishna, unable to

bear the separation, picked the dust from the path which Radha had followed

and touched it to his eyes:

(I must follow the path through which Radha has returned; collecting the

dust of her lotus-feet, placed it on his eyes.)

Such a description even exceeds the limits in the description of other Reeti

poets who portray Krishna as sitting at Radha's feet :

(He took the colour from the hands of the nain and held my foot.)

Radha, on the contrary, was depicted with restraints. She went to

meet Krishna not to fulfil her desire but to deceive him in the same manner

100. Ibid., V. 66.

101. Ibid., V. 109.

102. ToshSudhanidhi, v. 145. The illustrations of swadhinpatika nayikain the poetry of

many other Reeti poets describe Krishna decorating Radha's foot by colour or

mahawar.

- 141 -

Krtshna had deceived her. Her passion was wisely governed either by her

own consciousness or through the sensibility of her friend Lalita. The social

contraints were not negatively valued by Radha and her team, though

obstacles in realization oflove were thoroughly abided by. It could, perhaps,

be understood as the adoption of the notion of mary ada of Ramaites by the

poet of Krtshnaite cult. Moreover, it also emerges that Radha's earlier status

of a devotee was reversed and Krtshna, now as an ideal devotee, represented

emotion as true devotion. The yearning in the myth of separation generally

depicted greater sufferings in separation, on part of women. 103 But the

emotional stance of this general trend underwent a radical change. The

Krtshna, being portrayed as a devotee and thus as a feminine soul, acquired

all those attributes otherwise assigned to a woman.

The love relations between Krtshna and Radha have generally been

regarded as sensuous. Whether interpreted as cosmogonical or human and

sublime or earthly, sensual pleasure in context of their amorous relationship

was discussed as a characteristic feature. Even as we overlook the references

in Reeti poetry as being highly erotic, Surdasa, who portrayed Krtshna in

all possible manifestations of divinity, described the love-battles of the couple

at length. Bakshi Hansraj, with these descriptions as the guiding force,

could conveniently add sensuous extracts to his poetry. It is really strange

that in a period when poets surpassed the inhibitions in describing rati

103. John Straton Hawley in Surdas: Poet. Singer and Saints, p. 93-118 analyses different

states of viraha theme. In all the stages, it was primarily Radha and other gopis, all

females being victimized. Viraha., as literary component in the rasa theory, focused

woman as a subject. Wendy Doniger O'Flaherty also argues, in the light of Ramayana

and Kwnarsambhavam of Kalidasa, that it is woman who bears more the pains of

separation. See her Sexual Metaphor and Animal Symbols in Indian Mythology, p.

122-24. Ainskee T. Embree in The Hindu Tradition also supports this notion, seep.

168-69.

- 142-

(the act oflove-making), our poet restricted his description to a few attempts

of the couple to see or meet. They were not shown as meeting secretly for

making illicit love. The presence of the friends always imposed a check.

Their erotic sentiment sought satisfaction only by having a glance of the

Beloved. Such words as teeth marks, nailmarks, or dishelved hair indicating

eroticism did not occur even once in Saneh-Sagar. The descritpion of the

beauty of both Radha and Krishna, unlike Nakh-shikh tradition of the period,

which we have discussed elsewhere in the thesis, was well within the

boundaries of grace and sobriety. It could possibly reflect the distinction

between kama (erotic) and prema (perfect love). 104 It also contradicts the

notion of Norvin Hein who places Radha in the erotic community for

inculcating hopes amongst the frustrated people. 105 The symbolic

expressions oflove could, no doubt, be due to the reactions of certain people

to such erotic portrayal ofShiva-Parvati and incorporation of the notions of

maryada. 106 It could however be analysed as portrayal of Radha not only as

sensuous object but an individual with other social qualities also.

104. For a discussion on this distinction see, Madeleine Biardeau, Hinduism, p. 146-47.

See also, Fraderique Apffel Marglin, 'Types of Sexual Union and their implict meaning

in Hawley and Wulff (eds.) The Divine Consort.

105. Norvin Hein, 'Radha and Erotic Community' in Hawley and Wulff (eds.). The Divine

Consort. Hein codemns all the notions which assign Radha a divine status in form

of living human being and socializes the myth of Radha in this sense. It however,

does not seem reasonable to view a complex myth of the tradition purely on

psychological basis.

106. 0' Flaherty writes that the application of eroticism to Shiva and Parvati in

Kwnarsambhavam by Kalidasa and description of Krishna's love play in such human

turns embarrassed many a devotees and commentators and it was therefore

protested, cf. Sexual Metaphors and Animal Symbols. p. 126. Peter van der Veer

feels that Ramanandis and rasikas influenced by religious development in Braja,

learnt ways of devotion from Krishnaite teachers and the Krishnaites also reflected

the notions of maryada in their Vrindavan plays (Gods on Earth, p. 168). It was

perhaps this notion of grace which had influence Bakshi Hansraj to depict Krishna

and Radha without augmenting eroticism.

- 143-

The text thus represents the transformation of Krishnaite myth b~

absorbing the contents from erstwhile traditions and also from the prevailin1

religious atmosphere. The figure Radha also experienced the simiar proces:

and her image which was not so antique came to be projected in such <

manner that Krishna was placed in subordination to her. This exaltation o

Radha coincided with an important feature of the poeby of the period, whereii

woman was portrayed as a symbol of power.

Holi or Phagu

Though the entire poeby of Bakshi Hansraj inherently reflected <

conflict for identity either individual, clan or religious, it essentially containe<

the message of love and promotion of kinship ties. The celebration of Ho1

festival was a new theme which communicated the message of love. Th1

depiction of holi celebrations with Radha-Krishna as the main character:

was yet another distinct feature in the poeby. The long narratives of erstwhil1

tradition, Surdasa's Sursagarin particular, do not acquaint us with festiv1

occasions, holi being one amongst these. These were described by the Reel

poets at great length. There were occasions when Nanda and Vrishbhan1

along with their kinfolks assembled for public worship and rejoicing

Religious in nature to a great extent, these occasions provided opport:unitie:

for them to release their tensions and get emotional satisfaction. Amon;

such occasions were the Akhti and Vatavriksha pz.ga which were purel:

feminine rituals, which we have discussed elsewhere in the thesis. We tak,

notice here of holi celebrations. Holi apart from indicating a feeling o

fellowship among the members also signified the expression of Kama a:

one of the highest goals of mankind specifically in the spring season.

There is not even little information in any of the Reeti poems as t1

- 144-

why and how the celebration of Holi came to be established as a fixed

ritual. We come across various legends and stories which are attributed

to the origin of the carnival but none is reflected in the poetry. 107 The

poets have used the terms phag and holi as synonyms. The terms phag

gives the sense of holi as spring festivals, though spring festival, as different

from holi, is also known as Vasantotsava. 108 It is also interesting to note

that the detailed sections on Holi celebration in the poem begin not with

merry-making and the bonfire which is closely associated in all the traditions

and in all the regions, and the rituals are excluded. We find Krishna

conversing with his friends, and planning the celebrations. Prior approval

of the gopis, invitation from one kingroup to another for playing holi, the

consent of the heads of the families, the collection of essential ingredients

107. The killing of the love-God Manmoth (Cupid) by Lord Shiva which is symbolically

represented in midnight bonfire is a known legend. The burning of Holika in the

Hiranyakush-Prahland episode is traced back to Puranas. The killing of the demo ness

Dhundhu by King Raghu of Ayodhya and thus the following of the burning of effigy

of Dhundhu is also a popular legendary tale in this context. The killing of Putana

by Lord Krishna, the celebration of spring, the veneration of love-God and honour

of crops are other explanations generally associated with the festival. For different mythological stories surrounding the celebration of the festival, see K. Gnanambal,

Festivals of India, p.20-21; V. Raghavan, Festivals, Sports and Pastimes of India,.

193-201; J.E. Padfield, The Hindu At Home,. 152; C.H. Buck, Faiths, Fairs and Festivals of India, p. 85-7; Edward W. Hopkins, The Religions of India, p. 454-5;

and 'The Feast of Love' by Mckim Marriott in Milton Singer (ed) Rites, Rituals and

Beliefs, p. 200-12. V. Raghavan has also attempted to link the origin of the festival with the exorcism of evil spirits seen in the celebrations of ancient peoples all over the world. See his book, Festival, Sports and Pastimes of India, p. 198-99.

108. Leona M. Anderson, Vasantotsava: The Spring Festivals of India, introduction. The

author quotes many writers who distinguish between lwli and Vasantotsava', and

argues that holi was a part of Vasantotsava celebrations. We also do not notice any difference between Holi, phagu or vasant in the poetry.

- 145-

were deliberate features of the carnival. 109 The celebrations thus were

seemingly sanctioned by the local traditions and usage, with no reference

to literate traditions of earlier phases.

The festival was to be celebrated with colours and perfumed water.

The gold water-pumps studded with precious jewels, gold pots filled with

coloured dust and powder and huge utensils full of perfumed coloured

water, indicated the expenditure on one hand and the capacity to spend

and enthusiasm of the people on the other. The singing of phag songs was

accompanied by the playing of musical instruments like tambourine, drums,

cymbals, lute, clarionet, trumpet, kettle-drums, xylophone, trombone and

violin etc. :

61\Jld" ~ ~ ~ ~ #AT ~ ~ 1110

Cb'<'il~ ~ ~ ti6'11~ w t9"nll

~ ~ ~ fTI'?fTl~ ~ 3ffi ~I

~<ITc;r~~~~SX~I

The atmosphere thus created was the best suited to invoke the eros amongst

the cowherd boys and girls. Hopkins relates the inclusion of colourful dust

in the festivity to another spring festival dol-yatra that commences few

days before holi in which the image of Krishna is sprinkled with abir (red

power) and people also throw it at each other. 111

The throwing of dust power, singing of songs and playful fights have

109. Saneh-Sagar, V. 1-16, Section; see also Thakur-Thasak, V. 94-101; Surati Mishra,

Bhakti-Vinod, v. 153-65; Rasnidhi, RatanHazra, V. 927-29; SudhanidhiofTosh, V.

296-97. Many other poets also describe Holi celebrations in their poetry.

110. Saneh-Sagar V. 8, Section V and see also Tosh, Sudhanidhi, V. 296.

111. Edward W. Hopkins, The Religions of India, p. 454-56.

- 146-

been viewed differently by the scholars.U2 The general notion about the

nature of the festival as indecent and obscene is not substantiated by Bakshi

Hansraj. The above description is obviously an index of higher status of the

clans celebrating the festival. The decency and highly refined modes of

playing holi in poetry contradict these inferior notions about the festival.

The beating of Krishna and his team by bamboo sticks, the plight of

all the gopas, resurrection on gopis with gulal and perfumed water, and

entrapping of Krishna once again, largely represented the love-battles. The

demand for phagua from the bandit Krishna in lieu of his release and his

release after mutual consent in no way sounds as obscene or indecent.

One should, however, consider the rites and rituals of any festival in context

of particular clans and communities; the phagua was, perhaps, an

established ritual :

~ ~ cpgc=f ~ -m ~ ~ ~ ~ 1113

3l1AT ~ '"P"ll"1l l:flTIT ~ (fij g'1 ~ ~ I

(Friend Kesar tells Lalita to anoint Kesar on his face; demand phagua as

you wish and then leave thim.)

The custom of demanding phagua by the female participants from

their counterparts was, perhaps, an established tradition because it was

generally referred to by most of the poets in context of holi celebrations.

The ladies had to, somehow, force the males for this ritual payment. Rasleen

112. J.E. Padfield notices parading of dancing girls, singing of songs and throwing of

coloured powder and calls it a festival of disgrace. See, The Hindus at Home, p. 152.

V. Raghavan also treats the occasion as a festival oflower classes during the medieval

period-The unbridled behaviour, obscene songs etc. do underline the fact that

the festival has a special vogue in the lower classes'. See, Festivals, Sports and

Pastimes of India, p. 193 and 198. Hopkins (p. 455) also produces similar incidents

but does not assign the festivity to the lower sections.

113. Saneh-SagarV. 70, Section V.

- 147-

also described such compulsion imposed upon helpless Shyam as follows:

~ P1fu fcr<l UTf.i lR ~ ~ ~ 1114

Ofe'f.1~~~tf~~~l

(The lady for the sake of phagua snatched his shawl; refused for giving it

back and made Shyam dance.)

Tosh, whose poetry largely revolved around devotional love, suggested a

kind of exchange in this ritual :

~C'll£1~ 6ll CJ>f% ~ ~ SOJjtiR ct> +Br ~ ~ 1115

~qc~~~~x=fr~~~l

~~~~\J'!l~gl=fcM~~I

(Tosh says, the lady persuaded him to play by sprinkling water; closing the

doors, she laughs passionately twisting her eyebrows and demands phagua;

(because) my breasts were crushed when you rubbed them.)

Eroticism was engrossed as an essential demand of the occasion.

The arrival of Vasanta implied upsurge of sexual desire. The heroine of

Rasleen threatened her beloved by denying him this pleasure if he tended

to be aggressive :

"ffT 6ffR'f ~ 'lf5 3lTf.1 ~ ~ "ijfC'1" 1116

:fST ~ ~ 3Wf\iff \J'!l Tff% "C'1TCiT "C'1lC1" I

(None of the girls would come to play Basant if you bring gulal for my face

and yellow powder for breasts.)

114. Rasleen Grrutthavali, Ras-Prabodh, V. 752.

115. Tosh, Sudhanidhi, v. 297.

116. Rasleen, Ras-Prabodh, V. 761.

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Starting with mild threats, the heroine posed a forceful challenge negating

her feminine feebleness:

~., ~ ~ ffl1fi ~ ~ rrT Till Tf]<:f ~ 1117

~ \Jll iSI'<\Jll~ ~ ctf ~ "{ rrtf ~ ~ ~I

(Don't get excited seeing me alone, and forget not oh cowherd! If you behave

tyrannically, I am also not a delicate nymph.)

When the beloved was annoyed with arbitrary conduct, she was persuaded

to enjoy that on account of the festivity :

~ cng(J ~ w -B f.1xfr mer. C!'>m ~ tmfi \Jil ~ ~ ~ ill118

3TcP ~ ~ m ~ ~ ., x=fq) ~ m iSI'<\Jll~ cpl ., GTI'f mer ~ lll (Thakur says, in this event of pleasure, don't be insipid, what happened if

he deceitfully touched your breast; if he embraced you, don't fear aspersion

as tyranny is not a fault in holi.)

In many cases, the passionate strokes also hit the females equally.

Still, shame and honour directed and restricted the expression. Frustration

of a female unable to bear the passion found expression in the poetry of

Surati Mishra:

~ ~ m 3TcP ~ qRfi¢ 1%<l ~ C!'>m ~ ~ 1119

~ cf> ~ ~ 1f ~ <:r6 Cf)f\j'f ~~11'<{1 ~ ~I

(My heart wishes if I could embrace him, but doubts come to my mind; in

the gathering of holi, the shame alone spoils everything.)

The notions of shame and honour did not always restrict the behaviour.

The frequent references to unveiling and frank encounters suggest the

117. Thakur-Thasak, V. 96.

118. Ibid, V. 98.

119. Surati Mishra, Bhakti-Vinod, V. 156.

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fulfilment of desire on the part of women. They were even more aggressive

than their male counterparts in few cases:

(She applied collyrium to Kanha who was playing holi, caught him and

rubbed gulal, and kissed at the face of Nandlal.)

The festival of Holi, as it emerges in the references of Reeti poets,

signified the celebration of Kama, the God oflove. It is strange whereas one

of the myths concerning holi denoted the death of Cupid in the Holika fire,

it represented its recreation with enthusiasm, in a great measure, in the

ritual of holi. Leona M. Anderson sees it as a revival of the conflict between

Lord Shiva as destructor and Kama as creator resulting in the victory of

Kama. 121 We are, however, not in a position to confirm such conclusions

due to the absence of reference to this myth in our poetry. Holi as depicted

in our sources, by and large, implied a medium to express and fulfil the

very essential emotion of human life i.e. kama. The festival of holi, as we

understand it in context of the eighteenth century Vaishnavaites, was a

symbol of emotion of love. With no religious sanctions at its roots, it

highlighted the feeling of fellowship amongst the two clans. It also provided

for the passionate expression and fulfilment of kama in different ways.

Another feature which finds notices of the poets in the festival was

colours. The dust powder was red (gulaij, yellow (agarja), saffron (kesar)

and green (abir). The scholars attribute significance to the use of colours as

indicators of various aspects of happiness, joy and emotions. Hanchett, for

120. Sonmath Granthavali, p. 168.

121. Leona M. Anderson, Vasantotsava, p. 136.

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example, suggests green as a symbol of greene:ry, specifically, blossoming

harvests whereas yellow implies piousness; red stands for passion and

saffron for auspiciousness. 122 In this manner, the carnival manifested many

dimensions which were inseparable from human life, being experienced as

inherited conventions and preserved to be transmitted through oral and

literate traditions.

We have discussed above that in our poet:ry besides continuation in

the traditions relating to Lord Krishna, Radha and other gopis, there are

some changes. While parts of the legends are conspicuous by their absence,

we notice some new elements in them. The image of Krishna as child and

makhanchor is underemphasized, instead the emphasis is more on the

Lord as the thief of the hearts. A ve:ry important element of this change is

exaggerated humanization of the divinity of the Lord. Krishna comes up

before us as a ve:ry normal human being with natural desires, passions

and urges. A significant sequel to this aspect is an exaggerated place for

Radha. Radha is extraordinarily beautiful and so is the Lord; the fjre of

love rages in the hearts of the both, but it is the Lord who takes the initiative.

He comes down to seek meeting with Radha, visits the places of religious

gatherings expecting Radha's presence there and dresses up as a gopi and

a yogi to meet his beloved deceitfully. In addition, the ring, dream and yogi

episodes enables us to speculate that all this is to be explained in the

122. Suzane Hanchett; The Coloured Rice, p. 59-60; she refers to the use of different

colours in context of different rituals that were observed in South India but they

may simply be applied to the colours used in Holi festival. Leona M. Anderson

however, interprets anointment of colourful powder in holi festival as changing

notions of reality. The people drenched in colours appear different which implies

that the reality is perception. See, VasWltotsava, p. 165-70.

- 151 -

context of the seventeenth and eighteenth century. We have however,

refrained from doing so for the moment, Without denying that it is certainly

a necessary component. We hope to take it later. In some respect however

we have ventured to show influences from the Sufic World. We can also

conjecture that a heightened position of Radha could be imagined in a

milieu where the royal palace had been believed to have been dominated by

the power of women of great intellect. We also know from the authority of

Chhatra Prakas that the house of the Bundelas had generally given great

honour to the women. 123 Bakshi Hansraj, a protege of the Bundelas then

portrayed Radha as perfect women endowed with all possibly conceived

divine and human attributes.

123. Gorelal, Chhatra Prakas, section 3. The poet informs that Champat Rai Bundela

consulted his mother in the period of crisis. She also gave sound suggestions. His

wife also secured his escape through her tactful endeavour on one occasion.