CHAPTER 23THE NORTHERN DELTA LIMIT

C. M. Sorgwe, O. C. Ama-Ogbari and M. P. Okonny

IntroductionThe communities of the Northern Delta Limit identified in this chapter are theEpie-Atissa, Engenni (including Zarama), Degema (including Obonoma) andOgbia (including Abureni), the Abua and Odual communities.

EPIE-ATISSA, ENGENNI, DEGEMATraditions of origin.The Epie-Atissa, Engenni and Degema communities constitute a linguisticentity classified by linguists as Delta-Edoid (Elugbe 1979:82 – 101)

The traditions of origin of these three communities are tied up in what isknown as the Okulogua Tradition (Sorgwe 2000:13). According to the Epieversion of this tradition, their ancestral fathers took off from Benin andmigrated southwards and settled somewhere in Isoko land. The foundingfathers later crossed a wide river near Aboh town and wandered into theEngenni territory where they settled at Okulogua. According to this version, aman called Epie led the founding fathers into the Epie Creek from Okulogua.

The Engenni, while accepting the Okulogua tradition, trace the cause of themigration from Benin to a quarrel between Prince Ogun and Oba Ewuare(Owuore) of Benin (Nwokoma, 1982:2). The Engenni version also namesOkpala as the Isoko town at which they stopped in the course of the migration.The version also states that the people lived at a place called Okpakio for manyyears before moving into their present location (Nwokoma, 1982:3).

The Degema version, like that of Engenni, dates the emigration from Benin to

the reign of Oba Aware (Ewuare). This version states that one Khurobo led

seven other families from Benin, namely, Ekebe, Ekeze, Ebilikiya, Nemia,

Ogboloyai, Ozeri and Peika (Obibo, 1991:10-11). This tradition also names

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Patani, Agbassa, Ogbolomini and Yenagoa as stopping points on the migratory

route. The Degema tradition accepts Engenni ancestry and claims that the

Degema first moved into the Epie Creek, and settled in Yenagoa before leaving

for their present location (Phillips, 1991:3).

Fig. 23.1: The Northern Delta Limit

Social and Cultural Growth

The people of Epie-Atissa, Engenni and Degema have grown socially and

culturally through contact with their neighbours and through western education

and contact.

The people of Epie-Atissa are socially and culturally linked to their neighbours

through inter-marriage, exchange of ideas, trade, in religion, and dance. Oyoyo

market at Ovom in Yenagoa for several decades remained a major trading

centre where the Epie-Atissa people met the Ijo, Ogbia and Engenni people.

Swali market is today performing the same commercial service. Religious ties

with the neighbouring communities exist in both the traditional and Christian

sectors. Epie-Atissa people patronize such Ijo deities as Seibiri Ekine and

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Benikurukuru. Many of the people are also associated with an Oshi-based deity

in Engenni land. In the same way, the Anglicans and Roman Catholic

Christians belong to common dioceses, archdeaconries and parishes with their

Ijo neighbours. Similarly, the Baptist churches of Epie-Atissa, until very

recent times, belonged to the Engenni Baptist Association (Sorgwe, 2000:6).

The present Yenagoa Baptist Association also cuts across Epie-Atissa, Ijo and

Ogbia communities.

The Engenni people have been positively affected by the Baptist presence in

the area. The establishment of schools and mission hospital at Joinkrama in

1947 greatly enhanced the people’s response to western education (Adu

1980:34).

Degema, like the Engenni community, received early influence of the Baptist

mission. The presence of the Anglican and Baptist missions encouraged

Western education among the people. Another agent of social growth in

Degema was the location of the British Consulate in the community. In

addition, the Government Teacher Training College and the Ministry of

Agriculture were established in the community.

In spite of these external influences, the Epie-Atissa people have continued toobserve their Obunem-Epie and Uge Adiafa festivals. Marriage according tothe people’s law and custom goes along side the wedding ceremonies in thechurches. In the same way, the traditional religious practices exist in spite ofthe increasing number of Christian churches. What seems to have declineddrastically are the traditional sports and games (Sorgwe, 2000:31). TheEngenni people, like their Epie-Atissa neighbours practice the traditionalreligion together with Christianity. Some aspects of the traditional marriageand burial systems are also maintained to the present day. The Degema peoplesimilarly maintain the Aziba cult dedicated to a female deity (Phillips,1991:14-16). The burial and marriage ceremonies of the Degema people havealso retained much of the traditional elements.

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Administration and GovernmentThe earliest form of administration among the Epie-Atissa, Engenni andDegema was gerontocracy. The main units of administration in all threecommunities were the extended family lineage group called iyeni in Epie andEgenni and afayn in Degema. Although there are differences in detail, thebasic lineage structure cuts across the three Delta-Edoid communities (Sorgwe,2000:34, Okia, 1978:23, Obibo 1991:180).

The evolution of the administrative systems of the three are also largelyidentical. The Epie-Atissa abolished gerontocracy and adopted elected villageheads or obeneaken. Each village head presided over a council of electedrepresentatives of the lineage group. The Engenni communities also appointedvillage heads or okilomakie in the colonial era of the warrant chiefs (Okia,1978:23). Similarly, the Degema people appointed council of chiefs under ahead called Onu-onyan-ekein (Obibo, 1991:18).

Contemporary Nigerian Politics

The Epie-Atissa, Engenni and Degema have had significant taste of

contemporary Nigerian politics. Each on her merit has made her position felt

in the political history of the Niger Delta. Although they have always

remained in the minority, they have never been insignificant in the scheme of

things.

Yenagoa the traditional headquarters of the Epie-Atissa people was chosen as

the administrative headquarters of the Central Ijaw Council in 1956 (Sorgwe,

2000:73). It was selected as the administrative headquarters of the Yenagoa

Province in 1959 (Sorgwe, 2000:73). Yenagoa has remained a Local

Government Area (LGA) headquarters since 1976. In 1996, it became the

capital of the Bayelsa State of Nigeria and headquarters of Yenagoa Local

Government Area.

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Degema, another minority community in Rivers State of Nigeria, has continued

to maintain a voice in the political scene of that state. The importance of

Degema as a political nerve centre in the Niger Delta dates back to the colonial

period. The colonial authorities chose to place their consulate in Degema. It

has continued to be an administrative headquarters of Degema province,

Division and Local Goernment Area respectively over the years.

Relations of the Edoid Communities

There is a strong historical link among the three communities. In addition to

the common traditions of origin is the close linguistic expression. The three

languages are appreciably mutually intelligible.

The Degema, having been separated from Engenni and Epie-Atissa territories

for centuries, have developed a language that is now different from the rest.

The language now has a number of loan words from Kalabari and Abua. Epie,

spoken by the Epie-Atissa people, and Engenni language have also developed

significant differences due to long separation. From colonial times to the

present, the Engenni have always been with the upland communities of

Ekpeye, Ikwerre and Etche in the administrative structure. The Epie-Atissa

people have, on the other hand, been administratively grouped with the

Izon-speaking people, the Nembe and the Ogbia.

Consequently, both the Engenni and Epie have been largely influenced by the

languages of their neighbours. The Engenni language has imbibed a lot of

Igbo, Ekpeye and Ogba loans. The Epie language, on the other hand, has

been very much affected by the Izon language. The evidence of Izon influence

is most marked in the Epie spoken in the Atissa area.

Zarama is subsumed in Engenni ethnicity, yet Zarama has never been

administered as part of Engenni. From colonial times to the present, Zarama

has been administratively tied to the Epie-Atissa in Yenagoa or the Okordia,

Biseni and Gbarain people of Taylor Creek. In spite of this administrative

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separation, the Zarama people accept the Okulogua tradition and her affinity

with the Engenni, Epie and Degema.

OGBIA, ABURENI/MINI, ORUMA (Tugbene)

The Ogbia Sub-Groups

The Ogbia ethnic group settled in their present homeland, in the northern limit

of the Central Niger Delta a long time ago. Ogbia possesses a distinctive

culture, which has formed a bond of unity among the various sub-groups.

Migration and Settlement History

The abandoned forest site of Ebala, suggests ancient settlement in the region,

possibly, prior to the current traditions of migration into the area. Ogbia

traditions adopt the Benin stereotype and cite a migratory route through the

Western Delta to the Brass River and up it to Ologoama in Okoroma local

government area of Bayelsa State. It was from Otuokoroma that the sons and

grandson of Ogbia and Okoroma dispersed in different directions and founded

autonomous communities.

There are variations to this tradition from the Olei (Oloibiri), Okoroma, the

Kolo, and the Odinade sub-groups. The Odinade sub-group comprising

Akipelai, Emakalakala, Opume, Okoroba and Idema live close to the site of

Ebala, and cite traditions of origin from east of the Niger Delta. Other

communities remember traditions of migration into Ogbia territory from the

Central Delta dispersal centre of Obiama.

Kay Williamson’s linguistic studies suggest that the Ogbia belong to the

Central Delta family of languages along with the Abua, Odual, Kugbo,

Obronuagun, Obulom, and Ogbogolo. This classification points their ultimate

places of origin in the direction of the Cross River Valley and beyond.

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Ogbia in Inter-Group Relations

Ogbia relations with Nembe have been long standing in all spheres of human

endeavour: in trade, political and cultural relations. In recent times they have

been grouped in the same administrative units.

The Ogbia are geographically contiguous with Ijo groups, and have developedclose ties with them. The Okoroma and other Ogbia, located along the EkoleCreek, are especially close to the Ijo. This has brought cross—culturalcontacts in inter-marriages, commercial transactions, in traditional wrestling,songs and pattern of dance and drumming.

There are traditions relating the Ogbia to the Abuloma of Okrika, the Bakanaof Kalabari, and the founder of the Amachree dynasty of Kalabari.

Oruma (Tugbene)Traditions, recorded by E. J. Alagoa at Oruma, state that the founder ofOruma, Tu, left the Oboloma quarter in Nembe because of a disagreement,resulting from the sharing of game in a community hunting expedition.According to their tradition, Tu left Nembe to Ogbia through the Kolo Creekand migrated northward until he arrived at the present site. Tu noted that thissite was comfortable for habitation, far from any intrusion and invaders.

According to Alagoa, Kolo Creek was wide when Tu arrived there. But sinceTu was determined to prevent pursuit by his enemies in Oboloma, he sent for amedicine man from the Ibo country. A heavy object (Ikuye) and a lightbamboo frond (Pini) were dropped into the river. The heavy object floated andthe light one sank to the bottom; soon the creek silted up (Alagoa,1972:183-185).

The other settlements which sprang from Oruma are Ibelebiri, Okordia andBuseni.

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Abureni (Mini)The Ebala tradition and culture which has influenced the Abureni group, isembedded in the celebration of the yearly Iyal Ikai festival among the Abureniand other members of the Odinade family.

The Iyal Ikai festival is celebrated between 27th February and 15th March each

year. The date of the festival actually depended on when the tide at 9 a.m.

corresponds with the ebb tide. It was a traditional rule that the Iyal–Ikaifestival must not commence during the flow tide. Iyal–Ikai festival was

celebrated during the dark period of the month. If the festival days correspond

with the required tide but fall within the period of moonlight, the only remedy

was that all the chiefs representing the ancestral group of Houses would abstain

from raising their heads to see the sky throughout the festival period. If this

was flouted, it was believed that the festival would be rejected by the gods of

the land, and may lead to untimely death in the community (Tariwari,

2005:16).

Ogbia in Contemporary Times

The Ogbia people in contemporary times have made considerable progress.

They have succeeded in maintaining and upholding their age-long historical

identity. They have preserved the Ogbia language and culture, created Ogbia

Town, and the traditional stools of Obanobhan and Obanema.

The Ogbia LanguageThe Ogbia language is an important part of Ogbia identity. Historicallinguists have classified the Ogbia language as belonging to the Central Deltagroup of the Benue-Congo family, which belongs to the wider Niger–Congolanguage group in Africa (Williamson, 1987:1). Other languages in thissub-division include Abua, Odual, Kugbo, Bukuma, and Obulom.

The Ogbia BrotherhoodThe Ogbia Brotherhood is a socio-cultural organization that came intoexistence in October 1940 at Oloibiri. The founding father was Rev. George

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Igabo Amangala. Its motto is: “All for each and each for all” (OgbiaBrotherhood: 1-13).

Besides the Ogbia language, the Ogba Brotherhood is: “One of the strongestinstitutions that had given the Ogbia man a common identity, direction, focusand relevance …. An umbrella body which provides the moving force for theprogress of the Ogbia people”.

Ogbia Town (Omemoma)The establishment of Ogbia Town or Omemoma (New Town), was the resultof a resolution reached by the Ogbia Brotherhood in 1971.

The philosophy of its founding fathers was the creation of a centre of Ogbiaunity, a rallying point of socio-political and economic activities. Besides, theneed for a neutral Ogbia headquarters became apparent when it was observedthat Oloibiri could not accommodate the numerous projects earmarked forestablishment by the Ogbia people.

The present site was chosen after due consultation with the landlordcommunities, including Otuabo, Otuogidi and Oloibiri. No money in form ofcompensation was paid to the communities. The appointment of Chief MelfordObiene Okilo as the Governor of the old Rivers State accelerated thedevelopment of Ogbia Town.

The Obenobhan and ObenemaThe Obenobhan is the highest traditional political stool in Ogbia land. It isgraded as a first class stool by the Bayelsa State government. Obenema, on theother hand is the “recognized ruler of a village or town in Ogbia” (ObanobhanConstitution: 1975).

Crude Oil at Itokopiri-Ogbia (Oloibiri Oil Wells)The exploration and exploitation of oil at Itokopiri in Ogbia started in 1953 byShell. Shell arrived at the Oloibiri District in 1953 through Okoroma. Thecompany started operation in March 1954. This process continued until March

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15th, 1956 when the first oil well in West Africa was struck at Itokopiri(Tarinyo: 2006).

It is important to note that the site of the first oil well is Itokopiri, a piece offorestland owned jointly by the communities of Otuabagi, Otuogidi andOpume. However the name Oloibiri was used by Shell as an operational name, because Oloibiri was the largest town and the district headquarters.

In 1958, the first crude oil load from Itokopiri entered the international market.At the peak of its exploratory activities, Shell was able to drill eighteensuccessful oil wells and one dry well.

The first oil spillage in Nigeria occurred in Itokopiri in 1973 (Tarinyo:2006),and adversely affected the environment and the landlord communities. Minimalcompensation was paid to the communities, and by the mid-seventies, Shellhad gone to other locations in the Niger Delta. Since then, a number of whiteelephant projects have been proposed for the area, such as a National OilMuseum, the Oloibiri Millennium Landmark project and a Research Institute.

ABUAOrigin, Migration, SettlementResearchers have attempted to establish three main theories of Abua origin andmigration, namely the autochthony, the Delta Cross movement and the UmakeEgula tradition.

Talbot (1932) recorded a tradition that Abua “descended from heaven” and

was the first man to settle on earth coming down to earth with his wife, Egula.

Talbot states that Abua and Egula descended from heaven on a rope let down

by Ake (the supreme God) and touched down at Olokpagha, a place which is

currently forest and site of the central shrine of the Abua, also called Erugha

Ogboko. According to this story, Abua had four sons: Agama, Emughami,

Okpadien and Otami. The sons’ dispersal led to the founding of the four Abua

clans of Central Abua, Emughan, Okpeden and Otapha.

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Murdock (1949), Nair (1972), Williamson (1987) classified the Abua language

in the Central Delta group. They suggested Abua migration from the Bantu

heartland through the Eastern Niger Delta. This theory postulates that the

Abua, Odual, Kugbo, and Ogbia, referred to as the Central Delta group,

migrated from the Bantu region of Cenral Africa through the Cross River to the

Niger Delta. They possessed iron technology and superior agricultural

knowledge and crops.

In the third theory of origin, Abua is tied to the Ogbia tradition of Benin origin,

and migration through the Brass River.

The linguistic theory of movement from the east is the most acceptable at

present. There is no basis for holding on to the Benin migration account. The

tradition of autochthony is normal for a people who have been settled in a

location for many years.

The closest neighbours to Abua on the northern axis are the Ekpeye and

Ikwerre people. Because of the Ekpeye and Ikwerre contiguity with Abua all

the three were jointly administered in the early colonial times from 1901. In

1991, Abua, Odual and Engenni became a local government area.

Degema (Udekema) is a close neighbour of Abua to the south. Abua and

Degema share markets. In the olden days the trade between these neighbours

was mainly by barter where sea foods were exchanged for food items such as

garri, yam, coco-yam and palm oil; the Degema groups, though so close are of

the Edoid group as the Epie and Engenni people (Greenberg, 1963).

The Kalabari communities to the south share boundaries with Abua; there has

been a long relationship in trade from pre- colonial times. Bille and Bukuma

located in the Eastern Delta also traded with communities of the Central Delta

group.

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The Struggle to Join Bayelsa State

The Abua, Odual and Kugbo people presented documents and request, to join

Bayelsa State in the period of the struggle to create the new state. In their

memoranda, the Abua, Odual, and Kugbo referred to the Ogbia, Nembe and

other Ijo groups as their kith and kin.

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