The "Hey, Private! Will You Shoot Ameicans" Survey!!

8/14/2019 The "Hey, Private! Will You Shoot Ameicans" Survey!!

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THE TWENTY NINE PALMS(UNOFFICIAL) SURVEY(updated 30Dec08)

I AM LOOKING FOR IMMEDIATE CONFIRMATION OF THIS AS BEING ANACTUAL SURVEY!! THIS SURVEY IS ENTRAPMENT IN TREASON AND IS

AN ILLEGAL AND A NON-BINDING PIECE OF TRASH!! THE LASTSTATEMENTS/AGREEMENTS REQUEST IS AGGRAVATED COERSION INTO

AN AGREEMENT TO COMMIT TREASON!!

THE ARTICLE BELOW INDICATES THIS OFFICAL LOOKING DOCUMENTWAS ACTUALLY A MASTERS RESEARCH PAPER SURVEY AND WAS

GIVEN TO A GROUP OF SOLDIERS IN AN UNOFFICIAL CAPACITYTHEARTICLE DOES HOWEVER ADDRESS SOME VERY IMPORTANT ISSUES

AND TRENDS IN THE DECIMATION OF THE POSSE COMITATUS ACTUSING A MISSION CREEP AND TRAINING INDOCTRINATION APPROACHTO MOVE GENERAL ENLISTED WARRIORS INTO A CULTURE WHERE UN

LEADERSHIP OF US TROOPS IS MORE ACCEPTABLE ALONG WITHMILITARY POLICING OF US CIVILAINS IN DIRECT VIOLATION OF THE

POSSE COMITATUS ACT!!

DD Form 3206 (Rev 2/96)JOINT SERVICES TRAINING COMBAT ARMS SURVEY

This questionnaire is to gather data concerning the attitudes of combat trained personnelwith regard to non-traditional missions. All responses are confidential and official.

Write your answers directly on the form. In Part II, place an "X" in the space provided for

your response.

Date:_____________

Part A (Confidential when filled in)

Part 1. Demographics.

1. Branch of Service:Army [ ] USAF [ ] Navy [ ] Marines [ ] ANG [ ] NG [ ] USCG [ ] Other:[________]

2. Pay Grade: (E-6, O-4, etc): [_____________]

3. MOS, AFSC or Specialty Code and Description: [_____________]

4. Highest level of education: Less than 12 [ ] 13 [ ] 14 [ ] 15 [ ] 16 [ ] More than 16 [ ]

5. How many months did you serve in Operation Desert Storm/Desert Shield? [___]


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6. How many months did you serve in Somalia? [___]

7. Where did you spend most of your childhood? City: [____] County: [____] State:[____]

Part II. Attitude.

[Strongly Disagree] [Disagree] [Agree] [Strongly Agree] [No Opinion]

Do you feel that U.S. combat troops should be used within the U.S. and bordering

countries for any of the following missions?

8. Drug enforcement [SD D A SA NO]

9. Disaster relief - e.g. hurricanes, floods, fires, earthquakes [SD D A SA NO]

10. Security at national events - e.g. Olympic Games, Super Bowl [SD D A SA NO]

11. Environmental disaster clean-up including toxic and nuclear [SD D A SA NO]

12. Substitute teachers and school workers in public schools [SD D A SA NO]

13. Community assistance programs - e.g. landscaping, environmental clean-up, roadrepair, animal control [SD D A SA NO]

14. Federal and State prison guards and auxiliary police [SD D A SA NO]

15. National emergency police force/international security force [SD D A SA NO]

16. Advisors to SWAT units, the FBI, or the BATF [SD D A SA NO]

17. Border Patrol - e.g. prevention of entry of illegal aliens into U.S. territory [SD D ASA NO]

18. Drug enforcement and interdiction [SD D A SA NO]

19. Disaster relief in bordering countries - e.g. hurricanes, floods, fires, earthquakes, etc.[SD D A SA NO]

20. Environmental disaster clean-up in bordering countries including toxic and nuclear.[SD D A SA NO]

21. Peace keeping and local law enforcement and internal security forces [SD D A SANO]


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22. National building - reconstruct civil governments, develop public school system,develop or improve public transportation system, etc. [SD D A SA NO]

23. Humanitarian relief - e.g. food and medical supplies, temporary housing and clothingand domestic care [SD D A SA NO]

Do you feel that U.S. combat troops should be used in other countries, under

command of non-U.S. officers appointed by the U.N. for any of the following

missions?

24. Drug enforcement. [SD D A SA NO]

25. Disaster relief - e.g. hurricanes, floods, fires, earthquakes [SD D A SA NO]

26. Environmental disaster clean-up including toxic and nuclear [SD D A SA NO]

27. Peace keeping including local law enforcement and internal security forces [SD D ASA NO]

28. Nation building - reconstruct civil government, develop public school system,develop or improve public transportation system, etc. [SD D A SA NO]

29. Humanitarian relief - e.g. food and medical supplies, temporary housing and clothingand domestic care [SD D A SA NO]

30. Police action - e.g. Korea, Vietnam, Desert Storm but serving under non-U.S.officers[SD D A SA NO]

31. The U.S. runs a field training exercise. U.N. combat troops should be allowed to servein U.S. combat units during these exercises under U.S. command and control [SD D A SANO]

32. The U.N. runs a field training exercise. U.S. combat troops under U.S. command andcontrol should serve in U.N. combat units during these exercises [SD D A SA NO]

33. The U.N. runs a field training exercise. U. S. combat troops should serve under U.N.command and control [SD D A SA NO]

34. U.S. combat troops should participate in U.N.missions as long as the U.S. has fullcommand and control. [SD D A SA NO]

35. U.S. combat troops should participate in U.N. missions under U.N. command andcontrol [SD D A SA NO]


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36. U.S. combat troops should be commanded by U.N. officers and non-commissionedofficers at battalion, wing and company levels while performing U.N. missions. [SD D ASA NO]

37. It would make no difference to me to have U.N. soldiers as members of my team. [SD

D A SA NO]

38. It would make no difference to me to take orders from a U.N. company or squadroncommander. [SD D A SA NO]

39. I feel the President of the U.S. has the authority to pass his responsibilities asCommander-in-Chief to the U.N. Secretary General. [SD D A SA NO]

40. I feel there is no conflict between my oath of office and serving as a U.N. soldier. [SDD A SA NO]

41. I feel my unit's combat effectiveness would not be affected by performinghumanitarian and peace keeping missions for the U.N. [SD D A SA NO]

42. I feel a designated unit of U.S. combat soldiers should be permanently assigned to thecommand and control of the U.N. [SD D A SA NO]

43. I would be willing to volunteer for assignment to a U.S. combat unit under a U.N.commander. [SD D A SA NO]

44. I would like U.N. member countries, including the U.S., to give the U.N. all thesoldiers necessary to maintain world peace. [SD D A SA NO]45. I would swear to the following oath: [SD D A SA NO]

"I am a United Nations fighting person. I serve in the forces which maintain world

peace and every nation's way of life. I swear and affirm to support and defend the

Charter of the United Nations and I am prepared to give my life in its defense."

46. The U.S. government declares a ban on the possession, sale, transportation, and

transfer of all non-approved firearms. A 30-day amnesty period is established for

these firearms to be turned over to the local authorities. At the end of this period, a

number of irregular citizen groups and defiant individuals refuse to turn over their

firearms to authority. Consider the following statement: [SD D A SA NO]

"I would fire upon U.S. citizens who refuse or resist confiscation of firearms banned

by the United States government."


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I VERY SELSOM ATTACH A CAVIOT TO AN ARTICLE SO WELL

WRITTEN AS THE FOLLOWING, HOWEVER I AM THIS TIME

BECAUSE THE ISSUE BEING ADDRESSED IS TOO IMPORTANT

TO MISUNDERSTAND ANY PIECE..SO, BASICALLY I TAKE

EXCEPTION TO THIS STATEMENT BY THE AUTHOR:

Acknowledging and welcoming the end of the American Empire would be a singularlyhealthy development; it would bring about a legitimate revolution in military affairs, andcould foreclose the possibility of martial law in the immediate future.

I WOULD NEVER WELCOME ACKNOWLEDGE OR ALLOW THE

END OF THIS GREAT NATION AND ITS CONSTITUTION!!! IN MY

HEART I BELIEVE HE WAS REFERRING TO THE EMPIRICAL

SHANANIGANS THAT CERTAIN EMPIRICAL LEADERS HAVE

ENGAGED IN AGAINST OUR WILL AND BEHIND OUR BACKS!!

NOW, HAVING SAID THAT PLEASE READ THIS!! IT IS

IMPORTANT!!

"Question 46," RevisitedWilliam N. Grigg

December 18, 2008

Policing the world, from the outside in:A US soldier deployed under UN command in

Bosnia frisks a civilian at a weapons confiscation checkpoint. Military personnel are now

taking part as "observers" at sobriety/driver's license checkpoints here in the US; could

firearms checkpoints be in our future as well?(Photo courtesy ofComeandtakeit.com.)

Hey, Will we just got a letter from a Marine saying that he was part of a projectdealing with civilian arms confiscation by the military. Are you interested?
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It had been a fairly slow morning up until the point Dave Bohon, at the time themanaging editor at The New American, came down to the research department with theaforementioned letter clutched in his hands and a puzzled expression inscribed in hisaquiline features.

Practically leaping out of my chair, I grabbed the proffered letter, a handwritten missiveattached to a multi-page document called a "Combat Arms Survey" (scroll down). I readboth the letter and the questionnaire with a sense of mingled dread and excitement.

As students of the federalization and militarization of law enforcement, my associatesand I knew things of this sort hadto be happening, but proving it was somewhat difficult.Here was a letter that seemed to provide the dreadful confirmation. While it would beuseful to see our suspicions confirmed, we couldn't exactly take pleasure in theknowledge that one of our worst fears appeared to be taking tangible form.

The letter's return address wasTwentynine Palms Marine Base in California, and the

author a Marine Lance Corporal had provided contact information. After reading theletter three or four times, I called the phone number and contacted the Marine. We spokefor about a half hour, during which time he described the incident in greater detail. Ofparticular interest was the final question in the survey, which -- as we will see anon -- didindeed ask about the willingness of Marines to seize firearms from Americans, usinglethal force to do so if necessary.

In that pre-Blogosphere era, we had to wait several weeks for the story to see print, butwithin hours of the first copies of the July 11 issue reaching subscribers our researchdepartment was dispatching fax copies of the letter and the survey - of which we had thesole original copies -- to curious and outraged people across the nation. Many of themhad exactly the same reaction we did: A joyless sense of dreadful, unwelcomevindication.

The Marine was one of several hundred who had combat experience in recentdeployments abroad. The conversation took place in late May 1994; accordingly, the poolof combat veterans included those who had served in Panama, the first Gulf War, andSomalia. They were assembled in a mess hall and given a 46-question survey composedby Navy Lt. Commander Ernest Guy Cunningham, who was working on a Master'sThesis dealing with the deployment of US military units under foreign command as partof UN-supervised missions abroad.

While there was much in the survey that a Constitutionalist would find objectionable for instance, Marines were asked about their willingness to swear an oath of allegiance tothe United Nations the final question was positively thermonuclear:

The US government declares a ban on the possession, sale, transportation, and transfer

of all non-sporting firearms. A thirty (30) day amnesty period is permitted for thesefirearms to be turned over to the local authorities. At the end of this period, a number of

citizen groups refuse to turn over their firearms. Consider the following statement: I
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would fire upon US citizens who refuse or resist confiscation of firearms banned by theUS government.

As it happens, Lt. Cmndr. Cunningham was notpromoting civilian disarmament, or thecession of the US military to UN control. He was using his survey to determine the extent

to which such policy choices would have the support of military personnel who hadserved in combat abroad.

When Cunningham released his findings it was revealed that more than 61 percent of theMarines who took the survey responded that they wouldn't carry out such an order underany circumstances. Many of them took the time to expand upon their answers throughcomments in the margin of the survey, often written in language that would bring amaidenly blush to the gnarled cheeks ofDeadwood's Al Swearengen..

Paving the road to serfdom with the remains of destroyed civilian firearms: A US

soldier presides over the destruction of confiscated guns in Bosnia.

(Comeandtakeit.com.)

Of course, it was gratifying as it is to know that most of the combat veterans surveyed byCunningham emphatically rejected the concept of domestic civilian disarmament by themilitary. However, the study did suggest the existence of a sizable pool of militarypersonnel willing to carry out that mission.

In that particular group, 79 Marines a little more than a quarter of those surveyed --replied to Question 46 in the affirmative, a response Cunningham said showed analarming ignorance of the Posse Comitatus Act ... and of how to treat an unlawful order.

Now, roughly fifteen years later, it's hardly clear that the order to gun down Americancivilians defending their innate right to armed self-defense would be considered unlawful,at least in apositivistsense, by a majority of service personnel.

In September 2006, on the same day the Bush Regime effectively dismantled the habeascorpus guarantee it inflicted what may be lethal injury to the Posse Comitatus Act as wellby providing the president with the means to make the National Guard units of all 50
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states into his personal army, to be deployed domestically in any way he sees fit. At leastthree combat brigades are now assigned to domestic duty as a homeland security forceunder Northern Command.

Those troops would supposedly be used for the sole purpose of dealing with catastrophic

events, such as terrorism involving the use of non-conventional weapons; however,theinitial report indicated that these combat veterans, during their domestic deployment,would be equipped and train to deal with crowd control and other populationmanagement tasks. This is why the unit would be outfitted with non-lethal weaponry, inaddition to the conventional variety.

As I've noted inpreviousreports, active-duty military personnel were deeply involved inhands-on law enforcement (including the use of satellite and other surveillancetechnology) during the 2008 political conventions in Denver and St. Paul. Last Friday(December 12)brought another ominous expansion of the role of active-duty militarypersonnel in routine law enforcement when elements of the California Highway Patrol

conducted a joint sobriety/driver's license checkpoint alongside the San BernadinoCounty Sheriff's Office and a contingent of Military Police from the US Marine Corps.

Of particular interest to me is the fact that this troubling venture involves the TwentyninePalms Air Ground Combat Center. This may be completely insignificant. But it is an oddand unsettling coincidence, at the very least.

"We Are the World":John Richter, center right, is a participant in the UN's

International Police Task Force in Bosnia. Originally from Illinois, he is seen here taking

part in a multinational mission with several British officers and a Nepalese soldier.

(Comeandtakeit.com..)

Sobriety checkpoints are a perfectly mundane (but by no means harmless) lawenforcement function; they don't involve catastrophic circumstances, either natural orman-made.
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Most importantly, highway checkpoints are a martial law exercise, since they involvetemporary detention and scrutiny of an entire population by armed enforcementpersonnel. Last Summer, police in Washington, D.C. used checkpoints to restrictmovement into and out of entire city blocks; this initiative was modeled on securitypractices used by occupation forces in Iraq. Integrating military personnel into a sobriety

checkpoint is a different but even more troubling refinement of this martial law tactic.Attorney Lawrence Taylor, whose specialized practice deals entirely with those caught inthe Constitution-free zone of DUI enforcement (a form of plunder disguised as a publicsafety exercise that is itself sufficiently outrageous to justify widescale insurrection)reports that his inquiries with a local USMC public affairs sergeant resulted inassurances that the Marines would be there `as observers.'

Hmmmm.... military observers, mused Taylor. Isn't that how it all starts?

Indeed it is, and if the Regime ruling us wants to get serious about civilian disarmament,the process will at some point involve the deployment of military personnel at

checkpoints and roadblocks.

Furthermore, as anybody who recently has endured the indignity of a traffic stop canattest, police in most jurisdictions routinely inquire as to whether there are weapons in thecar. (In my most recent traffic stop, the officer asked, Are there any weapons in your carI need to know about? No, none that you need to know about, was my immediateresponse.)

With the police increasingly taking on the aspect of a fully-realized military occupation

force, it may seem redundant for the regular military to assume a more active role inhomeland security. The fact that such efforts are not only underway, but accelerating, ishighly suggestive of very bad intentions on the part of those who presume to rule us.

As the depression deepens into the economic equivalent of a quantum singularity, andfear is finally transmuted into public outrage over the redistribution of wealth to protectthe Swindler Class, a spark will be struck somewhere, and a population center of somesize is going to go up in flames. In fact, it wouldn't surprise me if the Regime's huge
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population of informants and provocateurs include people eagerly sprayingaccelerantofsome kind wherever promising examples of social friction can be found.

When the fire erupts whether through spontaneous combustion or through theministrations of the Regime's paid incendiaries the script will call for the government to

deploy occupation troops, on the assumption that the best way to battle a socialconflagration would be to suffocate liberty, rather than extinguishing the source of thefire.

The possibility of full-scale domestic military mobilization to suppress insurrection is oneof several scenarios limned in the recent, widely publicized US Army War College paperKnown Unknowns: Unconventional `Strategic Shocks' in Defense StrategyDevelopment.

The report examines several ongoing and potential sources of strategic dislocation forthe empire (an entirely appropriate term not used in the report, even though it should have

been) both abroad and at home. The Iraqi insurgency was cited as a key example of anunforeseen shock that set back the course of the empire; this despite the fact that anyreasonably intelligent person with a particle of human understanding could havepredicted that Iraqis would organize to resist foreign occupation.

There are at least two kinds ofstrategic shocksdescribed in the report. One is theNatural Endpoint of a given trend-line; another is referred to as a DangerousWaypoint or a Discontinuous Break that interrupts an otherwise positive trend-line.

Curiously or perhaps not, given that this was a paper produced by an arm of the Regime no thought is given to the possibility that ongoing difficulties both at home and abroadare auguries of the Natural Endpoint of the imperial trend-line that began well, let'ssay with the closing of the Western Frontier (and the related massacre of Lakota atWounded Knee) in 1890.

Acknowledging and welcoming the end of the American Empire would be a singularlyhealthy development; it would bring about a legitimate revolution in military affairs, andcould foreclose the possibility of martial law in the immediate future. But once again,such possibilities simply don't exist, as far as the author of this War College study isconcerned.

Accordingly, beginning on page 31 of that document we find a brief and remarkablycandid (and, curiously, completely un-sourced) discussion of possible Violent, StrategicDislocation Inside the United States.

In the event that organized violence against local, state and national authorities were tomaterialize that is, if the long-suffering productive people finally have a surfeit ofarmed parasites and start fighting back it might exceed the capacity of the former two[that is, local and state governments] to restore public order and protect vulnerable
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populations. (The vulnerable in this case being the soft-handed tax feeders who cowerbehind the armed people wearing State-issued costumes.)

In such circumstances, the military might be forced ... to put its broad resources at thedisposal of civil authorities to contain and reverse violent threats to domestic tranquility,

the report continues. Widespread civil violence inside the United States would force thedefense establishment to reorient priorities in extremis to defend basic domestic order andhuman security. (Emphasis added.)

Now, I have no way of knowing if the author of this report is aware of the fact that thephrase human security, as used by the exalted beings employed by the United Nations,refers to a condition in which disarmed populations depend entirely on government fortheir protection.

It was the objective of human security thatwas being pursued in Rwanda in 1993 through a peace treaty that required thedisarmament of everybody but the government's armed enforcement personnel. Thismade it quite simple for the Rwandan Hutu Power Junta to slaughter roughly 1.1million Tutsis (and moderate Hutus) during the 103-day orgy of genocide that began inApril 1994.*Civilian disarmament is integral to any military occupation, whether it's carried out in theservice of peacekeeping, colonialism, or genocide (and those categories do tend toblend at the margins). Since 1994, the US military has been involved in a series of

occupation missions in Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, andelsewhere. Nearly all of them involve some large-scale disarmament initiative. Recentlyin Iraq, US military personnel have been confiscating toy guns from Iraqi children.

Many of those military personnel are Guardsmen and Reservists who will return to jobsin civilian law enforcement well-versed in the logic of civilian disarmament as anecessity for force protection. Others are military personnel who will be fast-trackedinto law enforcement careers once they come home and look for work in an exceptionally
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bad labor market. Still others will serve dwell-time missions stateside as part ofNorthern Command's homeland security force.

It would be immensely useful and probably quite horrifying to have those personneltake Guy Cunningham's Combat Arms Survey, and examine their responses to the

notorious Question 46. How many of them would be willing to shoot Americans in orderto confiscate their guns if ordered to do so?

Obviously, I can't provide an answer to that question that is anything other thanspeculation. I do recall an incident in late 2001, during a speaking tour in support of abook dealing with the subject of civilian disarmament.

The tour took me to Memphis, Tennessee, where I addressed a large audience who hadgathered in a very well-appointed hotel. Just down the hall from our meeting, a ballroomhad been rented for a formal event involving recruiters for the various branches of themilitary.

The hallways were full of young officers and non-coms in formal military attire. At onepoint I spied two of them one of them a Marine examining a poster advertising thesubject of my speech, Civilian Disarmament. The Marine turned to his buddy and, withwhat appeared to be an approving smirk, commented: Sounds like a good idea.---*For those interested in a more detailed account of how the UN's lethal doctrine ofhuman securityplayed out in the Rwandan Genocide, please see chapter five of mybookGlobal Gun Grab, particularly pages 70-75. Anyone interested in getting a copydirectly from me can send $6.00 (which includes postage and handling) to 1318 3rd

Avenue South, Payette, ID 83661.http://freedominourtime.blogspot.com/2008/12/question-46-revisited.html
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The "Hey, Private! Will You Shoot Ameicans" Survey!!