The Glass Labyrinth - 50/50 by 2030 Foundation€¦ · Leadership progress for women is not one simple glass ceiling to break through. Rather, it involves a glass labyrinth that needs

EMILY’s List Australia

by Elise Delpiano

The Glass Labyrinth

Increasing female political representation in Australia – lessons from New Zealand

Julia Gillard Next Generation InternshipInaugural Report 2018

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Contents

Aboriginal acknowledgement

EMILY’s List Australia proudly acknowledges Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as the first peoples and Traditional Owners and custodians of the land and water on which we rely. We acknowledge and respect that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are steeped in traditions and customs built on an incredibly disciplined social and cultural order. This social and cultural order has sustained up to 50,000 years of existence.

We acknowledge the ongoing leadership role of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community on gender equality. As First Peoples, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are best placed to determine a culturally appropriate path to gender equality in their communities.

In this document, ‘Aboriginal’ refers to both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

Message from the convenors

Executive summary

Introduction

Female political leadership in Australia and New Zealand

Why is having greater female political participation important?

Factors hindering a higher level of female representation

Methodology

New Zealand: a case study

Challenges faced by women in politics

Research recommendations: Increasing female political participation

1. Introducing a formal mentoring program for female Labor candidates

2. Equipping women with a toolkit for Cabinet

3. Consider different mechanisms for selecting Cabinet positions

4. Consider the state of electoral funding laws

Annexure A

Annexure B

Glossary

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6

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10

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“I’m proud to be supporting the next generation of women leaders.

I congratulate Elise on her report and I am confident that the internship has

made a positive impact on her development as a potential

future leader.”

Julia GillardAustralia’s 27th Prime Minister

Julia Gillard and Elise Delpiano

Message from the convenors

EMILY’s List Australia is proud to release the inaugural report of the Julia Gillard Next Generation Internship. Developed in partnership with our first female Prime Minister, the internship gives life to Ms Gillard’s legacy and fulfils a long-term ambition of EMILY’s List Australia to promote and make political life easier for the next generation of talented progressive women leaders.

In the 22 years since its inception, EMILY’s List Australia has supported the election of 250 women to Australia’s state and federal parlia-ments. To continue our success and to ensure our parliaments achieve gender parity, we need to create a pipeline of talented women leaders and nurture them through the labyrinth of Aus-tralian pollitics, gender policy and the new 24/7 media landscape.

The Julia Gillard Next Generation Internship Program provides a young or emerging woman leader with:

• The opportunity to undertake research into best practice gender equality policy and

• program initiatives across the world and to bring back learnings for the benefit of Australian women.

• To travel overseas and meet with progressive women leaders

• To work in the office of a progressive Labor woman parliamentarian and receive direct mentoring and Support

• To learn about the importance of fundrais-ing and relationship building for progressive campaigns

After a competitive application process, open to women across Australia, Elise Delpiano was the standout candidate as the recipient of the first Julia Gillard Next Generation Internship. A student at the University of New South Wales, she previously participated in the Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians ‘Stepping Up’ program and was elected as the Opposition Leader of the first female-led

Commonwealth Youth Parliament in Canada in2016. Elise has demonstrated leadership quali-ties in male dominated programs and encouragedother young women to fulfil their potential.

As her internship project, Elise chose to compare the experience of New Zealand’s female political leaders with that of Australian women Members of Parliament. New Zealand outranks Australia on the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap List and has had three women attain the highest office of Prime Minister compared to our one.

As part of her internship, Elise travelled to New Zealand to meet with the inspirational Prime Minister Jacinda Arden and other Labour women Members of the New Zealand Parliament. There, Elise investigated political culture and structural and social support for women in New Zealand politics.

For the duration of her internship, Elise washosted by The Hon. Penny Sharpe, MLC NSW in her electorate office. Here, Elise was able to benefit greatly from the wisdom and experience of a pro-choice MP working on an enormous legislative project - the passage of Safe Access Zones around abortion clinics. During her time in Penny Sharpe’s Office, Elise also had an opportunity to meet with Helen Clark, former Prime Minister of New Zealand and head of the United Nations Development Program. And of course, Elise also had the opportunity to spend time with Ms Gillard herself, gaining exclusive insights into what it is like leading the nation.

We acknowledge the tremendous support of the program by our Prime Ministers - Julia, Jacinda and Helen. We’re thrilled that our first intern had such an incredible opportunity for mentoring from leaders on the world stage.

We also thank Penny for her mentoring and dedication to gendered policy making, which provided Elise with a perfect role model.

4 | EMILY’s List Australia

Julia Gillard Next Generation Internship Report 2018 | 5

This project would not be possible without the wonderful support of the Australian WorkersUnion (AWU). Through their sponsorship and support, we were able to fully fund Elise’s travel component of this internship. This greatly enhanced the scope of the research Elise was able to conduct. The AWU has been at the forefront of the making of Labor leaders. We are proud to be partnering with them to create the next generation of women.

Finally, we acknowledge the work of EMILY’s List staff and volunteers, especially CEO Maree Overall and national office staff, intern convenors Katie Whitehead, Meghan Hopper and the NSW EMILY’s List Action Group led by Trish Doyle and Bridget Wardlaw, for the enormous fundraising efforts.

We commend this report to you and look forward to watching Elise’s political career flourish into the future.

Sharon Claydon and Tanja KovacNational Co-ConvenorsEMILY’s List Australia


Executive SummaryWithin Australian state and federal parliaments women do not have equality in leadership or decision making positions. The fact that the number of women in higher office within Australian Parliaments is far less than the 50% of the population they represent demonstrates there are institutional and cultural barriers. Women face challenges in running for and holding public office, and it is evident that it is not just a glass ceiling to break through but a complex labyrinth of gendered biases to be negotiated and in some instances endured.

In Australia, women make up only 34% of elected representatives in parliaments across the country. There has been a slow increase since women were first elected, but still face significant structural challenges, especially in becoming ministers and heads of government. There has only been one woman prime minister. New Zealand has made more progress towards closing the gender gap and has a higher proportion of women members in its Parliament (38%). They also have an impressive record of three female Prime Ministers in the last twenty years. To understand what may be implemented in Australia, this report involves a case study of the New Zealand Labour Party and the initiatives undertaken to improve female political representation.

The report compares the elec-toral system, the level of sup-port and the cultural differences

between Australia and New Zealand. It also compares dif-ferences between structures of the Australian Labor Party and the New Zealand Labour Party. While both parties have affir-mative action in some form to reach 50% representation, neither go far enough in ensuring safe electorate seats are equally shared between men and women. New Zealanders are more accepting of women leaders and have a culture of celebrating women to a greater extent than Australia and are world leaders in celebrating their indigenous representatives in Parliament with specific Māori electorate seats. Australian parliaments severely lack this cultural diversity.

The report offers four recommendations for increasing female political representation:

1. The Australian Labor Party should introduce a formal mentoring program for women candidates withformer MPs who are committed to regular and ongoing mentoring support

2. Women should be equipped for cabinet positions by continuing professional development and allocation of committee positions to develop further experience

3. Affirmative action for cabinet positions

4. Review electoral funding provisions to allow for cost of childcare and partner travel allowance to assist women with young children during campaigns

Leadership progress for women is not one simple glass ceiling to break through. Rather, it involves a glass labyrinth that needs to be navigated throughout a woman’s career.

Leadership progress for women is not one simple glass ceiling to break through. Rather, it involves a glass labyrinth that needs to be navigated throughout a woman’s career. To achieve and maintain equal representation in our parliaments, women need support at all stages of their career, not just when they run for parliament.


IntroductionWomen face an extra set of challenges in running for and holding public office, especially when it changes the status quo. When women do break through these barriers, they are seen as having ‘broken through the glass ceiling’. However, it is evident that there is not just one glass ceiling women have to break to achieve gender equality, both in politics and in society. The challenges women face are multifaceted and incredi-bly complex and confront women throughout their leadership journey. This report seeks to understand these challenges and provide recommendations to assist future gender equality initiatives.

In Australia, women make up only 34% of elected representatives in parliaments across the country. While there has been some improvement in female political representation, women still face significant structural challenges, especially in becoming ministersand heads of government.

However, the ways in which these challenges manifest are far more shocking and widespread than previously thought.

On many fronts, New Zealand has made greater progress towards gender equality than Australia. New Zealand has higher female political empowerment than Australia, [1] has made more progress towards clos-ing the gender gap and has a higher proportion of women members in its Parliament (38%). [2]

In addition to this progress towards gender equality, New Zealand has an impressive record of three female Prime Ministers in the last twenty years. To understand what may be implemented in Australia, this report involves a case study of the New Zealand Labour Party and the initiatives undertaken to improve female political representation.

[1] World Economic Forum, ‘The Global Gender Gap Report 2017’ <http://www3.wefo-rum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2017.pdf>.[2] See Annexure A.

Julia Gillard during her first speech in federal parliament

on November 11th 1998


Female political leadership in Australia and New Zealand

achieve 50% female representation by 2025, while some jurisdictions have already achieved this. [5] New Zealand Labour fell just short of genderparity in its parliament at the 2017 election. [6]

While Australia is doing better at approaching gender parity in its state and federal parliaments, the real point of distinction between Australia and New Zealand is in female leadership at the higher levels of politics. In the last 20 years, New Zealand has seen three female Prime Ministers: Dame Jenny Shipley (1997 – 1999), Helen Clark (1999 – 2008), and now, Jacinda Ardern (2017 – present). Meanwhile, Australiahas had only one woman – Julia Gillard. This demonstrates that female MPs in Australia continue to face ingrained structural barriers that prevent them from reaching the pinnacle of political leadership.

However, Australian women have had more success at the state level with female Premiers being endorsed more frequently. Queensland and New South Wales both currently have a female Premier [7] and, with the exception of South Australia, all other States and Territories have had a female Leader of Government. In 2011, four of the nine leaders at the Council of Australian

Australia and New Zealand have made significant strides towards increasing their level of female political representation over the past few decades. In both countries, leftist parties such as the Australian Party, NewZealand Labour Party and the Greens have adopted affirmative action measures to assist women.

However, there is room in both countries for improvement in the overall proportion of female representatives in parliament. When the proportion of women is broken down by political party, it is clear that left-leaning parties are leaping ahead of their conservative colleagues. [3] In parliaments across Australia, Labor and the Greens sit at close to or above parity between female and male political representation, while the Liberal and National Parties sit at around 20% female representation. [4]

This suggests that affirmative action works and is an effective tool in achieving better female representation in politics.

In terms of equal representation of gender amongst Members of Parliament (MPs), Australia’s Labor Party and New Zealand’s Labour Party have experienced similar levels of success. In most Australian jurisdictions, Labor is on track to

This suggests that affirmative action works and is an effective tool in achieving better female representation in politics.


[3] See Annexure A.[4] A Hough, ‘Composition of Australian parliaments by party and gender: a quick guide’, Parliamentary Library, 18 May 2018 < https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1718/Quick_Guides/PartyGender>.[5] See Annexure A. [6] Ibid.[7] Annastacia Palaszczuk (QLD), Gladys Berejiklian (NSW).[8] Julia Gillard, Kristina Keneally (NSW), Anna Bligh (QLD), Lara Giddings (TAS) and Dame Quentin Bryce (Governor-Gener-al).[9] T Verge and R Pastor (2018) ‘Women’s Political Firsts and Symbolic Representation’, Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 39(1), 26.[10] e.g. Carmen Lawrence (WA), Joan Kirner (VIC), Kristina Keneally (NSW), Lara Giddings (TAS).[11] M Byrne, ‘Guest Editorial’ <https://www.opw.catholic.org.au/from-the-office/guest-editorial.html#.WzrulRIzbBI>.

her Party from Opposition into Government. Further, the success of having four of the nine COAG leaders was short-lived. Seven years later, COAG has only two women leaders. [11]

Progress toward gender equality is not linear. Concerted efforts must continue to be taken to ensure that we do not falter in our progress towards more representative parliaments. This report will aim to provide recommendations to ensure that any increase in female political representation is not a one-off occurrence but rather ongoing progress.

Governments (COAG) were women at the same time Australia had a femaleGovernor-General. [8] New Zealand’s political system is not comparable in this respect because they do not have a state system.

Nonetheless, reaching the pinnacle of political leadership is “still a milestone for women rather than a regular event”. [9]

Many female leaders have been unable to gain and maintain the leadership to win an election by popular mandate. [10] To date, Annastacia Palaszczuk is the only woman who has led

Elise Delpiano and New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern

Why is having greater female political participation important?

Without women in our parliaments, it is unlikely that there would be a paid parental leave scheme. Without women, there might not be safe access zones around reproductive health clinics, a push for more affordable childcare, more accessible IVF, the removal of the GST from female hygiene products, gradual reform to have abortion decriminalised, a narrowing of the gender pay gap, a Sex Discrimination Act, RU486 being placed on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme… the list goes on.

Women have a different perspective on the daily issues that affect them and it is paramount that these perspectives should be heard in government.

A key tenet of our democratic system is that the people who are elected as representatives of the people should reflect the people they represent.

When there is not equal representation in our parlia-ments, they do not reflect the society they are supposed to represent. It therefore makes sense that these differences need to be represented in our parliaments to ensure that all the population has its voice heard.

Having more women in Parliament is also essential to ensure issues affecting women are acted upon. When women reach a critical mass inParliament, they have the potential to have greater bargaining power on issues affecting women. [12] Research suggests that until women reach around 30% representation, they are generally not regarded as key political operators that need to have their voices heard. Once this 30% threshold is reached, women are much more visible and can make a stronger impact on the legislative agenda of the parliament. [13] Increasing the proportion of female MPs across Australian parliaments has seen a greater level of advocacy and action on women’s issues and this will increase further as female political representation approaches gender parity.


[12] K Celis (2013) ‘Representativity in times of diversity: The political representation of women’, Women’s Studies International Forum, 41, 180-181.[13] M Sawer (2012) ‘What makes the substantive representation of women possible in a Westminster parliament? The story of RU486 in Australia’, International Political Science Review, 33(3), 321-322.

A key tenet of our democratic system is that the people who are elected as representatives of the people should reflect the people they represent.

There is research suggesting that seeing women in high-level, visible positions of public office can act as a role model function for young women.


Factors hindering a higher Level of female representation

increasing number of female MPs, women are often still seen as novel exceptions in politics, [15] especially when they are in leadership roles.

This novelty perpetuates the poor treatment of women in politics. People are accustomed to seeing men in positions of power. Women are therefore questioned about theirdeservedness and competence to be in a leadership position because it falls outside the status quo. Men are assumed to be competent and deserving because men have primarily held these leadership positions in the past. The criteria for being successful in a political leadership position are based on previous, largely male examples. [16] If the status quo has been disturbed and a female occupies such a position, people begin to question how

There is an increasing awareness of the factors that prevent a higher proportion of female candidates running for, and holding, public office. These include the disproportionate attention female political candidates receive from the media and the public and the flow-on effect of this making women more reluctant to run for office. The type of electoral system used can also play a role in the level of female political representation.

Differential treatment of women in the public sphere

Firstly, women in politics garner a disproportionate amount of attention from the media and the public because of their gender. [14] Despite the

Former Prime Minister Julia Gillard and former United States of America Secretary of State Hillary Clinton

she got there and what she must have done to reach this position. Trailblazing women do not fit the mould of previous, male leaders – meaning people react differently to the image of a woman leader.

This leads to women political leaders facing a higher level of personal scrutiny. Women are criticised on their choice of clothing, hairstyle, need to wear more or less makeup, their mari-tal status, their decision to have children or not, and their sexual orientation. This focus on fac-tors irrelevant to political per-formance acts as a mechanism that hinders female progress, [17] and can prevent other women from considering running for public office due to the intense personal scrutiny that women in political office are subject to. [18]

There is research suggesting that seeing women in high-level, visible positions of public office can act as a role model function for young women. [19]

However, it does not consider the horrific treatment highprofile women have recently faced, such as Hillary Clinton and Julia Gillard, and the effect this may have on women considering a political career. This treatment of senior female figures at the highest levels of politics can reinforce the notion that women are not welcome in politics. This is especially problematic when 30% of young women already believe their gender is a barrier to a career in politics in contrast to a mere 4% of young men. [20]

In light of this, the literature also suggests that many women are

hesitant to run for public office and need to be mentored and supported. This is understand-able in light of the way many female leaders are personally vilified in office and due to structurally-embedded gender roles discouraging women from entering the political arena. [21]

Research has demonstrated that women are less likely to come forward than men to apply for positions, even when they meet most of the position criteria. On the other hand, men are more likely to come forward when they meet even some of the position criteria. This phenomenon also applies to running for public office. To ensure that women consider running for public office, current MPs should continue to seekout talented women andencourage them to run.

Type of electoral system

Another factor identified as hindering a higher level of female representation is the type of electoral system used by a country. Mixed-member proportional (MMP) systems are generally viewed to facilitate higher levels of female representation, whereas single member district systems (SMD) are the opposite. [22] SMD means only one candidate is chosen, which historically has excluded women and minorities. [23] Such systems also perpetuate a ‘winner takes all approach’, which feeds into the perception that men are more accustomed to the “gladiatori-al type of political battle than women… making them… more attractive candidates in SMDsystems”. [24]


Most lower houses in Australia use a type of SMD system, while upper houses utilise various forms of proportional representation. As a result, the proportion of female MPs is marginally higher in upper houses across Australia. [25]

New Zealand, as a unicameral legislature, adopted an MMP model in 1996 and has since seen a higher proportion of female MPs.

Methodology

Where physical distance was a barrier, interviews were conducted over the phone. Some interviewees invited other participants to join in the discussion, allowing them to share their common experiences or raise points of difference.

As much as possible, I kept these interviews fairly informal so the interviewees felt comfortable to share more sensitive information.

My research sought to understand how female political representation could be improved in Australia, at both caucus and cabinet level. In doing so, I looked at New Zealand’s progress in this area to understand how they have been more successful in having female leaders than Australia. Ultimately, this research seeks to make recommendations for Australia on what can be learned from New Zealand that would supplement the current Labor Party system of quotas.

In seeking to answer this question, I primarily interviewed Labor women in NSW and Labour women in New Zealand. Interviewees were current and former MPs, candidates, longstanding party members, campaign managers and union members.

Each interviewee was told about the scope of the internship and asked similar questions:

[14] Setting the Agenda: A National Strategy for Gender Equality, 15-16; D E Campbell and C Wolbrecht (2006) ‘See Jane Run: Women Politicians as Role Models for Adolescents’, The Journal of Politics 68(2), 245. [15] KAM Wright and J Holland (2014) ‘Leadership and the media: Gendered framings of Julia Gillard’s ‘sexism and misogyny’ speech’, Australian Journal of Political Science, 49(3), 5-6.[16] R Murray (2014) ‘Quotas for Men: Reframing Gender Quotas as a Means of Improving Representation for All’, American Political Science Review 108(3), 522.[17] D Niven and J Zilber (2001) ‘”How Does She Have Time for Kids and Congress?” Views on Gender and Media Coverage from House Offices’ Women and Politics 23(1-2), 147-165.[18] Setting the Agenda: A National Strategy for Gender Equality, 15.[19] D E Campbell and C Wolbrecht (2006) ‘See Jane Run: Women Politicians as Role Models for Adolescents’, The Journal of Politics 68(2), 233-247.[20] Setting the Agenda: A National Strategy for Gender Equality, 15.[21] R L Fox and J L Lawless (2011) ‘Gendered Perceptions and Political Candidacies: A Central Barrier to Women’s Equality in Electoral Politics’, American Journal of Political Science, 55(1), 70.[22] R Salmond (2006) ‘Proportional Representation and Female Parliamentarians’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 31, 177; M Tremblay (2007) ‘Electoral Systems and Substantive Representation of Women: A Comparison of Australia, Canada and New Zealand’, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 45(3), 284; J Kaminsky and T J White (2007) ‘Electoral Systems and Women’s Representation in Australia’, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 45(2), 186.[23] R Salmond (2006) ‘Proportional Representation and Female Parliamentarians’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 31, 177.[24] Ibid.[25] A Hough, ‘Composition of Australian parliaments by party and gender: a quick guide’, Parliamentary Library, 18 May 2018.


• About their perception of gender in politics and how their gender might have affected them during their political journey;

• How we can overcome the lacuna of women in parlia-ment;

• How we can ensure we see more women in higher political leadership positions; and

• How political structures could change to be more conducive to female political representation.

This research report uses a qualitative methodology of in-depth, semi-structured interviews. All questions were open-ended, allowing interviewees to raise points of importance, recount anecdotes of their personal experience or suggest further areas to consider in my research. The majority of interviewees were interviewed in their office.

New Zealand also has a Māori electoral roll that operates alongside the general roll. Every five years, electors have the option to join the Māori or general roll. The number of registered electors on the Māori roll ultimately determines the number of Māori seats in the Parliament. Everywhere in New Zealand is covered by both a Māori and general electorate. There are currently seven Māori electorate seats in the Parlia-ment, all of which are held by Labour.

The New Zealand Parliament is unicameral, so Electorate and List MPs sit together in the House of Representatives. Both Electorate and List MPs are able to hold Cabinet positions and the Prime Ministership.

From the outset, it is relevant to note that New Zealand has a different electoral system to Australia. New Zealand adopted a mixed-member proportional system in 1996. In essence, this means each voter on the general electoral roll is able to cast two votes every election: a vote for a candidate running for their electorate (the winner becomes the ‘Electorate MP’) and a vote for the political party of their choice. The amount of party votes each party receives designates the proportion of List seats a particular party wins. Each party develops a List prior to the election that orders their preferred candidates. Those at the top of the List have the best chances of being elected as ‘List MPs’.

Former New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clarke, Penny Sharpe Member of the New South Wales Legislative Council and Elise Delpiano

New Zealand: a case study


of refining the messaging of any future changes to Party rules before the rules are changed and publicly announced.

In light of the failure of the proposed women-only selections, New Zealand Labour made alternate changes aimed at increasing female political representation within the Party. Instead, the Party changed their Constitution to implement a target for a minimum level of female representation on the List.

From the 2014 election, the Party’s Moderating Committee was bound to determine a List order that ensured the elected caucus would comprise of at least 45% women. This percentage increased to 50% from 2017 and subsequent elections. [29] This involves a complex process of electoral modelling that seeks to determine how many List MPs will be elected from the List on various predictive models of the election outcome.

Since this constitutional amendment was made, Labour has seen the proportion of its female MPs increase from 39% to 46%. [30] Labour had intended to reach the 50% threshold in the 2017 election but achieved a higher Party vote than predicted and fell just short.

Some interviewees suggested that this constitutional change did not go far enough in ensuring that the current level of the Party’s proportion of female representation does not decrease. This is because the current affirmative action measures are based on the List and are subject to fall as the

Mixed-member proportional: a female-friendly electoral system?

In New Zealand, most interview-ees cited the introduction of the MMP voting system in 1996 as the primary factor that contributed to an increase in female representation across the political spectrum. While this new electoral system had some initial success at increas-ing female representation, its effectiveness began to plateau once female representation in the Labour Party reached approximately 35%. Māori representation has also remained at least proportional to the New Zealand population since MMP voting was introduced. [27]

Changing the (Party) rules

In light of this stagnation, there was an increasing recognition within the Labour Party that there needed to be a greater proportion of female MPs. The first attempt to increase female representation in the Party was to create women-only selections for candidates in some regions. This change was approved by the Labour Party’s rank and file only to be very publicly overturned by then-leader,David Shearer. This backflip on affirmative action was a disaster. The Party was criticised in the media first for implementing a ‘man ban’, and then a ‘man ban-ban’ after the rule change was overruled by Shearer. [28]

This highlights the importance


Party vote does. As more women are elected on the List than in electorate seats, this leaves women especially vulnerable to a decrease in the level of Party support. Like in Australia, men overwhelmingly still hold safe electorate seats and female interviewees expressed their frustration at the glacial pace at which this is changing.

New Zealand’shistory of celebrating women leaders

Through my interviews in New Zealand, it became clear that New Zealanders have a culture of celebrating female leaders (both in politics and society

more broadly). Some interviewees suggested that this stems from the strong history of celebrating their female sportswomen, while others pointed to the respect of female leaders in all professions. Such acceptance of femaleleadership demonstrates that seeing women in power is very much part of New Zealand’s national psyche.

Many interviewees raised the importance of the legacy of New Zealand being the first nation to grant women’s suffrage in 1893. Interviewees talked of New Zealanders’ ongoing pride of this and how this continues to ring true as New Zealand continues to be a world leader for female empowerment.

New Zealanders have a culture of celebrating female leaders (both in politics and society more broadly).

New Zealand Labour Member of Parliament Ginny Andersen and Elise Delpiano


Many female MPs also raised the embodiment of this legacy in the Government’s ‘Girls can do anything’ campaign throughout the 1980s. [31]

Female MPs who grew up during this campaign talked of a broadening of their expectations for their future and a feeling that they could pursue whichever occupation they pleased beyond the traditional gender constraints that existed at that time.

This distinct cultural attitude was especially evident when interviewees referred to past and current female leaders. Many interviewees were very proud that in 2001, five of New Zealand’s most powerful positions were held by women as a symbolic moment for the

New Zealand is also a leader in celebrating its indigenous people in the Parliament.

New Zealand Minister for Māori Development and Minister for Local Government Nanaia Mahuta and Elise Delpiano


country. In addition to Helen Clark as Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition, Governor General, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Attorney-General were all women. [32] New Zealand has since had anoth-er female Prime Minister and two female Governors-Gener-al. [33] The election of Jacinda Ardern and the arrival of her baby were also raised as im-portant steps in demonstrat-ing that New Zealand is a world leader for female political leadership.

Some interviewees also suggested that Helen Clark’s 1999 election defeat of Jenny Shipley cemented the idea that a female could be Prime Minister. The milestone of having two women leading both major political parties into an election was generally celebrated rather than criticised. Helen Clark’s tenure as Prime Minister for almostnine years was seen as a nor-malisation of female political leadership for many.

Representation of Maori women

New Zealand is also a leader in celebrating its indigenous people in the Parliament. In part, this stems from the existence of designated Maori seats and the introduction of the MMP system. An emphasis on recognising the important role Maori play in New Zealand society has also led to this level of representation exceeding the seven designated Maori seats in the

Parliament. There are 13 MPs that identify as Maori in the Labour caucus (28%), five of whom are female (10%). This is the highest level of representa-tion of Māori MPs in any given political party in history. [34] Such a high level of representation is also impressive, given it substantially exceeds the seven dedicated Māori seats in the New Zealand Parliament.

Māori MPs also make up a significant proportion of New Zealand’s leadership positions: Deputy Prime Minister Winston Peters, Deputy Labour Leader Kelvin Davis, Opposition Leader Simon Bridges, Deputy Opposition Leader Paula Bennett and Greens Co-Leader Marama Davidson all identify as Māori. Thirteen Labour MPs identify as Māori, five of whom are female. Five are also Ministers.

This level of indigenous representation in the New Zealand Parliament, particularly of Māori women, should be an example for Australia. In Australia, it was not until 2013 that Nova Peris became the first female Indigenous Senator and 2016 when Linda Burney became the first Indigenous woman elected to the House of Representatives. [35] We have a long way to go to reach more representative and culturally diverse parliaments across Australia.

Parliamentary reform

Certain changes at the parliamentary level have also made the New Zealand

Parliament a more familyfriendly workplace for women with young families. The addi-tion of childcare facilities to the New Zealand Parliament allows working mums to do their job whilst also be a mother. An influx of young female MPs has contributed to the gradual normalisation of seeing babies in the House and assisting Parliament begin to shake its image as a non-family friendly workplace.

The current Speaker of the House in New Zealand will also hold MPs’ babies during proceedings, which reinforces the perception that the Parliament is a place that is friendly to women. This acceptance of female MPs having their babies in the chamber is also becoming more widespread across parliaments in Australia.

Certain changes at the parliamentary level have also made the New Zealand Parliament a more family-friendly workplace for women with young families.

New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and partner Clarke Gayford with their daughter Neve


Issues for female political representation in New Zealand:

Continuity of progress for female political representation

While the New Zealand Labour Party has made significant steps in increasing their female political representation in Parliament, the current mechanism of targets for the List alone has the potential to be problematic. Women make up a higher proportion of List MPs than Electorate MPs in New Zealand. [36]

The exclusion of electorate seats from this target also means that female electorate candidates are potentially not supported to run to the same extent as female List candidates. This further ingrains the higher proportion of male candidates in safe electorate seats.

It would be interesting to see whether the target could take electorate seats into consideration in the future and what impact this would have on increasing female political representation within the Party.

Cabinet representation

Like many parliaments in Australia, New Zealand has not yet seen gender parity at a cabinet level. Female Ministers make up 37.5% in the current Ardern Cabinet. However, New Zealand governments face a more difficult challenge in seeing a gender-based cabinet

government is usually formed because by a coalition of parties, rather than a single party. At present, the entire New Zealand Cabinet is made up of 35% women when New Zealand first ministers are included. This means that even if Labour progresses towards a gender-balanced cabinet, they potentially could fall short on account of a coalition partner.

Nonetheless, Labour should endeavour to ensure women are equally represented at the cabinet level, even if a coalition partner does not make this such a priority.

[26] Electoral Commission New Zealand 2018, ‘Māori Representation’ <https://www.elections.org.nz/voting-system/maori-representation>.[27] Dr Therese Arsenau, ‘The Impact of MMP on Representation in New Zealand’s Parliament – a view from outside Parliament’ < https://www.aspg.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Session-2-Dr-Therese-Arseneau-The-Impact-of-MMP-on-Repre-sentation-in-New-Zealands-Parliament.pdf>.[28] L McQuillian, ‘NZ Labour Party’s ‘man-ban’ dropped’, News.com.au, 9 July 2013 < https://www.news.com.au/world/breaking-news/nz-party-mulls-women-on-ly-electorates/news-story/67f49e048355912aa4e52cdc7031ca17>.[29] New Zealand Labour Party Constitution, r 289A.[30] A Young, ‘Labour sets targets for female MPs’, NZ Herald, 3 November 2013 <https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=11150903>.[31] Te Ara, ‘Story: Women’s Movement’ <https://teara.govt.nz/en/ephemera/27921/girls-can-do-anything>.[32] Dame Jenny Shipley, Dame Silvia Cartwright, Dame Sian Elias, Margaret Wil-son.[33] Jacinda Ardern; Dame Silvia Cartwright, Dame Patsy Reddy.[34] New Zealand Labour, ‘Six wins for Māori in six months of government’, 26 April 2018 < https://www.labour.org.nz/six_wins_for_maori_in_six_months_of_govt>. [35] Hannah Gobbett, ‘Indigenous parliamentarians, federal and state: a quick guide’, Parliamentary Library, 11 July 2017 < https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parlia-ment/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1718/Quick_Guides/IndigenousParliamentarians>.[36] See Annexure B.

New Zealand Member of Parliament Louisa Wall and

Elise Delpiano


Challenges faced by women in politics

The challenges faced by women running for or holding public office are complex and troublesome. They vary from sly comments to blatant threats, subtle snubs to obvious ignorance and off-putting behaviour to simply degrading treatment.

These challenges come from everywhere within our society – the media, the public, fellow Members of Parliament, friends and political foes. Despite society slowly beginning to adjust to seeing women in posi-tions of power, the advent of social media has provided another forum in which out-pourings of vitriol can be made towards female candidates and MPs.

Women of colour face additional barriers in running for office, which has seen Australian parliaments still overwhelming-ly lack the diversity that truly represents Australia. [37] The push for greater female political representation has not been as inclusive as it could be. Serious consideration needs to be given to mechanisms that better include and support women of colour in gaining political experience and seeking elected political office.

Overall, the effect that gender has on women’s political per-formance is not always easy to “explain, catch or quantify”. [38]

As Julia Gillard said in her last speech as Prime Minister, gender “doesn’t explain everything [about her leadership], it doesn’t explain nothing. It explains something.”

Holding women to a different political standard

The tone and nature of analysis of women in politics is different to that used for men in Australia and New Zealand. Pertinent ex-amples of this double standard include New Zealand Prime Min-ister Jacinda Ardern being told on national television that she had to publicly disclose whether she intended to have children in the future, then was later being pressed for the date she con-ceived her child in a later inter-view. This is never said to men.

As Julia Gillard said in her last speech as Prime Minister, gender “doesn’t explain everything [about her leadership], it doesn’t explain nothing. It explains something.”


Women’s credibility as a candidate for political office is diminished through insults and condescending language, from both within political sphere and in the broader communi-ty. Prime Minister Ardern was labelled a ‘pretty little thing’ when asked whether she would make a good Prime Minister and called a ‘stupid little girl’ during a sitting of Parliament by a National MP who is yet to own up to making the remark. Demeaning headlines were also prevalent in New Zealand, such as those when there were races where the two major party candidates were both women being labelled a ‘battle of the babes’ or a ‘catfight’. [39]

This language also becomes increasingly abhorrent, as seen when Julia Gillard was subject to insults such as “ditch the witch”, “Bob Brown’s bitch” and told she should be put in a chaff bag and thrown out to sea. Female politicians are threatened with violence, told they should be raped (or are too ugly to be raped), criticised on their dress, hair, makeup, mari-tal status and children (or lack thereof).

While robust language and a level of public scrutiny is to be expected in politics, the gendered tone and belittling personal effect of such comments towards women is unacceptable.

This language reflects the behaviour directed towards women both on the campaign trail and in office that is seldom reported.

Attacking a woman for her familial commitments

A double standard was regularly used against female interviewees in preselection battles because of their perceived lack of time to put in the ‘hard yards’ (even if work commitments were part-time in some cases). Such doubts are never cast over male candidates.

This prejudice continues past preselection and onto the campaign trail. Overwhelmingly, female candidates chose not to include their children or partner in their campaign material or on the campaign trail. This decision was often borne of fear of harassment or the effect this could have on voters’ percep-tions of them being to manage home life and their ability to perform the significant

While robust language and a level of public scrutiny is to be expected in politics, the gendered tone and belittling personal effect of such comments towards women is unacceptable.


“If we work too hard, we’re neglecting our families. If we put family first, we’re not serious about work. If we have a career but no children, there’s something wrong with us… if we want to compete for higher office, we’re too ambitious.”

– Hillary Clinton

commitments of being an MP. This contrasts with male candidates, who regularly use their families in campaign material and on the campaign trail to demonstrate that they are in tune with everyday people and understand what families need.

When women did not include their families in their public life, members of the public questioned their marital status, assumed they were gay or divorced, or that they were a bad parent for not being with their child. When women did bring their children along for campaign activities such as street stalls or door knocking, they were criticised for bringing their children into such an environment or were subject to the rough and tumble of politics. Whichever way women decide to go, they are criticised.

Hillary Clinton with daughter Chelsea in 1984


“The weird thing about having a baby as a female elected representative is that it is – historically speaking – an offence only rivalled in seriousness by the offence of not having one.”

– Annabel Crabb

Treatment of women in once in public office

This behaviour does not stop with the public perception of women’s suitability to hold office. Once women overcome the hurdle of being elected, they face the challenge of colleagues and stakeholders not taking them seriously or go about actively undermining them. Offhanded comments from male MPs questioning women’s skillset or ability to do their job were frequently expe-rienced by female interviewees.

Some behaviour is subtler in nature but speaks volumes.

Female MPs expressed their frustration at not being taken seriously in stakeholder meetings with businesses, where businessmen would address a female MP’s accompanying male staffer rather than the MP herself. Though we have come a long way since the 1990s when it was more common for female MPs to be the only woman in the room, there is still a long way to go.

Some female interviewees were uninvited from events or told they were not welcome at the request of male MPs or staffers, had legal action without basis threatened against them, and had their families dragged into the rough and tumble of politics as a reaction to their involvement.

Other behaviour was more overtly threatening in its nature. Female MPs described being sworn at, run at, and threatened both in public and in Parliament

itself by male MPs and staffers.

Further, women in parliaments around the country are faced with unaccommodating workplaces – even simple things like not having enough female bathrooms in the NSW Parliamentary gym. [40] Childcare facilities are not in place in many parliaments around the country and where they do exist, MPs and staff face long waiting lists. This is particularly difficult for female MPs and staff who are not based in the same city as the parliament.

Gaining a place in Cabinet

While there has been a marked increase in the number of female MPs in parliaments across the country, female MPs are not being represented at the same rate at the higher levels of politics. In most States, female MPs continue to be excluded from holding Cabinet positions at the same rate as their male colleagues.

While this discrepancy would make more sense if there were few women in Australian parliaments, Labor caucuses are approaching equal representation yet this has not translated into same level of female representation in Cabinets. Equality of representation should not be limited to the efforts of electing more women MPs, but needs to be replicated with equal representation in all spheres of government.

Some states have seen more success in reaching equal representation in their Cabinets


than others. The Palaszczuk Cabinet in 2015; [41] the Gunner Cabinet in the Northern Territory (September 2016); [42]

and the White Shadow Cabinet in Tasmania (March 2017) have all reached or surpassed equal representation in Cabinet. [43] New Zealand has had less success on this front, with only 37.5% of the Ardern Cabinet being female.

When women are promoted to Cabinet, they often are stereotyped and placed intomore ‘female’ portfolios (for example, education, health, child-related). [44] Women are often excluded from economic and financial portfolios, and which are more traditionally seen as stepping stones to the leadership. This further prohibits women’s progress to the pinnacles of political representation in Australia.

Ministers Julie Collins, Kate Ellis,Kate Lundy, Jenny Macklin, Tanya Plibersek, and Penny Wong with Prime Minister Julia Gillard in 2013 (The Monthly)

[37] D Cave, ‘In a Proudly Diverse Australia, White People Still Run Almost Everything’, The New York Times, 10 April 2018 <https://nytimes.com/2018/04/10/world/australia/study-diversity-multicultural.amp.html>.[38] K A M Wright and J Holland (2014) ‘Leadership and the media: Gendered framings of Julia Gillard’s ‘sexism and misogyny’ speech’, Australian Journal of Political Science, 49(3), 602.[39] New Zealand Herald, ‘It’s called ‘Battle of the Babes’’, 6 November 2011 <https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=10764176>.[40] L McNally, ‘Women MPs join protest over NSW Parliament bathroom gender gap’, ABC News, 28 October 2015 <http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-10-28/women-join-protest-over-nsw-parliament-bathroom-gender-gap/6893014>.[41] Twitter, <https://twitter.com/AnnastaciaMP/status/662393916000342016>.[42] J Oaten, ‘New female-majority NT cabinet sworn in, Chief Minister vows to keep team’, ABC News, 12 September 2016 <http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-09-12/new-nt-cabinet-sworn-in/7836028>.[43] D McIntyre, ‘Tasmania leading the way on female representation in Parliament’, ABC News, 16 March 2018 <http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-03-16/tasmania-leading-the-way-on-female-representation-in-parliament/9553146>.[44] T Drabsch (2011) ‘Women in politics & public leadership’, Briefing Paper No 06/2011, 13.


Research recommendations: increasing female political

participation

As Australian Labor nears 50% female representation at state and federal levels of parliament, we must consider ways in which women can continue to be supported by the Party.

At present, women make up 45% of the Federal Labor Caucus, 37% in NSW, 44% in Victoria, 48% in Queensland and 41% in Western Australia. Tasmania, the ACT and the Northern Territory have all surpassed the 50% target for women Labor MPs. [45]

We cannot become complacent once we reach this goal. We certainly cannot go backwards.

Leadership progress for women is not one simple glass ceiling to break through. Rather, it involves a glass labyrinth that needs to be navigated throughout a woman’s career. To achieve and maintain equal representation in our parliaments, women need support at all stages of their career, not just when they run for parliament.

The following recommendations were suggested by interview-ees as a means to increase and maintain female political representation at all levels.

Leadership progress for women is not one simple glass ceiling to break through. Rather, it involves a glass labyrinth that needs to be navigated throughout a woman’s career.


Beth Houston, Chrissy Realand Elise Delpiano

1. Introducing a formal mentoring program forfemale Labor candidates

The majority of women interviewed emphasised the importance of mentors in their leadership journey. Many developed mentoring relationships informally with other women or were assigned someone to talk to from the Party. However, there is no formal mentoring structure offered at a Party level for female candidates and as a result, many mentoring relationships fail to serve their purpose.

EMILY’s List already does some great work in this space and has had a mentorship program for endorsed women since 1996. However, the Party also has a responsibility to ensure that

women are supported and mentored. This program could be implemented more broadly across the Party to ensure all Labor women are assigned a mentor once they are preselected.

A possible model is that of the New Zealand Labour Party. Prior to the 2017 election, the Party launched a formal mentoring program run by a former female MP and the Party President. These organisers asked all new candidates who they would like to be mentored by split on a gender basis and attempted to match candidates with their preferred mentor. Mentors were strictly former MPs because they have a greater amount of time to commit to the program. The organisers stipulated that mentors should meet or contact their mentees at least every two weeks to check in on them and provide support as needed. Former Victorian Premier

and EMILY’s List Australia founder Joan Kirner


2. Equipping women with a toolkit for Cabinet

Definitive action needs to be taken to ensure women are taken seriously when Cabinet reshuffles take place.

a. Training and upskilling

Funding for continuing professional development

Women that have reached the upper echelons of political leadership identified the steps they took to ensure they are considered seriously for leadership positions within caucus. They primarily emphasised the importance of professional development and expanding their areas of expertise. Some women from a non-finance background took courses on financial matters, such as understanding of budget balance sheets and corporate finance. Others completed Masters programs while they were on the backbench.

Such training should be encouraged by the Party. Many parliaments already grant MPs a small portion of funding to undertake further professional development. For example, each NSW State MP is granted an annual skills development allowance of $1,500 which can go towards their own professional development during each financial year.

The Party needs to assist this upskilling of women. Many other professions mandate continuing professional development to

ensure workers continue to stay at the forefront of their profession. The Party could also contribute funding to further professional development of MPs, either by way of funding grants or scholarships.

Capability audits

New MPs should be subject to a periodic capability audit by the Party to identify their strengths and areas needed for improvement to ensure they are aware how to make the most of their time in Parliament.

The Party could consider creating a program to facilitate these audits and consider engaging former Ministers and Party Leaders to assist new MPs adjust to their new role. The Party may also consider creating a new Vice President role for training and development to ensure that MPs and candidates are better supported.

b. Relevant experience

Careful attention also needs to be given in the allocation of positions on select committees, as it provides an opportunity for MPs to gain a better understanding of subject areas outside their own. Many New Zealand MPs highlighted the importance of select committees in broadening the experience of female MPs, especially for new MPs that have a greater capacity to sit on a number of select committees. They emphasised the importance of sitting on committees that were not necessarily within their area of expertise in order to broaden

their knowledge base and gain a better understanding of parliamentary process. Australian MPs also identified parliamentary committees as an important area in which female MPs can broaden and develop their skillset.

Unfortunately, there are still some parliamentary committees in the Australian Parliament that do not have a single woman sitting on them. How can the best consideration of each issue be made when the voice of half of the Australian population is absent?

By denying female MPs the opportunity to sit on parliamentary committees, female MPs are denied the opportunity to participate in one of the key organs of parliamentary democracy. They are also denied the opportunity to expand their knowledge and understanding of particular portfolio areas.


3. Consider different mechanisms for selecting Cabinet positions

Despite Labor’s female representation at both a state and federal level approaching 50%, female MPs have historically not been promoted to Cabinet at the same rate as their male counterparts.

At a Cabinet level, women make up 33% of the Federal Labor Cabinet, 41% in NSW, 43% in Victoria, 43% in South Australia, 29% in Western Australia and 42% in the ACT. At present, Queensland, Tasmania and the Northern Territory have reached or exceeded gender parity at the Cabinet level. [46]

It is not for a want of talent amongst female MPs that is preventing a higher level of women from entering Cabinet, but rather longstanding structural issues that need to be overcome for the good of the Party.

a. Process of Cabinet selection on merit

There are no formal rules determining which MPs make up Cabinet. [47] Throughout the interviews, interviewees expressed a frustration with the way in which Cabinet positions are chosen at both a state and federal level. Women who were interviewed felt that the process needed to be based more on merit than personal relationships.

A key suggestion was that during a reshuffle, the Leader should require Cabinet hopefuls to approach their office to outline what they would like to do in Cabinet and why they want to be there. This could include demonstrating any prior experience relevant to a particular portfolio or ideas for future policy reform.

The Party should pride itself on always having the best Cabinet team to put forward and represent the Party and the people to the best extent possible. Having a more thorough Cabinet selection process will assist the Party in achieving this.

Such a change is also likely to benefit female MPs because will also be given more consideration for Cabinet based on their merit. One of the issues most female interviewees raised was that the upper echelons of the Party remain almost purely male due to longstanding power relationships that are generally not open to women. Having a more thorough selection process in place for Cabinet would provide a mechanism by which female MPs are put their case forward for better inclusion in Cabinet into the future.

b. Consider implementing affirmative action for Cabinet positions

Since the introduction of the Party’s affirmative action rules and targets for female candi-dates in winnable seats, Labor has had great success in ensur-ing caucus is a more representa-tive place. The message is clear – affirmative action works.

In light of this success, the Party should consider implementing an affirmative action model for Cabinet positions. This is a proposition that needs to be considered and discussed by all levels of the Party to ensure it is implemented in the best possible way to benefit fe-male political representation. A gradual phasing in of targets – like was utilised in the initial affirmative action targets – could be considered for making such a change.


4. Consider the state of electoral funding laws

Though electoral funding laws differ greatly between jurisdictions, the provisions preventing female candidates from using campaign funds to hire some level of childcare during campaign hours should be considered. Female MPs with young children do not feel comfortable taking their children out onto the campaign trail, where they can be subject to abuse and the rough and tumble of politics. Female MPs do not always have the possibility of leaving their children with their partner or family. This is part of the reason many female interviewees said they did not run for office earlier.

This is not an isolated issue. Female interviewees in New Zealand also identified electoral funding as problematic, especially for women MPs with young families. Female MPs raised the low cap on partner travel as being restrictive, especially when they were new mothers. They discussed the difficulty of travelling to parliament from their constituency with a newborn without the support of their partner and expressed that they would like to see an increase in partner travel funding in this important stage for their family to ensure their baby could receive the care they need.

This has also become an issue in the US. Hillary Clinton recently penned a letter to the Federal Election Commission to allow a

first-time, young female candidate to use a portion ofher campaign funds for childcare when she is out campaigning. [48] The Federal Election Commission has approved this request, allowing her babysitter to be paid from funds in the same manner as any other member of her team. She is the first woman to have such funding approved. [49]

[45] See Annexure A.[46] See Annexure A.[47] C Annesley (2015) ‘Rules of Ministerial Recruitment’, Politics & Gender, 11, 636-637.[48] M Solis, ‘Hillary Clinton backs first-time female candidate’s request to use campaign funds for child care’, Newsweek, 28 April 2018 <http://www.newsweek.com/hillary-clinton-backs-firs-time-female-candidates-request-use-campaign-funds-905005>.[49] M Vazquez, ‘FEC approves NY candidate’s request to use campaign funds for childcare’, CNN, 10 May 2018 <https://edition.cnn.com/2018/05/10/politics/feder-al-election-commission-liuba-grechen-shirley-childcare/index.html>.

Former Prime Minister Julia Gillard presenting her famous

‘Misogyny Speech’ in the Australian federal parliament

addressing the sexist comments of the former Leader of the

Opposition Tony Abbott


Annexure AWomen in Australian parliaments (as at 18 May 2018)Parliament Proportion of female MPs

(all parties) (%)Proportion of female MPs (Labor) (%)

Australia (federal) 31 46New South Wales 27 37Victoria 40 44Queensland 32 48South Australia 26 33Western Australia 31 41Tasmania 50 64Northern Territory 48 50Australian Capital Territory 56 58New Zealand (national) 38 46

Women in Australian cabinets (as at 18 May 2018)Parliament Proportion of female MPs (Labor) (%)Australia (federal) 33New South Wales 41Victoria 43Queensland 50South Australia 43Western Australia 29Tasmania 50Northern Territory 62.5Australian Capital Territory 42New Zealand (national) 37.5

(Source: Anna Hough, ‘Composition of Australian parliaments by party and gender: a quick guide’, Parlia-mentary Library, 18 May 2018 < https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1718/Quick_Guides/PartyGender>)

Annexure BNew Zealand Members of Parliament by gender and type

Female Male Total (Female) (%)Electorate MPs 11 18 38List MPs 10 7 58


Glossary

Term DefinitionAffirmative action Action designed to provide increased employment opportunities for groups who

have previously suffered from discrimination, especially women and minority racial groups.

Cabinet The main executive organ of government, consisting of the leading parliamentary members of the governing party or coalition, each member having a special responsibility for a ministerial portfolio; a council advising a sovereign or chief executive.

Caucus The parliamentary members of a political party or faction of a political party; a private meeting of the parliamentary members of a political party or faction to discuss policy or tactics. .

Equality The state of being equal; correspondence in quality, degree, value, rank, ability, etc.Equity The quality of being fair or impartial; fairness; impartiality; that which is fair or just.Gender A socially constructed sexual identity, such as male, female, genderqueer, etc;

distinguished from physiological determination as to one's sex.Minister A person appointed by (or under the authority of) the sovereign or executive head

of a government to some high office of state, especially to that of head of an administrative department:

Ministry The service, function, or office of a minister of state; the body formed by all the ministers of a government. Ministers form the Cabinet, see above.

Parity Equality, as in amount, status, or character.Party A political party is an organised group of people, often with common views, who

come together to contest elections and hold power in government.Portfolio The office or post of a minister of state or member of a cabinet; the public service

department or departments for which a minister is responsible.Shadow Cabinet The group of members of the chief opposition party who speak on behalf of the

party on major issues, each member having a special responsibility for the ministerial portfolio held by their counterpart in the party in government.

(Sources: Macquarie Australian Dictionary; Wikipedia)


© EMILY’s List Australia, August 2018 Authorised and published by EMILY’s List Australia, 210 Lonsdale St, Melbourne.ISBN 978-1-76069-546-0 (pdf/online/MS word)Available at www.emilyslist.org.auTo receive this publication in an accessible format email [email protected]

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