THE FREEDOM MOVEMENT AND THE ECUMENICAL MOVEMENT

J. OSCAR LEE

What is the Freedom Movement ? Why does it challenge the con- science of the nation? What is its ecumenical significance? These are questions suggested by this topic.

Every American Negro knows by hard experience that he is unfree. Racial prejudice erects discriminatory barriers which determine the boundaries of a person’s world. Skin colour or racial identification in the United States limits a person’s freedom of choice as well as his freedom of action - his opportunities to work, live, and play, The Freedom Movement is the voice of a people telling the nation they will no longer allow themselves to be trapped at the bottom of society by racial prejudice and discrimination. It says loudly and clearly that Negroes will no longer tolerate a social situation which confines them to a second-class existence because of race. The people speak through this movement by working to eliminate the practices of racial segrega- tion and discrimination. Above all, it heralds an active determination to enter the mainstream of American life.

The movement has been called a revolution. It is a social and moral revolution which challenges the conscience of the nation and arouses world-wide interest. This struggle is a constant reminder that the United States has failed to live up to the promises of the founding fathers. The Declaration of Independence, the United States Constitution and the Bill of Rights guarantee human rights to all people within the country. Racial segregation and discrimination deny these rights. The challenge to the nation is to achieve moral integrity by bringing its conduct into conformity with its professions.

But this is a moral revolution in another sense. The American Negro knows that freedom is indivisible - that his freedom is inextric- ably intertwined with that of the entire nation. He recognizes that the white man is not free because the beliefs and practices of racial segrega- tion and discrimination imprison him, too. Almost daily the mass

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media herald the fact that racial hatred drives men to cruel and inhuman deeds. The fear of community pressure, retribution and even violence compel people to withhold love, justice, equality, and courtesy from other people on the basis of racial identification, even when they desire to behave in this manner. The Freedom Movement aims to create the kind of society in which every man is free to express in action his con- victions about the worth of other persons.

The mention of the worth of persons highlights the Negro’s desire for a new status and meaning for life. He aspires to be treated as a person of dignity and worth. To withhold love, freedom, justice, and equality from persons is to deny them dignity and worth. It is to be treated as less than a person or as no person at all. This is the same as being considered human surplus or even an object. Racial segregation and discrimination forces a person into a status of being a lesser breed or a thing. The matter was put precisely by a white college student who had been arrested for participating in a demonstration to achieve racial justice. When asked to comment on his experience he said, “Now I know what it is to be treated like dirt.” Essentially the Freedom Movement is a struggle to be treated as persons of dignity and worth which is every man’s God-given birthright. The task is to achieve the freedom to make full and creative use of one’s God-given abilities and capacities to build a society in which every man regardless of skin- colour may have full opportunity to participate. This aspiration is an expression of a real sense of responsibility to God, to one’s fellow beings, and to one’s self for having a meaningful part in determining one’s own destiny, that of one’s community as well as that of the nation.

This movement is characterized by a sense of urgency about solving the problems of race relations. The rallying cry of the movement is “Freedom Now !” The celebrated leader, Martin Luther King, Jr., in his book Why We Can’t Wait, expresses this urgency which many people do not understand. Some decry the tensions that it creates. Others claim that the Negro is pushing too hard. Such people maintain that progress is being made and that the country is headed in the right direction on the issue.

American Negroes acknowledge that many changes have occurred but they know that these changes have not reached the heart of the problem. They consider tension as a factor which is involved in confront- ing communities reluctant to change with the issues involved in the racial situation. They know that patterns of behaviour in race relations

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are just beginning to change. But racial segregation and discrimination are still stark realities where they live, work, and have their being. They know the deprivations that have been heaped upon them and they are aware of the fact that even greater deprivations will burden their children if this system of human relationships is not eliminated. After all, Negroes have been in the United States for over three hundred years ; that is a terribly long time to wait for freedom. The emancipation from slavery occurred a little over a hundred years ago and even that is a long time. The only answer for them is that freedom and justice must be made a reality for all people in the country now.

Another reason for this sense of urgency is that American Negroes are aware of the rapid pace of the freedom movement in other parts of the world. They have watched people in Southeast Asia, India, and Africa come to the point of determining their own destinies. The birth of new nations has stimulated them, widened their horizons, and lifted their aspirations. They have tended to measure their own progress by the progress of people in other parts of the world. A Negro who lives in a Southern city put the matter succinctly when he said to an African newspaper reporter, “All of Africa will be free before we can buy a cup of coffee.” Racial segregation in restaurants is but a symbol of a way of life that Negroes want to change so that they can keep pace with the march of freedom in the rest of the world.

In the process of keeping society under moral judgement and endeav- ouring to bring about social change, means are as important as ends. To be sure there are some nationalist groups which advocate violence and there have been sporadic riots in several cities but the methods employed by the Freedom Movement, which has the support of the mass of Ameri- can Negroes, have been peaceful in nature. The right to protest against injustice and to convince others of the justice of one’s cause is firmly established in the tradition and the law of the land. In pursuing this struggle the civil rights organizations have used the right to protest. They have exercised this right by the use of mass media of communica- tion ; by petitioning the government to correct grievances ; by supporting legislation guaranteeing civil rights ; by the use of the courts and by the use of non-violent direct action such as picketing, mass marches, boy- cotts, sit-ins, stand-ins, prayer vigils, freedom rides and civil disobe- dience.

The effort to obtain legislation to eliminate racial discrimination has been successful in many states. In 1957 and in 1960 the United States

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Congress passed civil rights acts which are primarily concerned with safeguarding voting rights. Congress has recently passed the Civil Rights Bill of 1964. This is a comprehensive law covering such areas as voting rights, the elimination of racial discrimination in employment, public accommodations, and public facilities supported by government funds. It prohibits discrimination in programmes receiving financial aid from the Federal Government and makes monetary grants available to aid in the desegregation of public schools. While it is too early to assess the effect of this law, it is anticipated that it will have a far-reaching influence on the racial situation.

Legal action to eliminate racial segregation and discrimination, which was pioneered by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, has been an important instrument in the struggle. The result has been the invalidation of many laws requiring racial segre- gation. The best known of these court actions resulted in the 1954 deci- sion by the United States Supreme Court, which declared racial segrega- tion in public schools to be unconstitutional. The legal approach conti- nues to be a fruitful one which is often used in connection with non- violent direct action.

Non-violent direct action is a dramatic method because it involves the masses of Negro people and many of their white supporters in the active struggle. This method was pioneered in the United States by the Congress of Racial Equality which conducted its first sit-in in a Chicago restaurant in 1942. It did not make a national impact on the racial situation until the Montgomery bus boycott in 1956. Since that time non-violent direct action has been used in many campaigns for racial justice. In addition to the Congress of Racial Equality, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee and the Southern Christian Leadership Con- ference are committed to non-violent direct action. In his “Letter From the Birmingham City Jail,” Martin Luther King says, “In any non- violent campaign there are four basic steps : (1) collection of the facts to determine whether injustices are alive ; (2) negotiation ; (3) self-puri- fication, and (4) direct action.” Later, in the same letter, King points out that, “Non-violent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and establish such creative tension that a community that has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue.” While some people think of non-violent direct action as a method of achieving social change many others think of it in far deeper terms. A leaflet “This is SCLC” (Southern Christian Leadership Conference) sets forth this type of

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thinking : " . . . Christian non-violence actively resists evil in any form. It never seeks to humiliate the opponent, only to win him. Suffering is accepted without retaliation. Internal violence of the spirit is as much to be rejected as external physical violence. At the centre of non-violence is redemptive love. Creatively used, the philosophy of non-violence can restore the broken community in America. SCLC is convinced that non-violence is the most potent force available to an oppressed people in the struggle for freedom and dignity." Non-violent direct action moves beyond the resistance of evil, the acceptance of suffering and the achievement of social solutions to reconciliation. Beyond reconciliation it aims to establish brotherhood which enables men to live in fellowship with God and with each other.

What is the significance of this movement for the ecumenical move- ment ? Probably the way to deal with this question is to ask three others. How does this racial struggle really confront the American churches? Do they really mean business in dealing with it ? How does it affect their relationship to the ecumenical movement ?

Racial segregation has invaded the American churches. The heart of the matter is that racist beliefs about the nature and destiny of man seem to have more influence than Christian beliefs on the actual behav- iour of many church members. The real tragedy is that most of them will deny that this is true, but yet, their conduct confirms it. The churches must contend with their own members about the issue of racism which they condemn as blasphemy against God. These beliefs and practices reflect the society in which church members live and work. In order to deal with this situation effectively in their own organizations the churches must deal with it in society at the same time. In the words of Paul to the Ephesians the churches must work " . . .against the prin- cipalities, against the powers, against the world rulers of this present darkness. . . " .

The Christian conceives of the Church as the body of Christ, but in the United States that body has been blemished and even fractured by racism. Racial segregation exists in the worship and fellowship of the churches. Approximately 90% of all American Protestant Negroes are members of churches affiliated with separate Negro denominations. Even though the remaining 10% are affiliated with denominations with predominantly white memberships they are, by and large, to be found in local churches whose congregations are predominantly Negro. While many churches have declared themselves open to all people, it is estimated

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that not more than 15% are in fact racially inclusive in membership and worship. Even in these cases only a small number of non-white persons are involved. What is true of the American Negro applies by and large to other non-white peoples. The result is that we describe churches by the racial or ethnic origin of the members of their congregations. It is common to speak of white churches, Negro churches, Puerto %can churches and so on. The very fact that we use this terminology is indi- cative of the sin of the churches in the area of race relations. The vast majority of Negroes and other non-white people are cut off from white people in the work and worship of the Church. It must be pointed out that some Negroes are involved in the regional and national meetings of the denominations which are predominantly white in membership and in the interdenominational movement. But even here the involvement is confined to a few leaders and by and large it is peripheral in nature. In this regard the churches are captives of the culture.

The Freedom Movement speaks to the churches in no uncertain terms. It says, “Physician heal yourself. . .”. Race blemishes the Church by the deep divisions it creates in the Christian community. This movement bids the Church to witness in its life and work that it is a community of fellow believers - a community which exhibits internal bonds of fellowship and unity because in its behaviour it gives practical expression to the belief that Christ died for all men. It lifts up the fact that the Church cannot be truly ecumenical as long as churches anywhere allow themselves to be divided by race, language, ethnic origin or any social factor which perpetuates injustice, denies dignity, and withholds freedom.

The Freedom Movement acknowledges that religious groups in the United States have condemned racial segregation as a sin, both in society and in religious organizations themselves because it denies men the freedom to exercise the worth which God has given them. But judge- ment in the form of words is not enough. Prompt and vigorous action is necessary to reconcile men to God and to each other. Can the churches rise above the captivity of their culture to heal themselves? Can the churches rise above this captivity to make an effective witness in the area of human rights?

This brings us to the question : Do the churches really mean business in dealing with the racial struggle ? Here again we must use terminology which points up the division of the churches because we must speak of Negro churches and white churches.

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The Negro churches are composed of the masses of the people. Because of this the churches are an important medium through which the masses shape and express their aspirations. There is substantial agreement among many Negroes that in addition to worship and religious education the churches should be active in promoting the social advance- ment of the race. For them religion should play an important r6le in bringing about social changes which achieve increasing freedom, justice, and equality of opportunity in society. The ministers of Negro churches are expected to give leadership to the movement to achieve social change as indeed many of them have done in many communities. These expec- tations have motivated many of the churches to engage in social action to correct racial injustices and to create fuller opportunities for all people to participate in every aspect of the society. This type of activity has caused white segregationists in some parts of the country to vent wrath against Negro churches. For instance, in the past few months about twenty Negro churches in the state of Mississippi have been dam- aged or destroyed.

The participation of the Negro churches is an important factor in determining the religious character of the Freedom Movement. Although there are some participants who are motivated by other considerations, religious concern about achieving racial justice does occupy an important place. The churches are often used as centres for freedom schools and voter registration campaigns. This religious influence is apparent in the mass meetings which are an important part of any freedom demonstra- tion. These meetings are usually held in Negro churches. They include prayers, speeches, many of which contain deep religious convictions, as well as freedom songs and Negro spirituals which express faith and hope.

Jameson Jones, editor of Motive, a magazine published by the Meth- odist Church, gives an insight into the religious character of the movement. He has written the following about the conduct of the students who participated in the Nashville, Tennessee, sit-ins : “When called names, they keep quiet. When hit, they do not strike back. Even when hostile white youths pull hair and snuff out burning cigarettes on the backs of Negro girls, the girls do not retaliate. They pray and take what comes in dignity.”

A major function of the Negro churches is to serve the spiritual and social needs of their people. This function is shaped and reinforced by racial discrimination which is a dominant factor influencing every aspect

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of the lives of Negro people. Even though Negro churches have been preoccupied with the elimination of racial segregation from society, there is increasing concern, particularly among church leaders, about racial segregation in the churches. They know that a racial church, be it Negro or white, does not truly express the wholeness of the Church as the body of Christ. Negroes face a dilemma in this matter. They desire the wholeness of the Church but how can this be accomplished when churches deny fellowship on the basis of race? They desire the wholeness of the Church, but how can they achieve a sense of fellowship in churches which do not act to bring wholeness to the lives of Negro people ? Many Negro churches and church members hesitate to leave an institution which has struggled to serve the needs of people for one which has evinced little concern about them.

Let us turn to the churches that are predominantly white. The National Council of Churches and most of the major Protestant denomin- ations have adopted statements renouncing the practice of racial segre- gation both in the churches and in society. Some of these statements have called for a church membership and a ministry which is inclusive of all people who desire to participate in a particular church or church-related institution. These policy statements have served as the basis for impor- tant steps toward achieving racial inclusiveness in national and regional church organizations. Also there are many notable instances where church-related institutions and local churches have opened their doors to people of all races. However, when one examines the attitudes of white church members on this issue one finds differences of opinion even though there seems to be increasing awareness that racial segregation is one of the great spiritual and social problems of our time.

There are those church members who support racial segregation and who want to maintain the status quo both in society and the churches. This attitude is reflected in the behaviour of churches. Within the past year an inter-racial group was arrested for attempting to attend a church in Jackson, Mississippi.

There is another large group of church members who are silent on the issue. One can never be sure of the reason for the silence or where they stand on the issue. Possibly there are some people in this group who favour the elimination of racial segregation, but who are silent for personal reasons. There may be others who have not made up their minds on the issue, and still others who covertly support racial segregation. This silence is reflected in the churches also.

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There is also a group of church members who recognize that racial segregation is morally wrong. They will even talk about the matter. Their prescription for solution is a gradual, long-term approach. Most of these people never actually involve themselves in dealing with the problem. They comfort themselves with the fact that changes are occur- ring in the racial situation and that a solution will come about some time in the future. Someone has aptly characterized these people as friendly, but uncommitted. Many of them distrust or even oppose courses of action which they feel push too hard to achieve immediate solutions to problems. This attitude is present in many churches. Such churches will hold meetings to discuss racial problems, but they fail at the point of involving themselves in any action designed to change the situation.

These groups could hardly be expected to put the churches on the growing edge of solving the race problem. This has proved a great disappointment to many Negro Christians who have looked to their white brethren to stand shoulder to shoulder with them in dealing with the moral, spiritual, and social problems involved in this issue.

However, the hope of the Church rests with an entirely different group. It is that small, but ever increasing group of people at all levels of the Church’s life who by their commitment and action, place the churches at the centre of the action. Because they have the courage to act on their Christian convictions they move the churches to make a significant witness in the area of race relations. These people have actively iden- tified themselves with the movements which are working to achieve racial justice. This type of active commitment was certainly a factor which led the National Council of the Churches of Christ in the USA, and several of the communions, to create Commissions on Religion and Race with the responsibility for involving the churches in action on the race prob- lem. The statement of the National Council of Churches, at the time it created its Commission on Religion and Race, is significant. It said : “Now is the time for action - even costly action that may jeopardize the organizational goals and the institutional structures of the Church and may disrupt any fellowship that is less than obedient to the Lord of the Church.”

This commitment to action has motivated many churchmen, clergy, and lay people, to identify with the victims of racial discrimination in demonstrations and direct action in many places. They have participated in voter registration campaigns, served as minister-counsellors to student

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volunteers working with the Freedom Movement, conducted adult education and community centre programmes, attempted to reconcile white communities to the needed changes and to aid persons who were arrested. In the process many of these persons were arrested themselves and some suffered violence. Nor can we overlook the fact that the consistent support of the churches aided in the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. These activities, and others too numerous to mention here, have increased the interest of the churches in the elimi- nation of racial segregation from their own organizations.

This small but increasing group of white Christians is on the growing edge of the churches’ concern about race relations. Their actions hold out hope that the churches may become in reality the Church, a fellowship of believers. They demonstrate that the churches can transcend the bar- riers of race. It may be that they are God’s instrument for achieving the wholeness of the Church. Surely these efforts are pioneering steps in building the ecumenical movement. It may be that the most important task that the churches can perform is to develop, strengthen, and support those small groups of committed active pioneers in human relations in all parts of the world, who have the courage to identify with the oppressed. Remember that the conviction and courage of the early Christians enabled them to transform a hostile world. This witness is a message to the churches everywhere. Together we must work under God’s guidance to make the Church in reality the body of Christ. The churches in other countries must help the churches in America and the churches in America must stand ready to extend a helping hand to those in other countries. This is the essence of the responsibility that Chris- tians have to God, to the Church and to each other.

Conclusion

The Freedom Movement struggles to eliminate racial segregation from American society. It seeks to emancipate the oppressed from spiritual and material deprivation which denies them freedom to express their God-given worth. At the same time it works to liberate the oppres- sors from overbearing pride and haughty assumptions which force them to become, without their intending to, symbols of arrogance and preten- sion which give offence to God and to other human beings. In this task it serves a world-wide aspiration. The people who have been treated as the nobodies of this world want to become somebody because God created them somebody.

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The Freedom Movement says to the churches that they have a stake in this task because of the very nature of the Gospel they proclaim. It confronts them with the fact that the deep divisions of race must be transcended if the churches are to be the Church. Churches and Chris- tians are called to identify themselves with the racial situation and to be active in solving the problems connected with it. They are called to work actively to achieve justice for men of every race. In this they can witness by acts of reconciliation that Christ died to make reconciliation possible. This is the real expression of the Christian’s faith that God is present in history and shapes all things according to his will.