The Foundation of the Oracle at Delphi in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo

7/25/2019 The Foundation of the Oracle at Delphi in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo

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Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 51 (2011) 529551

2011 Polyxeni Strolonga

The Foundation of the Oracle at Delphiin theHomeric Hymn to Apollo

Polyxeni Strolonga

!"#$%&'()*+!!,)-.&/('01+2&34&5%+64%+647$!1+84,*!$9:();%'34%+!!:-+4%?&-%$@+-(Paus. 10.5.5)

HE FOUNDATION MYTH of the oracle at Delphi isvariously recorded in many literary sources. In all buttwo extant versionsthe Homeric Hymn to Apollo and

Alcaeus Hymn to Apollo (fr.142 Page)the god succeeds otherdeitiesGaia or Themis or both1who administered theoracle before Apollos arrival at Delphi.2Apollos succession topower is represented either as a peaceful process3 or as in-

1Gaia is called *2:%>&-%'4 in Aesch. Eum.2. She predates Apollo also

in Plut. Mor. 402CE and Theopompus FGrHist115 F 80. In Paus. 10.5.6the oracle belonged to Gaia and Poseidon, and in EphorusFGrHist70 F31bit was founded by Apollo and Themis. Themis precedes Apollo in Eur. Or.163164; Apollod. 1.4.1; Men. Rh. 441 Spengel. Cf. Lucan 5.7985; OvidMet.1.320321 and 4.643. In Pindar Pyth.hypoth. a, Dionysus is also saidto prophesy prior to Apollo. On the relation between Apollo and Dionysussee B. C. Dietrich, Divine Madness and Conflict at Delphi, Kernos5 (1992)4158; M. Detienne, Forgetting Delphi between Apollo and Dionysus,CP96 (2001) 147158. For Gaias cult at Delphi see G. Roux, Delphes: Sonoracle et ses dieux (Paris 1976) 1934. For a history of the sanctuary at Delphiand the succession of divinities see E. Surez de la Torre, Les dieux deDelphes et lhistoire du sanctuaire,KernosSuppl. 8 (1998) 6189, at 6382.

2A list of all Greek and Roman sources that relate the oracles foundationcan be found in C. Sourvinou-Inwood, Myth as History: The Previous

Owners of the Delphic Oracle, in J. Bremmer (ed.), Interpretations of GreekMythology(London 1987) 215241, at 235 n.1.

3 E.g. Aesch. Eum. 120 (5, +5() *2?4A9&- %'->4); Paus. 10.5.6; Ari-stonous Pai.Apol. 2124 (FD III.2 191); Diod. 16.26.16; Orph.Hymn. 79;Ephorus F31b; schol. Eur. Or.164.

T


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530 THE FOUNDATION OF THE ORACLE AT DELPHI


volving the use of force, when Apollo slays the serpent thatguards the oracle.4In theHomeric Hymn to Apollo,as in AlcaeusHymn,5 the god does not encounter other oracular deities atDelphi. Instead, Apollo himself lays the foundations of theoracle while mortals finish the construction (294299). Afterthe oracle is built, Apollo slays a serpent, which, in contrast to

the other sources where it guards the oracle, lives by a springnearby and poses a threat to humans and their flocks (300304). Moreover, the foundation of Apollos oracle in the Ho-meric Hymn follows upon the gods failed attempt to build atemple at Telphousa, an episode that is not found in any of theother versions.

The discrepancy among the variants of the foundation mythhas been an object of debate. For some scholars, the versionsabout the succession of prophetic deities at Delphi reflect thehistory of the site and suggest continuous cultic activity, whilethe Hymns narrative echoes the propagandistic views of theDelphic priesthood, which redeem the god as the only founder

of Delphi.6 Other scholars, in the absence of archaeological

4 E.g. Pind. fr.55 *2?4A9&-; Eur. IT 12351283.; Apollod. 1.4.1; Paus.10.6.3; Plut. Mor. 417F, 421C; Men. Rh. 441444. Later rationalistic ver-sions replace the serpent with a villain named Python (Ephorus F 31b, cf.Paus. 10.6.3).

5In Himerius paraphrase of Alcaeus hymn (Or.14.10 ff.) there is no ex-plicit reference to the foundation of the oracle. Zeus sends Apollo to Delphias a prophet of justice. The god instead visits the Hyperboreans and spendsone year there before he moves to Delphi, where no other deities are found.For comparison of AlcaeusHymnand theHomeric Hymn see D. Page, Sapphoand Alcaeus(Oxford 1959) 249250; E. Surez de la Torre, La rationalitdes mythes de Delphes: les dieux, les hros, les mdiateurs, Kernos 15 (2002)

155178, at 162.6 Bibliography in Sourvinou-Inwood, in Interpretations 235 n.2. On the

poets conscious suppression of the other versions see K. Frstel, Un-tersuchungen zum Homerischen Apollonhymnos (Bochum 1979) 235; O. Panagl,Stationen hellenischer Religiositt am Beispiel des Delphischen Sukzes-sionsmythos, Kairos 11 (1969) 161171, at 164169; J. Defradas, Les thmesde la propaganda delphique(Paris 1954) 6162, 6467; J. S. Clay, The Politics ofOlympus: Form and Meaning in the Major Homeric Hymns (Princeton 1989) 6163,


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POLYXENI STROLONGA 531


evidence that shows a continuity of cults, propose that the ver-sion in the Hymnrepresents the earliest cultic myth, while thelater variants are adaptations that serve literary purposes.7

This article steps away from the debate over whether theHymnpromotes Delphic propaganda or Delphic theologythatis, whether it recreates or reproduces the history of Delphi8

and examines the wider religious and literary connotations ofthe mythsvariant in the Hymn. It will be argued that the foun-dation myth of Delphi is shaped by the religious perspective ofthe Hymn, which emphasizes the balanced reciprocal relation-ships between humans and godsthe precondition for thefoundation of a new cultand the beneficial role of a god, whois introduced for the first time into a new region. The theme ofreciprocity is highlighted throughout the Hymn and is also evi-dent in the other major Homeric Hymns, where gods engage inreciprocal relationships with mortals.

The poet of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo9provides a variant of

___

and The Silence of the Pythia, in Lucia Athanassaki et al. (eds.), ApollinePolitics and Poetics (Athens 2009) 516, at 1314. On chthonic oracles atDelphi see B. C. Dietrich, Reflection on the Origins of the Oracular Apol-lo,BICS25 (1978) 118, at 5.

7 P. Amandry, La mantique apollonienne Delphes (Paris 1950) 211214;Sourvinou-Inwood, inInterpretations219; Dietrich,Kernos 5 (1992) 4344; C.Morgan, Athletes and Oracles: The Transformation of Olympia and Delphi (Cam-bridge 1990) 148149; W. Furley and J. M. Bremer, Greek Hymns (Tbingen2001) I 9698; A. Avagianou, Ephorus on the Founding of DelphisOracle, GRBS39 (1998) 121136, at 126127.

8On the issue of whether myths reflect or construct reality see R. Buxton,Imaginary Greece: The Contexts of Mythology(Cambridge 1994) 182184.

9 The composition of the Hymn to Apollo is debated. The parallel scenes

between the first and the second halves along with the closing nature of line165 after the Delian festival has led scholars, starting with D. Ruhnken,Epistola critica I. in Homeridarum hymnos et Hesiodum (Leipzig 1782), to suggestthat theHymnis either the compilation of two separate hymns on the Delianand the Pythian Apollo respectively (Ruhnken) or that it is the outcome ofthe continuation and expansion of an independent hymn to Delian Apollo(Wilamowitz, Die Ilias und Homer [Berlin 1916]). Following A. M. Miller,From Delos to Delphi: A Literary Study of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (Mnemosyne


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the foundation myth of Delphi, in which mortals play a sig-nificant role and define their relationship with the divine. Thus,before Apollo builds his temple and oracle, he addresseshumans10 and describes the reciprocal relationships he willestablish with them, which entail the exchange of propheciesfor sacrifices (287293):

3-B0($(C12+-":%$A&4,O)-PI+'!$!+*>--EI+-*9$'2&-;H+MI'-,O( PI+'"52G*E-%$.&/F1'28%&4.&%,-JI+M4,H2EI>$-+': %+@I'-( Q2 3#R-E$2%"&A+M!C-*SI'B$'I%$8+''H2":-3-/*9+-'-ET.

Here I intend to build a beautiful temple to be an oracle forhumans, who will always bring perfect hecatombs here to me,both those who inhabit fertile Peloponnese and those whoinhabit Europe and seagirt islands, in order to request oracles: toall of them therefore I would deliver infallible counsel proph-

esying in a rich temple.___Suppl. 93 [1986]) 111117 and 174 n.2 (with bibliography), W. G. Thal-mann, Conventions of Form and Thought in Early Greek Epic Poetry (Baltimore1984) 6473, Clay, Politics of Olympus 1719, and N. Richardson, ThreeHomeric Hymns(Cambridge 2010) 1013, I favor the unitarian view and treatthe Hymn as a coherent and unified composition. For the view of theAnalysts see A. Aloni, Laedo ei tiranni (Rome 1989) 1131; R. P. Martin,Synchronic Aspects of Homeric Performance: The Evidence of the Hymnto Apollo, in Ana M. Gonzlez de Tobia (ed.), Una nueva visin de la culturagriega antigua (La Plata 2000) 403432; M. Chappell, The Homeric Hymn toApollo: The Question of Unity, in A. Faulkner (ed.), The Homeric Hymns:Interpretive Essays(Oxford 2011) 5981. The Delian hymn is dated by Janko

to 655 B.C. and the Pythian to the beginning of the sixth century: see A.Hoekstra, The Subepic Stage of the Formulaic Tradition(Amsterdam 1969) 2225,and R. Janko, Homer, Hesiod, and the Hymns: Diachronic Development in EpicDiction (Cambridge 1982) 102 ff.; M. Chappell, Delphi and the HomericHymn to Apollo, CQ56 (2006) 33148, at 331335.

10The foundation of cults and the gods offerings to humans are typicalthemes in hymns. See William W. Minton, The Proem-Hymn of HesiodsTheogony, TAPA101 (1970) 357377, at 362.


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The god promises that he will prophesy (H2":-293) infalliblecounsel to those who will offer hecatombs and will seek hisprophecies (H2EI+"-+'). Thus, the reciprocal relationship be-tween humans and the divine is reflected in the diction in theactive and middle forms of the same verb. The interlockinggestures of offering and reciprocation stress the interdepen-

dence between the divine and his worshippers. The templesfunction relies on humans offerings, and humans knowledgein turn depends on Apollos prophecies.11The god will alleviatethe human state of ignorance as long as the temples visitorsprovide offerings that allow them to request divination. Thusthe foundation of the temple inaugurates a new mode of com-munication with the divine.12

This communication is based on a quid pro quorelationship, orbalanced reciprocity;13it dominates Greek cult practices, whereofferings are expected to be reciprocated,14and governs inter-personal and ritualized relationships of philia, where a bondmay be established through the exchange of goods between

partners from different social units.15The social conventions offriendship and the religious norms of Greek cults are trans-

11 Cf. Ephorus version F 31b, where Apollo establishes his oracle with

Themis in order to benefit humans.12Clay,Politics of Olympus 63.13 For a categorization of different types of reciprocity see M. Sahlins,

Stone Age Economics(Chicago 1972) 193196.14 As R. Parker points out, Pleasing Thighs: Reciprocity in Greek Re-

ligion, in Christopher Gill et al. (eds.), Reciprocity in Ancient Greece (Oxford1998) 105126, at 105, without this ideal of reciprocity the rationale ofGreek cult practice disappears.

15

G. Herman,Ritualized Friendshipand the Greek City(Cambridge 1987) ch.2. On the predominance but also the problematization of reciprocal rela-tionships in social and ritual practices in Homer see R. Seaford, Reciprocityand Ritual: Homer and Tragedy in the Developing City-State (Oxford1994). WhileSeaford (5) suggests that the Homeric poems display different views on reci-procity since they are the end product of a long process of developmentinfluenced by various and sometimes contradictory interests, in the HomericHymnsthe perspectives on reciprocity are quite consistent.


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ferred to the narrative of reciprocity between the god andhumans in the Hymn, where the two parties through their in-terdependent needs and the nature of their offerings assume aquasi-parity and form a lasting bond. As Walter Burkert writes,the rules of society and of religion are taken to be homolo-gous.16By employing the principle of reciprocity, which ac-

cording to Burkert (154155) creates a stable, sensible, andacceptable world on the basis of equilibrium and regularity, thepoet crafts an optimistic portrayal of a god always willing tooffer his service to humans in exchange for their sacrifices.Moreover, the continuous circulation of offerings betweenApollo and the visitors of the oracle secures the long durationof these relationships and the popularity of the gods cult.

In contrast to the other versions, where Apollo either em-ploys force to take over the oracle or simply succeeds gods, intheHymn to Apollohe proclaims a balanced reciprocal relation-ship with mortals that encapsulates the function of his templeand his new role as a god of prophecy.17 While humans as

agents of exchange are excluded from the other versions,18 inthe Hymn they participate in fair and balanced reciprocities,just as mortals in the other majorHomeric Hymnscontribute di-rectly or indirectly to the gods acquisitions of their honors andspheres of power.19In theHomeric Hymn to Demeter, for example,the goddess establishes the Eleusinian Mysteries after her inter-action with humans in Eleusis and the failed immortalization ofDemophoon. In theHymn to AphroditeAphrodites honor among

16W. Burkert, Creation of the Sacred: Tracks of Biology in Early Religions(Cam-bridge 1996) 130.

17In Paus. 10.5.6 reciprocity takes place between gods: Apollo offers Po-seidon Calaureia in exchange for his share of the oracle.

18Cf. Ephorus F31b.19On the theme of honors in the major Homeric Hymns seeClay,Politics of

Olympus 816; R. Parker, The Hymn to Demeter and the Homeric Hymns,G&R 38 (1991) 117; J. Rudhardt, A propos de lhymne homrique D-mter,MusHelv 35 (1978) 117; R. Nickel, The Wrath of Demeter: StoryPattern in theHymn to Demeter, QUCC102 (2003) 5982, at 62.


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humans relies on Anchises secrecy. Hermes in his Hymn be-comes the god of exchange, after a series of reciprocities withApollo that are instigated by a mortals testimony of Hermestheft. Likewise, Apollo in his Hymn would never have becomethe god of prophecy without the collaboration of humans, in-cluding the builders of his temple but also the oracles future

visitors and Apollos priests.Similar quid pro quoreciprocities between gods and humans atthe gods arrival in a new territory can be found in the otherHomeric Hymns. In theHymn to Demeter, for example, the buildingof a temple inaugurates a series of exchanges (270 ff.). The god-dess requests from the whole community (*S4(U+4) a temple(F!! Q#$+'-E>-%$"#&-.&/A:?-V* &5%T / %$MH>-%:-*S4(U+4), promising as a reciprocation the establishment ofher rites (W2#'& ( &5%C 3#R- V*+BJI+&'), which will secureher benevolence as long as they are performed properly ($5-":4 ;2(+-%$4 3?- ->+- X!0I.+'IB$). The initial reciprocalexchange of the temple with rites instigates a second exchange

in which the goddess favorable disposition responds to properritual practices. As with Apollo, the nature of balancedreciprocity secures the continuity of the cult. In the Hymn toAphrodite, where another episode of a gods first appearance tohumans occurs (100 ff.), Anchises promises an altar and sacri-fices to the woman whom he identifies as a goddess (I+/( 3#R3-I.+*'Y, *$2'1&'-+"-Z3-/HG2Z, / A:?-*+'JI:, ["D:("%+'X$2,.&!, / \2]I'-*0I]I'). In exchange for this offering,he requests ((>4) a prosperous life and a descendant (*+9$'(3D+*9I:B&!$2?-#>-+-), whom Aphrodite eventually grants atthe end of the Hymn with the request that Anchises keep theirrelationship a secret (281290).20Thus in the major Hymns to

Apollo, Demeter, and Aphrodite, intertwined exchanges between

20 J. F. Garca, Symbolic Action in the Homeric Hymns: The Theme ofRecognition, ClAnt 21 (2002) 539, at 2224, suggests that Anchises isrewarded for his earlier piety toward the goddess in disguise and this is whyhis wish is granted.


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the new god and his/her followers take place in a consecrated(or to-be-consecrated) space marked by an altar (promised),temple, or oracle and in the ritual context of prayers, rites, andsacrifices.21 The language of reciprocity is particularlyappropriate for the genre of the major Homeric Hymns, sincethey function themselves as offerings to the gods.22The god is

expected to respond to a request in exchange for the musicalpleasure he receives.23Thus the rhetoric of prayers and hymns,which is based on the da quia dedi/dedisti, da quia hoc dare tuum est,do ut des, or da ut demformulas,24shapes the narrative portion oftheHomericHymns.

In the context of reciprocity, the humans participation in thebuilding of Apollos temple marks their agreement to partici-pate in a quid pro quorelationship with the divine. The god setsthe marks of his construction by laying the foundations of thetemple, while the legendary architects Trophonius and Aga-medes add a stone threshold and a group of men finish thebuilding (294299):25

21 In the Hymn to Hermes the god promises to a farmer good vintage aslong as he does not betray him for the theft of the cattle (9193). This re-ciprocal relation does not have ritual references since it entails neither anepiphany of Hermes nor the foundation of a cult.

22C. Calame,Masks of Authority: Fiction and Pragmatics in Ancient Greek Poetics(Ithaca/London 2005) 27, and The Homeric Hymns as Poetic Offerings:Musical and Ritual Relationships with the Gods, in The Homeric Hymns:Interpretive Essays 334358; W. Furley and J. M. Bremer, Greek Hymns(Tbingen 2001) I 16. Cf. the closing lines of Ar. Thesm., which end with therequest that Demeter and Persephone grant favors in exchange for the play(12291230).

23As Calame notes,Masks of Authority26, in the Homeric Hymnsthe greet-

ing H&@2$at the closing of the poems has the literal meaning take delight,presumably in theHymnitself.24 J. M. Bremer, Greek Hymns, in H. Versnel (ed.), Faith, Hope and

Worship (Leiden 1981) 193215.25 As C. Sourvinou-Inwood shows, The Myth of the First Temples at

Delphi, CQ 29 (1979) 231251, at 247248, the gradation god/heroes/mortals echoes the myth about the first temples at Delphi, four in succes-sion, made of laurel, then beeswax (by birds), bronze (by Hephaestus and


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^4$L*R-('"BE.$B$$9!'+@A+4$*>!!:-$52"&.&/0!&&.2,('E-$."4_&5%,23* &5%+@4!0'-+-+5(?-;BE.$%2+1G-'+4O( $#&J(E4,MX"$4&2#9-+M, 19!+'FB&-0%+'I'B$+@I'-_F1/()-E?-;-&II&-26FB"I1&%&1

After he spoke thus Phoebus Apollo laid out the foundationsbroad and very long without a break and upon them Tro-phonius and Agamedes, the sons of Erginus, dear to the im-mortal gods, placed a wooden threshold. And around [it] thecountless tribes of men with polished rocks built the temple to befamous in song forever.

The gradation in significance of the oracles builders fromApollo to the two legendary architects to a countless crowd isreflected in theHymn to Demeter, where Celeus presides over theconstruction of Demeters temple and the whole communityparticipates (*+!M*$92+-&!&>-296; cf. *S4(U+4271).27Theneutral phrase *+!M*$92+-& !&>-, with local ties dismissed,

parallels the Hymn to Apollos FB"I1&%&1

26 The meaning of the verb ;-&II&- as built is hapax legomenon. Rich-ardson, Three Homeric Hymns, following Blumenthals suggestion, places line299 before 298. With this emendation the lines read: with well-wrought [orwell-set] stones, to be sung of forever. And around the temple dwelt thecountless tribes of men. See Richardson ad loc. for other emendations. Ifthat rearrangement of lines is accepted then there is a repetition between!0'-+-+5(?-and D$I%+@I'-!0$II'-, where a stone threshold is placed with

stones. The parechesis on the other hand of -E?-;-&II&-echoes a similarone in *9+-&-&?-*+'UI&'(h.Dem.297298).

27See H. Foley, The Homeric Hymn to Demeter (Princeton 1993) 142, on thelimited role of Celeus and the representation of the cult as given to all.

28 In Paus. 10.5.7 the builders of the temple come from the Hyper-boreans.

29Morgan,Athletes and Oracles145, notes that theHymnstresses the passive


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ticipates the broad effect of the Eleusinian Mysteries (h.Dem.470 ff.) and the Delphic oracle respectively across genders,ethnicities, ages, and social groups.30 Just as Apollo offers hisprophecies to all humans, who provide sacrifices,31so Demetergrants privileges to all initiates. The inclusivity of their cultsshowcases their Panhellenic aspect.

Panhellenic references are found as well in all four majorHomeric Hymns. The decreased emphasis on local cults, theextensive travels of the gods, and their wide appeal contributeto the Panhellenic nature of these poems. In this light, thefoundation myth is also Panhellenic,32that is, acceptable to allHellenes,33since, as scholars have aptly pointed out, it avoidsexplicit reference to other prophetic cults, emphasizes thediversity of the oracles visitors (290291), represents the oracleas an Olympian institution with Apollo being the prophet ofZeus, assigns to the priesthood a Cretan origin avoiding thelocal Crisan ties to Delphi, and lays the foundation of Delphiafter Apollos journey that covers a wide range of locations.34

___role of the inhabitants of Crisa, in contrast to the activity of Apollo, whobuilt his own temple and selected his own servants from a distant region.TheHymn, however, makes no reference to Crisans either because the loca-tion was uninhabited or because the poet delocalizes his narrative.

30See similarly the Delian festival in h.Ap.147155, where Ionians of allages and genders venerate Apollo through songs and games. Miller, FromDelos 81, also points out that the range of participants (god/heroes/thegenerality of men) emphasizes the universality of Apollo.

31Note the potential optative B$'I%$8+'', which makes Apollos prom-ise less secure.

32On Panhellenic versions that avoid the conflicts of local versions see G.

Nagy,Pindars Homer: Lyric Possession of an Epic Past (Baltimore 1990) 66. Mor-gan,Athletes and Oracles145, notes the break with the local community in thecase of the Cretan priests: it is almost as if temple servants were delib-erately selected from a distant part of the Greek world to break the link withthe local population. Cf. the Panhellenic version of the Hymn to Demeter:Foley,Homeric Hymn to Demeter177.

33Nagy,Pindars Homer60.34See Miller,From Delos81; Clay,Politics of Olympus910, 62; Surez de la


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Moreover, although the poet is familiar with the local traditionsof Apollos cults as he provides aetiologies for the cults of thePythian, Telphousian, and Delphinian Apollo, he attaches Pan-hellenism to a local context as the three cults are founded inthe aftermath of the establishment of the Panhellenic oracleand in close proximity to it.35 Conversely, the Previous

Owners myth has a local registry focusing on Delphi36

andestablishing the superiority of Apollos cult in the region overhis (fictional or not) predecessors or even contemporaneousoracles, which cannot claim the antiquity of Delphi.37 In theHymn to Apollo, Apollos reciprocity with all humans emphasizesthe Panhellenic and inclusive aspect of his cult. It remainstherefore to explore further why the theme of reciprocity, withits Panhellenic allusions and its anthropocentric emphasis,dominates a foundation narrative.

The foundation of the oracle and the establishment of Apollo

___

Torre,Kernos Suppl. 8 (1998) 7475. L. G. Mitchell, Panhellenism and the Bar-barian in Archaic and Classical Greece(Swansea 2007) 67; Morgan, Athletes andOracles144145; E. Stehle,Performance and Gender in Ancient Greece: NondramaticPoetry in its Setting (Princeton 1997) 194196. Recently the notion of Pan-hellenism has been questioned as a modern invention by M. Scott, Delphiand Olympia: The Spatial Politics of Panhellenism in the Archaic and Classical Periods(Cambridge 2010) ch. 9.

35On the relation between Panhellenism and local cults in tragedy see A.Lardinois, Greek Myths for Athenian Rituals: Religion and Politics inAeschylusEumenidesand Sophocles Oedipus Coloneus, GRBS33 (1992) 313327. See also Isoc. Paneg. 2829, where the Athenians take pride in propa-gating the gifts of Demeter to Greeks.

36Thus the emphasis on Athens in Apollos journey to Delphi in Aesch.Eum. 913 and Ephorus F 31b. On pro-Athenian biases see Avagianou,GRBS39 (1998) 132; M. Vamvouri Ruffy, Apollo, Athena and Athens atDelphi, in Apolline Politics 521546, at 526532, who also notes (537541)in theHymn to Apolloallusions to Athenas links to Delos and Delphi.

37On the antiquity of Delphi and its competition with other oracles seeMorgan, Athletes and Oracles 148149. Clay, in Apolline Politics 516, arguesthat the poet does not mention other oracular shrines because the poem wascomposed at a time when Delphi had surpassed its competitors.


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as the god of prophecy are presented, as I have shown, in thecontext of reciprocity. The rhetoric of mutual exchanges isemployed not only to regulate in myth the irregular in realityreciprocal relationships between gods and humans, but also toalleviate the anxiety that stems from the gods introduction intoa new territory and consequently from a new ritual life, par-

ticularly since the construction of a temple marks the transfor-mation of the landscape from secular to sacred.38In the case ofa new city or a new gods importation from elsewhere, ritualspace must be found, and confiscation of fields was one way ofdealing with the need for space.39Similarly, when a sanctuaryhad to be enlarged, space that was reserved for human habi-tation might have to be appropriated. In the case of a newcolony, one lot of land was devoted to the god and could not beexploited by humans.40 At Delphi, land for pasture was alsodedicated to Apollo and remained uncultivated.41TheHymn toApollo, as I will show, acknowledges the tensions from the trans-formation of a conventional space into a sacred one but also

emphasizes the beneficial consequences of such transformation.As Robert Parker notes, a god may receive land either by gift

38 D. Birge, Sacred Groves and the Nature of Apollo, in J. Solomon(ed.), Apollo: Origins and Influences (Tucson 1994) 919, notes that Apollosgroves marked the point at which the natural environment was broughtinto the domain and control of the Greek social and religious system (18).Similarly F. Polignac, Cults, Territory and the Origins of the Greek City-State (Chi-cago 1995) 20, points out that the building of a temple symbolized theinsertion of the sacred universe into the earthly countryside.

39S. G. Cole,Landscapes, Gender, and Ritual Space: The Ancient Greek Experience(Berkeley 2004) 3940.

40 On echoes of colonization in the Hymn to Apollo see I. Malkin, Lafondation dune colonie apollonienne: Delphes et lHymne homrique Apol-lon, in Anne Jacquemin (ed.) Delphes cent ans aprs la grande fouille (Athens2000)6977.

41T. Howe, Pastoralism, the Delphic Amphiktyony and the First SacredWar: The Creation of Apollos Sacred Pastures, Historia 52 (2003) 129146.


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or by confiscation.42Apollo chooses the latter option not onlyat Crisa but also at the spring Telphousa, where he firstattempted to build his oracle. In fact, his declaration to beginthe establishment of a temple at Crisa (247) is identical to hisannouncement to Telphousa (3-B0($(C12+-": %$


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quid pro quo reciprocity even when the gods gifts are not im-mediately apparent. After all, the honor of being chosen by thegod for the location of his temple should be a sufficient in-centive to comply. On the other hand, it emphasizes the bene-fits of devotion to gods in the context of reciprocity. Moreover,Apollos failure to employ reciprocity in Telphousa, unlike

Letos successful balanced reciprocity with Delos,44

showcasesthat Apollo is not ready to establish a cult until he demonstrateshis ability to perform reciprocity properly. In fact, when hepunishes the spring after the foundation of his oracle, he is thenable to articulate the benefits of the new use of her space asanother popular sacred location where all (*0-%$4 386) willpray calling upon Telphousian Apollo. The building of theA:>4(384),the marker of Apollos cult, and the destruction ofTelphousa, which annuls her previous role, signify the newritual character that the god provides to the area. Similarly, theCretan sailors have to abandon their everyday endeavors andtheir family lives in order to assume their sacred role as ad-

ministrators of the oracle (474501).The Telphousa episode illustrates as well the positive out-

come of the lands transformation into sacred space: a newhonorary status, which is also granted to the oracles priests(485). Since the rivalry between Apollo and the spring wasabout .!"+4as Apollo says (3-B0($(C.&/3?-.!"+4, ;II$%&'+5()I?-+aE4, 381), it becomes apparent that the honor a cultsite carriesthat is, the honor that is provided by a godoverrides the private honor of conventional places that have ause value rather than a symbolic one. Considering that theHymn narrates the foundation of a cult and presumably pro-motes it, the Telphousa episode elaborates on the implications

of dedicating land to gods and thus is not necessary in any ofthe other versions of the foundation myth that have different orno religious perspectives.45

44For comparison of the two scenes see Miller,From Delos 7677.45 Clay, in Apolline Politics 516, has argued that the Telphousa episode

corresponds to the Previous Owners myth.


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The positive aspects of a lands transformation into a sacredsite are also evident in the case of Delos. The preeminence ofDelos over the other islands that rejected Leto when she was insearch of a location to give birth and Delos wide popularity inthe aftermath of the establishment of Apollos temple under-score its new Panhellenic appeal.46 In a similar way, Apollos

reference to his oracles popularity at Crisa indicates the repu-tation that Crisa will receive as it becomes a Panhellenic site.47Both Delos and Crisa, then, become Panhellenic centers for thetraffic of worshippers. Both are rocky locations48and both turninto a sacred space after a process of reciprocity.49Apollo thusnot only provides a new and sufficient way of predicting thefuture, but he also transforms isolated locations into populardestinations for worshippers from across Greece. Moreover, bymeans of his Panhellenic effect, he alters the relation betweenhumans and land, since in the case of the Delians and theCretan priests, they will live off sacrifices, avoiding manuallabor. In the Hymn therefore, the transformation of landscape

46De Polignac, Cults 20, notes that the topographical importance that asanctuary receives shows that an everyday environment is given a new orderby the establishment of cult sites, which are objects of concern and pride forthe community.

47The parallel scenes of Delos and Crisa are two of many episodes thatecho each other in the first and second halves of the Hymnand thus provideaccording to analysts an argument for multiple authorship (i.e. one poetimitates the composition of another poet). For parallel passages between theDelian and the Pythian Hymn see M. L. West, Cynaethus Hymn toApollo, CQ25 (1975) 161170, at 162; C. A. Sowa, Traditional Themes andthe Homeric Hymns(Chicago 1984) 178182.

48Delos is covered with vegetation after Apollos birth (135136).49The two cult places and focuses of the Hymn have been explained by

the proposed setting for the Hymns performance: a festival on Delos or-ganized by Polycrates in 523/2 B.C., which was held in honor of both theDelian and Pythian Apollo. See W. Burkert, Kynaithos, Polycrates and theHomeric Hymn to Apollo, in Arktouros: Hellenic Studies presented to Bernard M.W. Knox (Berlin 1979)5362, at 5962; Janko,Homer, Hesiod 112114; F. deMartino, Omero Agonista in Delo (Brescia 1982) 4955; Aloni,Laedo 107131.


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into sacred space and the provision of Panhellenic fame are theutmost benefits by Apollo, which through a nexus of reciprocalexchanges aim to eliminate opposition to his forceful entranceinto new territories.50

The reconciliatory effects of the rhetoric of reciprocity areevident in another episode in the Hymn to Apollowhere the god

acquires priests in the same way that he acquires sacred space.Just as he confiscates the lands of Telphousa and Crisa, Apolloseizes the boat of some Cretan sailors,51 and after a series oftransformations convinces them to become his priests by pro-posing a deal, another incident of quid pro quoreciprocity. Theviolent and overpowering nature of the god is counterbalancedby his willingness to establish balanced reciprocities, showcas-ing thus the double nature of his power. According to this quidpro quorelationship, the Cretans will hold Apollos rich templeand learn the gods plans, and in turn they will be honored for-ever (478485). Reciprocity is once more reflected in language.The god prophesies that the oracle will be %9'+- (483) by all

people and the priests will be honored (%'JI$IB$) forever(485); their honor thus is tied to that of the oracle in an in-terdependent way.52As long as the oracle thrives, the Cretanswill hold the prestigious priesthood, and as long as the Cretans

50Cf. Apollos violent entry to the assembly of the Olympians at the be-ginning of theHymn.

51 For Cretan elements in Apollos cult see Sourvinou-Inwood, in Inter-pretations 225. See also Defradas, Les thmes 7476, on the appropriation ofthe Cnossian cult of dolphins. The choice of Cretans as priests attestsPanhellenic elements according to most scholars (e.g. Morgan, Athletes andOracles145), while for a few it is ironic, e.g. A. Aloni, The Politics of Com-

position and Performance of the HomericHymn to Apollo, inApolline Politics5565. Aloni (61) argues that the poet challenges the credibility of the Del-phic oracle, since Cretans are rendered as liars who provoke laughter. Thepoet aims according to Aloni to satisfy his patron, Polycrates, who organ-ized a festival on Delos against the prescriptions of the oracles prophecy.

52As Miller, From Delos 97, has shown, Apollos gift of priesthood func-tions as a compensation for the abduction of the sailors and their forcedretirement from a normal life.


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tend the temple and know the will of the gods, the oracle willflourish. Ultimately, Apollo will be a part of this interlockingrelationship, since Crisa turns into the location where he willalso be honored by many people (*+!!+@I' %$%'"-+4F-B2G-*+'I', 521). The reciprocal exchange between Apollo andhumans leads again to the establishment of a cult, that of the

Delphinian Apollo, since the Cretans after receiving the offer ofpriesthood build an altar and offer sacrifices (486510).The episode of the Cretan priests reflects the successful

reciprocities in Crisa and Delos, but also echoes Telphousasopposition. While in Telphousa Apollo did not make an offerof benefits, in the episode with the Cretan priests he makes aninadequate offer, which he then modifies. His promise of per-petual honor does not satisfy the pragmatic needs of mortals,who, unlike Delos and Telphousa, cannot survive on honor.Apollos offer is based on his own divine need for %'J. Thecomplaint of the Cretans, who when they arrive at Crisa realizethat the land is not fertile nor rich in pasture (526530), sig-

nifies the gap between them and the god and exemplifies thedifference in their nature, which may lead to complicationswhen it comes to reciprocal relations. The quasi-parity as-sumed in balanced reciprocal relationships is overturned as thesuperiority of Apollo does not allow him to understand theneeds of the opposite party. Even though Apollolike De-meter, Aphrodite, and Hermesdescends to the level ofhumans, interacts with them on earth, and takes the shape of ahuman, he cannot completely understand the mortal nature.The inappropriateness of Apollos offer and the mortals objec-tion to it warn against an idealized reciprocity and showcasethat divine offers are not always appropriate for their recip-

ients.53As Yunis notes, the belief that the gods react to menon the basis of some form of reciprocal relationship does not atall exclude the irrational element from the divine, or make thegods easily intelligible or entirely predictable. It rather excludes

53On the gifts of gods see Thalmann, Conventions of Form, ch. 3.


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the possibility that the gods are utterly irrational, unintelligible,or unpredictable.54

Apollo, after reproaching the Cretans,55 modifies his initialoffer and promises that the priests will never have to toil on theland, but will live off the sacrifices that worshippers will offer(532537), as was the case with the Delians.56 The Cretans

opposition is therefore eliminated by a second quid pro quo ex-change: priesthood in exchange for extensive provisions.57Anoffer that satisfies the recipients needs is more likely to be ac-cepted,58as at Delos. The discourse of reciprocity promulgatesdivine benefits for humans and negotiates the complicationsarising from the gods interaction with them.

It is in the context of reciprocity that we should also view theepisode of the serpent-slaying, which follows immediately uponthe foundation of the oracle.59The gender and the location of

54H. Yunis,A New Creed: Fundamental Religious Beliefs in the Athenian Polls andEuripidean Drama (Gttingen 1998) 53.

55Cf. h.Dem.256257.56 L. Kurke, Aesop and the Contestation of Delphic Authority, in C.

Dougherty and L. Kurke (eds.), The Cultures Within Ancient Greek Culture: Con-tact, Conflict, Collaboration (Cambridge 2003) 77100, at 8687, notes thepositive Delphic ideology of theHymnwhere Apollos provision of effortlessprosperity is the affirmation of his power. For Aesop (VitaG 124125), ac-cording to Kurke, to feed from anothers handin parasitic dependenceon sacrificial offeringsrepresents an indictment of the authority andautonomy of Delphic priesthood (86).

57Apollos threat at the end of theHymn,that if the priests commit hybristhey will be under the rule of humans, showcases the double nature of thedivine, since Apollo both rewards reverence and punishes defiance. Sim-ilarly, Aphrodite at the end of her Hymn threatens Anchises that Zeus will

strike him with a thunderbolt if he violates her orders. On the relation ofApollos threat to the sacred war see Janko, Homer, Hesiod 120121; Chap-pell, CQ56 (2006) 331335.

58See Arist.Eth.Nic.1164b.59 On myths about Apollos combat with a serpent see T. Schreiber,

Apollon Pythoktonos (Leipzig 1879); J. Fontenrose, Python (Berkeley 1959) 1322. The killing of the snake in Ephorus (F31) and Plutarch (Mor.293C) is anaition for the S(t)epterion ritual. On this see Fontenrose 453461; Roux,


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the serpent are peculiar to the Hymn.60The female drakaina,61unlike in other versions where it guards the oracle of Themis orGaia, lurks at a spring near the oracle and poses a threat tohumans and their flocks.62 In the Previous Owners myth,Apollos killing of the serpent is a self-interested act, since itbecomes the precondition for undertaking the oracle, which is

controlled by Apollos opponents. As Parke and Wormell state,the slaying of the serpent is the act of conquest which secureshis possession.63In theHymnthe two episodes, the foundationof the oracle and the death of the serpent, are not intertwined,since Apollo has already established his temple before he pro-ceeds to the slaying of the monster.64

___Delphes 166168; W. Burkert, Homo Necans2 (Berlin 1997) 144147. Forexamples of myths involving combats against monsters see Sowa, TraditionalThemes 148. The death of the serpent is also related to the Pythian games,where it was represented musically through the Pythian nomos: Pind. Pyth.hypoth. a, Strab. 9.3.10; cf. D. Kolk, Der pythische Apollonhymnus als aitio logische

Dichtung (Meisenheim 1963) 4147. N. Richardson, In Search of anOracle: The Homeric Hymn to Apollo, in Apolline Politics 4554, at 49, con-nects the epic version of Apollos fight in the Hymn with the early sixth-century versions of the Pythian nomos.

60 In some Hellenistic sources the serpent is female too; see Fontenrose,Python14 n.4. Stehle,Performance and Gender 191, notes that the gender of theserpent denotes that the episode stresses the defeat of a female.

61 Clay, Politics of Olympus 78, suggests that the male and the Olympianoverpower the chthonic and the female, and this is why the serpent isfemale. H. W. Parke and D. E. W. Wormell, The Delphic Oracle (Oxford1956) I 7, suggest that the nameless female snake has the implication thatApollos worshippers were not at peace with Gaias worshippers.

62The serpent is first named Python in Ephorus version. In the Hymnit isaptly nameless, since as Defradas observes (Les thmes 66) this allows Apolloto name the location where he establishes his sanctuary.

63Parke and Wormell,The Delphic OracleI 5. Defradas,Les thmes 68, holdsthat the poet avoids presenting Apollos establishment as a conquest so thatthe god appears as a champion of morality and purity.

64Schreiber,Apollon Pythoktonos7, claims that the two legends, the founda-tion of the oracle and the serpent-slaying, are juxtaposed without anyrationale. On a similar view with respect to the Homeric Hymn to Demeterand


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The drakainaepisode has been regarded as an example of themotif of combat with a monster before founding a city, ofwhich the myth of Cadmus is an example.65 Apollo, likeHeracles or Theseus,66 is the liberator of mankind from amenace.67 Clay sees another mythological pattern that shedetects in all the major Homeric Hymns. The Hymn to Apollo,

according to her, stresses the new Olympian order founded byZeus and supported by Apollo, particularly since Apollo kills afemale serpent that according to the poet raised a monster,Typhaon, who was born to Hera as revenge for the birth ofAthena (314, 323330).68 The female serpent, by being con-nected with Typhaon,69the potential usurper of Zeus power,encapsulates disorder and opposition to Zeus authority.70Thefoundation of the oracle consequently corresponds symbolically

___the organization of the episodes see Parker, G&R 38 (1991) 117, at 11: ina theogonic and aetiological poem, the reader can indeed make sense ofthe narrative, but in terms less of motives than results. Demeter, forexample, goes to Eleusis because she is worshipped there.

65Chappell, CQ56 (2006) 341. For the connection between the founda-tion of a city and the serpent killing see T. J. Trumpf, Stadtgrndung undDrachenkampf,Hermes 86 (1958) 129157; Frstel, Untersuchungen 256257.

66 Avagianou, GRBS39 (1998) 133, connects benevolent Apollo as he isrepresented in Ephorus with Theseus and further with the heros idealiza-tion in Isocratean panegyric.

67Defradas,Les thmes 6667, 84, notes that theHymncelebrates the roleof Apollo as F!$D9.&.+4, since the death of the serpent symbolizes thevictory of good over evil, emphasizing the role of Apollo as the protector oforder and justice. See also Roux,Delphes44.

68 On the chthonic allusions of the serpent-slaying see F. Cssola, Inniomerici (Milano 1975) 8990. In Limenius Pai.Ap.27 (Powell 149150) theserpent is the son of Earth. In Hesiod, Typhoeus (another name forTyphaon) is the son of Gaia (Theog. 821). Stesichorus (PMG 239), like thepoet of theHymn, presents the monster as the son of Hera. In the Hymnthepoet uses the genealogy to best advantage to present Hera in a negativelight as a mother and thus contrast her with the ideal mother, Leto.

69Both are characterized as *U&and .&.>-(304, 352, 354.)70Sourvinou-Inwood, inInterpretations 227. According to Miller,From Delos

83, the story about the birth of Typhaon amplifies the serpents wickedness.


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to the establishment of Zeus reign.71 Zeus role, however, isquite minimal in the Hymn, and more emphasis is given toApollos personal struggle to establish his cult in the region.Even though some common narrative themes can be found, itis important that we view the episode of the serpent in thecontext of the religious connotations of the Hymn, which re-

quire that Apollo (unlike Heracles or Theseus) benefit only hisfollowers72and (unlike Cadmus) establish not a city but a sanc-tuary and a cultthat of Pythian Apollo.73

The postponement of the slaying of the serpent allows thepoet to present the foundation of Apollos temple as a peacefulact of collaboration between Apollo and humans. The slayingof the serpent, an established episode in Apollos saga,74 dis-plays in the Hymn not only Apollos physical power and hisexpertise in archeryas in the other versionsbut also hisbenevolence towards mortals, who are benefited by theelimination of the menace of the (20.&'-&.75 Therefore, asDefradas points out, the serpent is the enemy not of Apollo but

of humans.76 In terms of reciprocity, since Heras self-im-

71Clay,Politics of Olympus6372.72 This is why although Apollo is the benefactor of mortals, he never-

theless destroys Telphousa, a spring of vital importance for mortals wherethey can water their animals. In a way, he takes away from Telphousa herbeneficent role in humans life and assigns it to the spring near the oracle.

73Apollos benevolence is much more vivid in Ephorus version (F31b),where the god founds his oracle with Themis in order to benefit humans.

74In Paus. 2.7.7 the serpent-slaying is connected with the purification ofApollo, which is omitted in theHymns version.

75 The image of Apollo as a benevolent god in the serpent episode has

been extensively discussed by Defradas, Les thmes 6667, who argues thatthe hymnist serving Delphic propaganda presents Apollo in a new way, notas the god of death in theIliadbut as the god of order and benevolence.

76 Defradas, Les thmes 66. Cf. Ephorus rationalistic and euhemeristicversion (F31b), where Apollo kills the brigands Tityos and Python, the latternicknamed (20.:- (Plut. Mor.294F). In Men. Rh.441 as well, Apollo killsthe serpent Python in order to benefit humans. On Apollos enemies atDelphi in various versions see Fontnerose,Python2269. In Ps.-Hesiod Shield


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pregnation with Typhaon is a reciprocal revenge that takes thesame form as the offense against her (Zeus birthing of Athena),Apollos violent act, the slaying of Typhaons nurse, is justifiedas an indirect reciprocal punishment against Hera who op-posed Zeus authority and also obstructed Apollos birth at thebeginning of the Hymn. The quid pro quo exchange of injuries

reestablishes the lost order, which was first challenged by thebirth of a cripple god, Hephaestus,77 who did not match theglory of Athena. Thus not only the birth of Athena, which vio-lates Heras conjugal rights,78but also the disparity between thetwo gods (Athena and Hephaestus) instigates Heras wrath andrevenge.79The imbalance of status of the children reflects theimbalance of the status of their parents (Zeus vs. Hera).Eventually Typhaon too is another failure in seeking to outstripZeus glory and thus the serpent who receives and raisesTyphaon becomes an accomplice of Hera and an opponent ofZeus.

In the context of the foundation of the oracle, the death of

the serpent, the counterpart of Typhaon, signifies not only thereestablishment of justice and order but also Apollos protec-tion of his worshippers, who will be able to provide hecatombssafely. His benevolence thus is not a sign of a free gift, agenerous act with no expectation of return. Apollos braveryaims at facilitating his balanced reciprocity with the futurevisitors to the oracle. Moreover, like the destruction of Tel-phousa, the serpent-slaying eliminates resistance to the estab-

___58 ff. Cycnus, the son of Ares, impedes free passage to Delphi by fightingagainst Apollos followers. In Menander Rhetor the serpent impedes thepassage to Themis oracle, which therefore is deserted.

77For Hera as sole parent of Hephaestus see Hes. Theog.927. Accordingto Homer (Il. 14.338339, Od. 8.312) Hephaestus is the son of Zeus andHera. In theHomeric Hymn to Apollothe pronoun &5%J(317 b-%".+-&5%J) isunderstood as intensive (i.e. herself; see T. W. Allan et al., The HomericHymns [Oxford 1936] ad loc.) rather than as alone.

78Miller,From Delos 86.79Clay,Politics of Olympus68.


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lishment of Apollos oracle.80 Thus, the reciprocal revengeemployed by Apollo in the serpent-slaying is represented in apositive way as an act of justice but also as benevolence forhumans, who will now venerate securely the cults of Pythianand Telphousian Apollo.

Overall the poet of theHomeric Hymn to Apollopraises the god

for his capacity to benefit mortals in exchange for offerings andpositively transform landscapes in order to facilitate theprovision of such offerings. This quid pro quo relationship isencapsulated in the closure of the Hymn where the poet invitesthe god to rejoice (H&@2$) presumably in the hymn itself andpromises in return that he will remember him in another song.Thus the function of the hymn as an offering that awaitsreciprocation requires that the narrative of Apollo as founderof Delphi portrays a god who reciprocates positively with hisworshippers and secures everlasting balanced exchanges.

August, 2011 Department of Classics

Franklin and Marshall CollegeLancaster, PA [email protected]

80Clay,Politics of Olympus78, regards the story of Hera and Typhaon butalso the episode of Telphousa as reflectons of the hostility between Olym-pian and chthonic, and male and female.

Documents

The Foundation of the Oracle at Delphi in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo