The Events in Hungary in 1956 Seem to Be of High Importance for Historians and Political Researchers

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  • 7/30/2019 The Events in Hungary in 1956 Seem to Be of High Importance for Historians and Political Researchers

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    The events in Hungary in 1956 seem to be of high importance for historians and

    political researchers. Half a century ago, under the influence of XX Congress of

    the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, destalinization led to events that became

    a tragedy: military forces of the USSR invaded the sovereign state in order to

    change its government. For a long time after 1956, in the Soviet Union these

    developments were explained in a way that was appropriate for us (Soviets,

    Russians) according to the stereotypes produced by communist agitation

    machinery. And even more, as Ferenc Feher correctly highlights, the Hungarian

    revolution very quickly became taboo in the Eastern bloc. It was never mentioned

    with any positive connotation, and was generally expunged from the records,

    pushed into total oblivion. [2; p.60] This point only confirms that the Hungarian

    events of 1956 are considered to be of significance. But even nowadays, when we

    experience freedom of speech and historians have access to archives of the

    Communist Party, these revolutionary developments are still not very clear or so

    easy to estimate.

    In order to understand the consequences of the events of 1956 Hungary, I shall

    explain the causes of the revolution and the processes that took place during these

    events. After the Second World War, the head of the Hungarian Communist Party,

    Rakosi, and his elite were implementing destructive social policy, including

    industrialization, repressions, and strengthening the rule of the party. The situation

    was almost the same in other Eastern European states, but in Hungary, peoplealready had experience of reforms and destalinization measures because of Imre

    Nagys term as prime-minister (1953-1955) and his enduring conservative politics.

    A primary cause of the revolution was the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet

    Communist Party, where Khrushchev made a speech denouncing Stalin. This

    action appeared to be unexpected and striking for the communist world. What is

    more important, Khrushchevs speech was crucial for the inner political state in

    Hungary, because it undermined Rakosis position, and set in motion a wave of

    opposition, which led to the events of 23 October 4 November. [1; p.32]. Itshould be noted that, after Rakosis removal from power, a portion of the

    intellectual elite were unsure as to what action to take, but there was not only one

    social class that was driving the process. As Bill Lomax states, scientists

    have concentrated their attention on the rebellion of intellectuals, writers and

    politicians, while the actions of the popular masses, of the working class and the

    peasantry, the soldiers, students and youth, have been left largely out of account

    [1; p.17] Moreover, all different social classes were united in their revolutionary

    movement; for example, students were reflecting the general mood ofdissatisfaction that was becoming ever more openly expressed by the working

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    people themselves [1; p.37]. This unity bore various methods of struggling - for

    example, general strike, which became a concerted action. It started immediately

    after the morning of 24 October. Furthermore, the unstoppable cycle of peaceful

    mass demonstrations, in Budapest and in other parts of the country was also a

    manifestation of Hungarian revolution; the whole country was taking part in an

    action of collective civil disobedience. This single-minded disobedience revealed

    the main characteristic of this rebellion: its undomesticable anti-authoritarianism.

    As a part of that disobedience, people had simply brought about the freedom of the

    press without waiting for any permission.[2; p.89]

    Therefore, the revolution had three main features. Firstly, it united the whole

    nation in struggle, regardless of social class and position. Opinions differed as to

    the main goal of this struggle: was it a fight for national independence from the

    Soviet Union, or fight for political liberties? [2, p.75]. The answer is not sostraightforward. Though the revolution was, at the beginning, aimed at achieving

    political aims, after the Soviet forces entered Hungary it transformed into a fight

    for national independence [2, p.86]. Secondly, there was a high degree of self-

    organisation by the masses. People established committees and workers councils,

    that became kinds of democratic institutions providing political equality. It is

    significant that when Soviet military forces suppressed the revolution on 4

    November, and all political achievements of the revolution were destroyed, only

    workers councils remained and continued to struggle. So a special role of theworking class formations in the revolution should be highlighted. [1, p.147] The

    third feature of the revolution was political pluralism of the government. On 3

    November Imre Nagy headed a government coalition of the new Communist Party

    and Social Democratic, Smallholder and Peasant Parties. [2, xvi]

    From analyzing these events, it appears as though the Soviet Union did not

    estimate such events to happen in Hungary. This may have been, in part, because

    Soviet leaders believed that in Eastern Europe people, and especially the working

    class, were fully committed to communism and did not desire any change. To

    them, it was unthinkable to suggest that a communist state from Eastern Europe

    would like to leave the Communist Camp. [3, p.319] This suggests why Hungary

    played such an important role in the world arena. As Ferenc Feher states, the

    Hungarian revolution of 1956 eliminated forever this idea of the indestructibility of

    the Soviet regimes from within. [2, p.3] It was the first time that the Soviet Union

    faced such a serious challenge; despite the fact that Khrushchev earlier had

    criticized Stalins methods of governing, he himself had to make a difficult choice

    intervene in, and suppress, Hungarian affairs, or stay aside and watch. It is well

    known that Politburo wasnt unanimous in the decision to use military force

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    Soviet model of social organization would be perceived by Moscow as an attack on

    her "the landlord" role.And, finally, the political situation in the Soviet Union was also intensified: the

    fear of the developments similar to "Hungarian counterrevolution" stopped the

    scant reform potential of Khrushchev and his team. The process of de-Stalinization

    of the society went to the decline. The position of Khrushchev himself was

    significantly weakened and criticism of the course of the XX Congress intensified,

    and moreover, real intraparty opposition emerged, which stated itself quite openly -

    in June 1957.