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The European Union and its Parliament Foreword by Frances Cowell November, 2018 Welcome to the Europa United guide to the European Parliamentary Elections 2019. In this guide, we will guide though the workings of the Parliament, who represents the citizens of the EU and how the parliamentary system is run on day to day basis. We hope that our guide will help you to make a more informed decision at the ballot box.

Who are you voting for? Its easy to dismiss the European Union as an out-of-touch talking shop – or at best a glorified free-trade area. But that would be to under-estimate its potential as a world power – of 500 million wealthy, educated people who enjoy the freedoms and prosperity that only a rules-based liberal democracy can deliver. With generous help from a benign America, the EU has excelled at its original aim, to “make war between European countries unthinkable”. From there it has moved on to even bigger challenges, among others, leading the world in facing up to climate change, which many agree is the biggest ever to be faced by humanity. By taking the lead it has prompted China to action – a major achievement. If Europe can achieve that, it can achieve anything, Anything Europeans want it to.

Elections to the European Parliament in May 2019 are the next big opportunity for Europeans to have their say on what they want of the EU. But while the EU has achieved impressive things, it has done less well in explaining how it works. Who is the European Parliament? The European Parliament is a legislative body of elected representatives that debates and enacts laws governing the European Union. It is like the parliament of congress of any

democratic country. Members of the European Parliament (MEP)s are nominated by national political parties and voted by national electorates, made up of EU citizens living anywhere in Europe, not necessarily their country of citizenship. MEPs serve fixed, five-year terms.

What does it do? The EU government works alongside individual country governments. It has powers to enact laws, but these powers

The European Council is a mainly strategic body that sets the overall political direction and priorities for the EU. It is made up of the heads of government of member states. The European Council has no legislative powers of its own, but acts as a sort of collective presidency of the European Union. The President of the European Council is Donal Tusk.

The European Commission is the EU’s civil service. It proposes legislation following direction of the European Council, implements the decisions of the European Parliament and manages the day-to-day business of the EU. It acts as a sort of cabinet government. Its president is Jean-Claude Juncker.

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are mostly circumscribed so as not to usurp the authority of national governments. It can act only within the limits of powers conferred on it by EU Treaties agreed by member states. This is the principle of Subsidiarity, which means it leaves as much as it can to national governments. In some areas it can make rules, but these are designed to work in tandem with the rules in its member states, known as Shared Competence”. Areas where the EU has exclusive legislative competence – and where member states have relinquished their power to legislate (though they do devise their own rules for implementing them) are:

The Common Commercial policy

The Common Agricultural policy

Fisheries policy

Transport policy

Competition rules

Rules governing the free movement of goods, people, services and capital. The EU also has an important role in setting standards for consumer and environmental protection regarding products and services provided to EU citizens. What are the Groups within the European Parliament? Once elected to the EU Parliament, national parties team up with like-minded parties from their own or other member states to form voting blocs, or Groups, within the Parliament. The more MEP votes a Group commands, the more influence it will have within the Parliament. You can judge a Group by the company it keeps A Group’s policy positions are determined by its MEPs’ votes, so parties with more MEPs have more influence than smaller parties. In choosing its members, a Group’s leadership must therefore weigh the benefits of more Parties and MEPs against the ideological cohesiveness of the Group.

How much difference does this make? Quite a lot in turns out. Knowing where a Group puts itself on the political spectrum is important, but peer beneath those labels to see a much richer and more interesting picture. A Group may, for example, profess to position itself as of the Centre, Centre-right or Centre-left, yet include parties that bear a range of different labels and adhere to ideologies that are quite different again, such as Nationalism or Marxism. What do they stand for? In this analysis we aim to provide political as well as ideological profiles of the Parliament and each Group within it. To do so, we examine:

Because Groups vote as blocs within the Parliament, it is important that you know which Group your favoured Party belongs to and else is a member.

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Each Group’s position on the political spectrum, the label it gives itself, from Far-right, through Centre to Far-left, plus others, such as Green and Independent, weighted by the number of MEPs representing each.1

The Parties within the Parliament and the political labels each attaches to itself, weighted by the number of MEPs representing each.

Ideologies represented by Parties, also weighted by the number of MEPs representing parties that adhere to each.

In the first pie chart you see the composition of the current Parliament, weighted by number of MEPs in each Group according to its nominal political label. Colour coding, shown in the bar to the left, reflects the political position or label attributed to each Group, ranging from Far-right (black) through Right (blue) Centre (yellow) to Left (red) Far-left (dark red), Green and Independent (mauve). By this measure, the Parliament is fairly evenly-balanced between Left and Right, with small, but notable Green and Far-right representations. Now look at the second pie chart, which shows the political labels of the Parties within the Parliament, weighted by the number of MEPs representing each. The complexion is richer and slightly more tilted to the Right. Note the Far-right presence and now much more visible Centre and Independent representations. It shows that Left-wing Groups such as the S&G and GUE/NGL are comprised on Centre-left Parties. The

apparent disappearance of Green Parties is because overtly Green Parties tend to label themselves as Centre-left rather than Green. Peer more closely still, at the third pie chart, where we map ideologies ranging from communism, through Christian democracy, to Euro-scepticism, minority interests and anti-feminism; to political labels, from Far-right to Far-left, again weighted by the

1 EPP Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats)

S&D Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament

ECR European Conservatives and Reformists Group

ALDE Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe

Greens-EFA Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance

GUE/NGL Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left

EFDD Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy Group

ENF Europe of Nations and Freedom Group

NI Non-attached Members

Far-right

Right - far-right

Right

Centre-right - right

Centre-right

Centre - centre-right

Centre

Centre - centre-left

Centre-left

Centre-left - left

Left

Left - far-left

Far-left

Big tent

Green

Euro-animal

Independent

Unknown

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number of MEPs representing each. The Right is more Right-wing, and some Centre-left and much of the Centre-left cedes to the Centre. This can be attributed to the pro-European-ness of most Centre-left parties - and some Centre-right parties. Liberalism and economic liberalism are also big contributors to the ideological Centre. The bar chart represents the same information as the pie charts on the previous page, comparing Group, Party and Ideological political labels.

What is true of the Parliament as a whole is also mostly true, to greater or lesser degrees, for the Groups within it: the Party and ideological mix of Groups is much richer than the Group political labels would imply. Because Groups vote as blocs within the Parliament, it is important that you know which Group your favoured Party belongs to and who it keeps company with. For example, you may have very good reason to vote for your Party at home because you understand its policies on the issues that are important to you. But when you cast your vote in an EU election, you may also be supporting parties and positions that you strongly disagree with.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

Party Ideology

EU Parliament Political Labels

Unknown

Independent

Euro-animal

Green

Big tent

Far-left

Left - far-left

Left

Centre-left - left

Centre-left

Centre - centre-left

Centre

Centre - centre-right

Centre-right

Centre-right - right

Right

Right - far-right

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That’s why we need to understand what’s beneath the label of each Group – and therefore what we are voting for. For a better understanding, we repeat the EU Parliament analysis for each of the seven Groups in the current EU Parliament.

The Analysis

Our aim is to understand the range of interests and ideologies within each Group. We construct a profile of the current Parliament and each Group within it, both according to stated political labels and ideological positions adhered to by each. Here you can see a description of each step in the analysis. 1. Collect data:

Group name

Standardised Wikipedia entries for each Group Group leader

Group political position

Party

Standardised Wikipedia entries for each Party

Party leader

Party political position

Party country

Party ideologies

MEP name

European Parliament website www.europarl.europa.eu/portal/en

MEP Party

MEP Group

MEP country

2. Collate date into tables:

MEPs, showing country, Party and Group name for each.

Parties, showing name, in English and in its local language, its country, the Group it belongs to and the number of its MEPs in the current Parliament.

3. Weight each ideology by the number of MEPs representing Parties adhering to it. Altogether, there are 162 ideologies, with an average of 5 MEPs belonging to one or more parties that adhere to it. For example 56 Parties, with a total of 206 MEPs between them are pro-Europe, while 40 Parties, with 166 MEPs give Cristian democrat as one of their ideologies.

4. Assign a political label to each ideology, such as Right for nationalism, Left for socialism. This is inevitably subjective, necessitating the next step.

5. Inspect each ideology label for consistency, for example patriotism and nationalism should both belong to the Right, while socialism and communism should belong to Left and Far-left respectively. Note that some ideologies overlap, for example liberalism and social liberalism, or even duplicate: russophilia and pro-Russia, for example.

6. Map ideologies to political labels, for example, Christian democracy maps to Centre-right, while social liberalism maps to Centre-left.

7. Collate ideologies by the number of MEPs representing Parties adhering to each.

8. This gives a much larger number of MEPs for ideology representation than for Group or Party political labels. To facilitate comparison between nominal political labels and underlying ideologies, each number is converted to a percentage of its respective total. Data are given in tables in the Appendices.

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The analysis is repeated at the level of each political group within the Parliament. Table 1 Parties by Group, with labels and numbers of MEPs Table 2 Ideologies by label and numbers of MEPs.

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How things work in Brussels Who does what, how did they get there and what are the rules? 2019 is a big year for Europe. Not only do EU citizens elect a new parliament to serve until May 2024, but also all three presidents. The EU parliamentary elections are the second biggest democratic exercise in the world after the Indian general elections. But how does it work really? The European Project has been going for 70 years, during which the EU has undergone several revisions, each time becoming progressively more democratic. The most recent, the 2009 Lisbon Treaty, transferred important powers from the indirectly-elected EU Council to the directly-elected EU Parliament. The EU is a government of governments: more than an assembly of states, like the United Nations, but nor is it a federation. Member states aim to act in concert, but as sovereign states in their own right, consensus is far from automatic. Europe is an ambitious and unique project. Now we’ve had ten years to see it working, here is a warts-and-all guide to what its there for, what it can and cannot do and what’s special about it. Three presidents Three people in Brussels bear the title of President, one for each of the three institutions that make up the EU government: the European Council (the Council), the European Commission (the Commission) and the European Parliament (the Parliament). Although called presidents, they bear more resemblance to offices familiar to any parliamentary democracy:

President of the European Council is similar Presidents in national governments in setting general political direction and priorities, with the important difference that he or she must cooperate with the Commission. The President represents the EU externally on foreign and security matters and, with the President of the Commission, attends international summits. As Primus inter pares of heads of governments and states, this President must maintain cohesion and consensus within the Council, and the multiple shocks of Brexit, a wave of refugees from Syria and elsewhere and uncertainty about the commitment of the EU’s most important ally have shown just how consequent this function is.

President of the Council became a permanent role only with the Lisbon Treaty. Before 2009, members of the European Council itself, who are heads of government of member states, took turns twice a year. With no executive powers, Presidents mainly prepared and chaired Council meetings and represented the EU externally. The role is now much more important.

Donald Tusk President of the European Council 2014-2019

The European Council sets the overall political direction and priorities for the EU. It is made up of the heads of government of member states. The European Council has no legislative powers of its own, but acts as a sort of collective presidency of the European Union.

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President of the European Commission is a sort of Prime Minister, and head of the civil service, who puts EU Council decisions into effect and keeps the show on the road. This President has significant executive powers, setting the EU’s policy agenda and garnering EU-wide support for it. He or she calls and chairs meetings of the Commission and the College of Commissioners, ensures that rules are enforced and decides on Commission organisation, including forcing a Commissioner to resign. Externally, this President represents the EU in G7, G20 and bilateral summits with third countries, which demands the support of the Council and the Parliament. Within the EU, he or she must ensure the EU

Parliament’s continued popular legitimacy, which entails communicating with EU citizens, for example through citizens’ initiatives and dialogues. President of the European Parliament can be thought of as Speaker of the House, overseeing Parliament, ensuring that parliamentary procedures are followed, giving final assent to the EU budget and representing Parliament in legal matters and in its international relations. If you don’t hear much from this President, it probably means that things are running more or less smoothly in the Parliament.

A three-Presidents team? The Presidents of the Council and the Commission are most visible, with the former serving as a kind of strategist and states-person and the latter as a head of government, getting things done, while the President of the Parliament makes sure the Parliament runs smoothly. The Presidents must work in tandem not just with each other but also with several Commissioners with foreign affairs-related portfolios. They enjoy the same levels of pay and privileges, including staff, residential allowances and chauffeured cars. How did they get there?

President of the Council Appointed by members of the Council

President of the Commission Appointed by members of the Council, with the approval of the Parliament, through the process of Spitzenkandidaten

President of the Parliament Proposed and elected by members of the Parliament.

The European Commission is the EU’s civil service. It proposes legislation according to the direction set by the European Council, implements the decisions of the European Parliament and manages the day-to-day business of the EU. It acts as a sort of cabinet government.

The European Parliament is a legislative body of elected representatives that debates and enacts laws governing the European Union. It is like the parliament or congress of any democratic country.

Claude Juncker President of the European Commission 2014-2019

Antonio Tajani President of the European Parliament 2014-2019

In the 1980s, the European People's Party and the Party of European Socialists established a tradition of splitting the Presidencies of the

Commission and the Parliament between them, with the Commission President chosen by a convention known as Spitzenkandidat, meaning

the candidate favoured by the biggest group in the Parliament.

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How does the legislative process work? The Single European Act (1986), the Maastricht, Amsterdam, Nice and Lisbon Treaties successively extended Parliament’s prerogatives beyond those of the 1957 Treaty of Rome. Yet until 2009 power continued to reside with the Commission and the Council. With the Lisbon Treaty, the EU became a Parliamentary system1. The Commission is the only institution that can introduce legislation to the Parliament. Before doing so, it assesses potential economic, social and environmental consequences, consults interested parties such as non-governmental organisations, local authorities and representatives of industry and civil society, and seeks expert advice on technical issues. It then presents a “legislative text” to a plenary session of the Parliament, which can reject the proposal. If not rejected, the legislative text is voted, amended and, for most policy areas, which are governed by Ordinary Legislative Procedures, agreed jointly by the Parliament and the Council. If the Council and the Parliament cannot agree, there is a second reading where the Parliament and Council can again propose amendments. Under Ordinary Legislative Procedures, the Parliament can block proposed legislation, in which case a conciliation committee tries to resolve the disagreement. Either the Council or the Parliament can block the legislative proposal at a final reading. Some policy areas are dealt with through the Special Legislative Procedure, where the Council is, in effect sole legislator, with the Parliament advising or proposing (but not insisting on) amendments. While the Council is not legally obliged to take account of Parliament’s opinion, Court of Justice precedent dictates that it must not take a decision without it. Special Legislative Procedures govern legislation to do with internal market exemptions and competition, EU membership or where international agreements are being adopted under the Common Foreign and Security Policy. A government of governments The EU is a unique political organisation because it is made up of sovereign nations, who agree to work together toward a common goal. It aims to be at once greater than the sum of its member states, while preserving their essential sovereignty. To manage this balancing act, it must be at once Supra-national and Inter-governmental, which it manages using a mix of Shared and Exclusive Legislative Competency and Subsidiarity.

1 As opposed to a Presidential one Presidential system, where the executive leader is elected directly or via a

body elected specifically and solely for the purpose of electing the president. This system embeds more checks and balances than does a Parliamentary system. Parliamentary system, the Prime Minister, is the executive leader of the Parliament, elected from the legislative branch directly. This system has the ability to enact laws quickly

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Inter-governmentalism is where member states retain their powers: each decision must be agreed by everyone, unanimously. The EU is inter-governmental in matters of taxation, accession of new states, and common foreign and security policy, where states must all agree a proposal for it to pass. Supra-nationalism is where member states delegate power to the majority, which has Exclusive Legislative Competence. Member states must comply with the majority decision, although each decides for itself how it will implement them. Within the EU, supra-nationality governs:

customs union

competition rules necessary for the functioning of the internal market

monetary policy for euro-zone member states

conservation of marine biological resources under the common fisheries policy

common commercial policy

conclusion of some international agreements. Shared Legislative Competence is where the EU government works alongside individual country governments. It can enact laws, but only within the limits of powers conferred on it by member states. Laws that it enacts are intended to work in tandem with those in its member states. Shared Competence governs decisions relating to:

internal market

economic, social and territorial cohesion

agriculture and fisheries, excluding conservation of marine biological resources

environment

consumer protection

transport

trans-European networks

energy

area of freedom, security and justice

research, technological development and space

development cooperation and humanitarian aid

some common safety concerns in public health matters

some social policy. The pros and cons of supra-nationalism and inter-governmentalism can boil down to overall efficiency and global influence versus the interests of individual member states. Their co-existence is governed by the Treaty of Maastricht, signed in 1992, which introduced the principle of subsidiarity Subsidiarity devolves as many powers as possible to member states, so the EU takes only those decisions that cannot reasonably be taken at national level, with the onus of proof on the EU, and contestable by individual member states. Subsidiarity governs all decisions not delegated to the EU through shared or exclusive legislative competence.

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Subsidiarity can give rise to contradictions, for example between long- and short-term efficiency of decisions. A recent case between Germany and the Netherlands tested the principle in the context of EU-wide energy policy. Although in the long-term more efficient at EU-level, an adverse short-term consequence was that some Dutch energy firms were unable to compete in a local market flooded with German energy over-production and consequently failed, depriving EU consumers of the benefits of long-term competition between energy providers. Is the European Union like national legislatures? As a government of governments, the EU is inevitably more complex and removed from voters than national governments - in the same way that national politics is more removed than local government. But in other respects it looks much like national systems: The ratio of MEPs to population is comparable to, say, the US, which has a comparable population, although larger than smaller member-states, as the table shows. MEPs are elected by proportional representation, not first-past-the-post, making the Parliament more accessible to emerging parties. Over 180 parties from 28 member states send 751 MEPs to Brussels. The legislative chamber is an amphitheatre, with MEPs grouped by political profile and affiliation rather than by nationality, which helps avoid domination of the Parliament by the most populous states. This works: voting patterns in the Parliament reflect political complexion, not national interest. Groups in the Parliament serve a similar purpose to coalitions of parties in national governments. The two biggest groups, the Centre-right EPP and the Centre-left S&D, each comprising parties from all 28 member states, dominate and sometimes even vote together. This could be driven by the desire to be seen to be “on the winning side”, but it is far from ideal, and voters responded in by denying them their absolute majority in the 2014 Parliament, evidence that EU democracy is indeed at work.

Number of lower house legislators

Population Ratio 1:

EU 751 513,000,000 683,000

US 435 330,000,000 759,000

UK 650 65,000,000 100,000

France 577 67,000,000 116,000

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In the Parliament, the main opposing ideologies are not left versus right, but pro-Europe, with 30 parties in three groups, and Euro-sceptic, with 60 parties in three groups. Sometimes politicians in national governments help Euro-sceptics out by yielding to the temptation of using the EU as a scapegoat for their own unpopular policies while taking credit for good news that should be credited to Brussels. For them, the more remoteness of the EU government is an easy scapegoat for dissatisfaction among their voters, regardless of the true cause, somewhat as separatists do in national and regional governments. Some are happy to encourage confusion about the EU to stoke Euro-scepticism. Open disagreement is a sign of healthy democracy at work. After 70 years of development and ten years in its current form, the EU is a work-in-progress that must balance the sometimes-conflicting demands of cohesion of purpose and states’ individual sovereignty. Big and complex, it is much more remote than, say, your local mayor. But then you expect from the EU much more than you do from your local mayor. Three Presidents and a Parliament

European Council Sets the overall political direction and priorities for the EU, acting as a sort of collective presidency of the European Union with no legislative powers of its own. It is made up of the heads of government of member states.

President’s term Two and a half years, renewable once.

Expires November 2019

Incumbent Donald Tusk

Appointed by Members of the European Council.

Main duties of the President

Lead the setting of EU political direction and priorities - in cooperation with the EU Commission. Represent the EU externally on foreign and security matters and attend international summits alongside the President of the EU Commission. Promote cohesion and consensus with the EU Council.

Privileges Equivalent to President of the European Commission Basic salary is 138% of the highest civil service grade, plus allowances for housing, children’s schooling and household expenses. Chauffeured car 20 dedicated staff No official residence or private jet

Concurrent offices

May not hold a national office. May hold European offices, including MEP

Underlying Law Article 15 of the Treaty on the European Union (TEU), or the Treaty of Lisbon, 2009

European The European Commission is the executive branch of the

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Commission European Union and serves as the EU’s civil service.

College of Commissioners

A cabinet of Commissioners collectively accountable to the European Parliament.

President’s term Five years, renewable.

Expires October 2019

Incumbent Claude Juncker

Appointed by Members of the European Council, with the approval of the EU Parliament.

Main duties of the President

Gives political guidance to the EU Commission. Calls and chairs meetings of the Commission and the College of Commissioners Leads the Commission's work in implementing EU policies and ensures enforcement of rules. Represents the EU in G7, G20 and bilateral summits with third countries. Contributes to major debates in the European Parliament and in the Council of the European Union Decides on Commission organisation and can make changes at any time, including forcing a Commissioner to resign. Commission policy agenda. Holds right of initiative on EU legislation on matters delegated to it by member states. No policy can be proposed without the President’s agreement.

Privileges Equivalent to President of the European Commission Basic salary is 138% of the highest civil service grade, plus allowances for housing, children’s schooling and household expenses. Chauffeured car 20 dedicated staff No official residence or private

Underlying Law Section 3 of the EEC Treaty 1958 or the Treaty of Rome and Section 14 of the Merger Treaty of 1987.

European Parliament

The European Parliament is a legislative body of elected representatives that debates and enacts laws governing the European Union. It is like the parliament or congress of any democratic country.

President’s term Two and a half years, renewable once.

Expires July 2019

Incumbent Antonio Tajani

Appointed by Proposed and elected by members of the EU Parliament. The outgoing president, if re-elected as MEP, presides over the election of the new president. If three successive ballots fail to produce an absolute majority, a fourth is held between the two members winning most in the previous ballot. If tied, the eldest candidate is declared elected.

Main duties of the President

Ensures parliamentary procedures are properly followed Oversees Parliament's various activities and committees Represents Parliament in all legal matters and in its international relations

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Gives final assent to the EU budget

Underlying Law Article 4 of the EEC Treaty 1958 or the Treaty of Rome.

European Parliament

The European Parliament is a legislative body of elected representatives that debates and enacts laws proposed by the European Commission, akin to a parliament or congress.

MEP terms Five years.

Expires July 2019

Incumbent 751 MEPs in the current Parliament

Appointed by Nominated by national political parties and voted by national electorates, made up of EU citizens.

Underlying Law Article 4 of the EEC Treaty 1958 or the Treaty of Rome.

https://euroculturer.eu/2013/11/04/introducing-the-european-union-between-supranationalism-and-intergovernmentalism/ http://www.europarl.europa.eu/about-parliament/en/powers-and-procedures/legislative-powers

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Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats)

http://www.eppgroup.eu/

…a united Europe based on the values of human dignity, freedom, human rights, rule of law, solidarity and subsidiarity.

Overview The largest and longest-running of groups in the European Parliament, the EPP was founded in 1963 to form a Christian Democratic base for unification of Europe, later becoming a strong advocate of enlargement to include countries emerging from the Soviet bloc.

… member states of the EU, coming together to advance the goal of a more competitive and democratic Europe, closer to its citizens, and a social market

economy. Led by Manfred Weber of the Bavarian Christian Social Union, its ten vice chairs are drawn from around Europe, with strong representation from eastern Europe. The EPP is at heart Christian Democrat, the group serves as a Centre-right umbrella that emphasises its ability to adapt to changes in the political preferences of its member Parties. With 218 MEPs, representing 60 Parties from all 28 European

member states, the Group’s size enables its members to hold a range of key positions within the Parliament, helping them secure the right to author the European Parliament's position on key pieces of draft legislation. The EPP is keen to point out that, more than any other group, it has been “on the winning side” of most plenary-session votes in recent parliaments.

Views and Priorities The EPP is socially and economically conservative, pro-European, supports enlargement and integration as well as a strong, co-ordinated European face to the rest of the world.

To advance these aims, it would strengthen the single market, oversight of the Eurozone and Europe’s external borders, and harmonise member states’ social systems.

Chairman Manfred Weber Germany Vice chairs: Lara Comi Italy Esther de Lange Netherlands Esteban Gonzales Pons Spain Françoise Grossetête France Sandra Kalniete Latvia Andrey Kovatchev Bulgaria Marie-Jean Marinescu Romania Paulo Rangel Portugal Jozsef Szajer Hungary Tadeusz Zwiefka Poland

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The EPP believes that continued growth and new job creation demands reform of the EU, and that improvements in competitiveness must center on the single market. To this end, it advocates the appointment of a commissioner with strong powers, similar to those of Competition Commissioner, to ensure that rules are implemented to govern the single market, and to extend its purview to services, data protection, protection of intellectual property and internet security. Re-industrialisation, more investment in research and development, and cutting red tape would boost employment. It favours stronger fiscal oversight of the EUR area and a joint European energy policy. It favours further enlargement subject to existing policies, although not at the cost of impeding further integration and alignment, especially within the EUR zone. It is for keeping UK in the EU. The EPP would strengthen Europe’s external borders so as to promote and guarantee freedom within Europe, and would extend the Schengen zone. The group advocates an EU-wide asylum system and a European cybersecurity strategy to be overseen by a commissioner for migration. It seeks to protect Europe’s social market model, harmonise social systems, evaluate the social impact of all proposals for reform and combat tax fraud. On foreign policy, the EPP would see Europe “speak with one voice”, take joint action on foreign policy activities and assume global leadership based on shared values and interests. It would harness the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to ensure that the EU withstands Russia’s attempts to de-stabilise ENP countries, stand by Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova and aim for visa-free regimes. It emphasises the importance of EU external policy to open and fair trade that safeguards high EU standards of consumer, environment, social and data protection and investments. Essential to this is the trans-Atlantic partnership, which needs strengthening, for example through a trade and investment agreement with the US.

Ideologies

Liberal conservatism

Conservatism

Christian democracy

European federalism

Pro-Europeanism

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Membership The Group describes itself as Centre-right, and its ideologies range from Centre-right to Centre-left. The political labels of its member Parties, shows a more right-wing complexion, which is also reflected in the ideologies they adhere to. This is shown in the graph, which compares the political positions of the Group’s member parties and the ideologies of each. The left-hand bar shows Party-level political positions, while the right-hand bar looks deeper, to the sets of ideologies championed by Parties within the Group. Both are weighted by the number of MEPs representing them. The left-hand bar shows that, while Parties labelled as Centre-right dominate, this is coupled with a small but noticeable Centre contingent from Belgium, Slovenia and Italy, as well as a number of independents. 14 Parties, with 181 MEPs between them, label themselves as Centre-right - right. Most of its MEPs represent parties that are squarely in the Centre-right, Christian democratic camp, including the German Christian Democratic Union, with 28 MEPs, the French Les Républicains, Spanish Partido Popular and Civic Platform of Poland, each with 16 MEPs, and Forza Italia, with 11; while the Right is represented by Hungary’s Fidesz, the Croatian Democratic Union and the Slovenian People’s Party, with 16 MEPs between them. Now look at the right-hand bar, which maps the ideologies adhered to by the Parties in the EPP. Much of what is notionally Centre-right actually includes quite a bit of Centre and quite a bit of much harder Right. The Centre is attributable to 103 MEPs representing 17 pro-European Parties, while the Right to Far-right contingent is mainly from Hungary’s Fidesz, with its 11 MEPs, espousing Euro-scepticism, right-wing populism and smaller parties favouring various brands of regionalism and nationalism.

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Suspension of Fidesz In an almost unanimous vote on 20 March 2019, the European People's Party (EPP) agreed to suspend, for an indefinite period, the membership of Fidesz. The length of the suspension is unclear, but it will last beyond the European elections in May. While it is suspended, Fidesz, which has a two-thirds majority in the Hungarian Parliament, will not enjoy voting rights within the EPP and Fidesz’ leader, Viktor Orban will not attend meetings with other EPP leaders, such as Germany's Angela Merkel and Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz. Neither can Fidesz present candidates for posts in the party, vote in any EPP assemblies or participate in its meetings, said Manfred Weber, EPP leader. The suspension follows a series of disagreements between Fidesz and the EPP, which finds some of its policies at odds with EPP principles. It also coincides with legal action by the European Parliament, which accuses Fidesz of undermining democracy and the rule of law, which could in itself result in sanctions. The decision seems to have been precipitated by an anti-immigration poster campaign that featured unflattering photos of European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and billionaire philanthropist George Soros, who funds civil society groups that help migrants or defend human rights. Mr Orban apologised in a letter to the 13 parties that had called for Fidesz to be expelled from the EPP, and in person to Mr Weber, who visited Budapest. Yet the offending posters had merely been papered over rather than removed, and the anti-EU ad campaign was still visible on Hungarian news websites after Mr Weber had left Budapest.

Image from EuroNews

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Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists & Democrats

socialistsanddemocrats.eu/

…an inclusive European society based on the principles of freedom, equality, solidarity, diversity and fairness.

Overview The S&D represents the party of the European Socialists and is a founding member of the Progressive Alliance. It was officially founded in 1953 as a socialist group, but assumed its current name only in 2009. As well as being the second oldest, it is also the second largest of the current parliaments groups.

…committed to fighting for social justice, jobs and growth, consumer rights, sustainable development, financial market reform and human rights.

Its President, Udo Bullmann of the German Social Democratic Party, is supported by nine vice-presidents and the Group’s Treasurer.

The S&D is a relatively cohesive Group, comprising predominantly Centre-left, labour parties that embrace Centre to Left ideologies.

Of its 189 MEPs , 45% are women. Eight of the Heads of State or Government in the European Council represent S&D Parties. The Group is active in all parliamentary committees and international delegations.

Views and Priorities The S&D is socially and economically liberal and pro-European. It supports integration of EU member states and Europe-wide co-ordination of policies on domestic issues such as

infrastructure investment, employment, economic, monetary and banking union, tax policy and immigration, as well as humanitarian aid abroad. To respond to global challenges, it champions practical policies that promote jobs and growth, together with public and private investment. It advocates strong, progressive, balanced budgets that are fairer and more transparent than they are today.

President Udo Bullmann Germany Vice-presidents: Eric Andrieu France Victor Boştinaru Romania Mercedes Bresso Italy Tanja Fajon Slovenia Jeppe Kofod Denmark Maria João Rodrigues Portugal Elena Valenciano Martinez-Orozco Spain Kathleem Va Brempt Belgium Josef Weidenholzer Austria Pěter Niederműller Hungary

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The S&D supports a comprehensive European investment strategy that is transparent, democratically accountable and complies with investment guidelines while addressing regional and social inequalities. It calls for and holistic approach to education that recognise the roles of formal education and informal alternatives, such as training. The S&D would complete the banking union with a European deposit-guarantee scheme, coordinate fiscal policies between member states and strengthen the euro-zone through economic and monetary union, with democratic accountability centred on social justice as well as tax justice. It favours root-and-branch reform of the financial sector with strong supervisory mechanisms, robust capital markets to complement bank lending and a high level of protection for citizens and small and medium-sized enterprises. It would promote tax fairness and efficiency through a common consolidated corporate tax base, EU-wide tax rules for multi-national companies, a financial transaction tax, and by closing loopholes and hindering the use of tax havens. The social dimension of the economic and monetary union (EMU) would be strengthened with a better legal framework for workers to move across borders. The priorities are to safeguard wages, social standards, collective bargaining and trade union rights and protect against all forms of discrimination. Progressive trade deals should leverage Europe’s position as a trade giant to preserve and protect rules-based, environmental, social, labour and democratic standards, workers’ and human rights and fortify the fight against climate change

Respect for the role of the press and high-quality journalism entails supporting quality investigative journalism, protecting journalists when they are under attack and reinforcing co-operation between journalists and trade unions. The S&D takes a positive approach to legal migration that respects the fundamental rights and dignity of migrants and encourages integration. It would make EU citizenship available to second- and third-generation migrants born and raised in the EU. The S&D pushes to retain Europe’s lead and strong commitment to development programmes and effective humanitarian assistance. It seeks to ensure that EU policies are consistent with those aims, for example through traceability of conflict minerals and socially responsible practices in the garment sector as well as achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. It cites its success through the EDUCA campaign, whereby the EU has agreed to dedicate 6% of its humanitarian aid budget to funding education for children caught up in conflicts, providing access to education to four million children in 47 countries.

Ideologies

Social democracy

Pro-Europeanism

3

Membership The Group embraces to only two ideologies: social democracy and pro-Europeanism. Yet the parties within the S&D stand for a wider range of ideologies. This is shown in the graph, which compares the political positions of the Group’s member parties and the ideologies of each. The left-hand bar shows Party-level political positions, while the right-hand bar looks deeper, to the sets of ideologies championed by Parties within the Group. Both are weighted by the number of MEPs representing them. Nominally the S&D is Centre-left, and indeed the left-hand bar of the chart shows that its member Parties it comprises in the European Parliament are indeed predominantly Centre-left Parties, with some tending to either-side - and some political positions Unknown. Greece’s The River, with two MEPs, for example, describes itself as Centre - centre-left, while the Bulgarian Socialist Party, the Democratic Party of Cyprus, Génération.s le movement, of France and Malta’s Partit Laburista, with nine MEPs between them, label themselves as Centre-left - Left, and Sweden’s Feminist Initiative and the Italian Left, with one MEP each, both describe themselves as Left. Now look at the right-hand bar. The dominant ideologies are indeed Centre-left, but they are coupled with a significant Centre component and a smaller, but still significant, Left component. The Left is explained by the democratic socialism of the UK Labour Party, France’s Parti Socialiste and Génération.s, le movement and the Sinistra Italiana, with 20, 10, two and one MEPs respectively, and labourism of Portugal’s Partido Socialista, which contributes MEPs to the Group. The Centre in the graph, is mostly attributable to the pro-Europeanism adhered to by 17 Parties with 75 MEPs between them. France’s Parti Socialiste and Génération.s, le movement and the Sinistra Italiana all adhere to Green ideologies, which is also evident in the graph.

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Group of European Conservatives & Reformists

ecrgroup.eu/

Bringing back common sense

Overview Founded in 2009, the ECR is the third largest group in the current European Parliament, although this is due mainly to the size of its UK delegation from the UK Conservative Party.

We will continue our hard work in securing a more flexible, open, and economically vibrant EU offering citizens and taxpayers tangible benefits.

Its Co-Chairmen, Syed Kamall and Ryszard Antoni Legutko, of the UK Conservative Party and the Polish Law and Justice Party respectively, are supported by six vice-chairs and two Co-Treasurers. Its 73 MEPs are drawn from 30 Parties in 19 of the EU’s 28 member states.

While the ECR positions itself as Centre-right - right, reflecting the political positions of its member Parties, the spectrum of ideologies they is a much richer mix, ranging from Centre to Right to Far-right.

Views and Priorities

The ECR is socially and economically conservative and believes that the European Union should answer directly to the governments of its member states and serve only those purposes that national governments alone cannot. Its priorities are to ensure frictionless commerce within the Single Market and reinforce defence, security and law enforcement across borders. It supports a unified approach to controlled immigration, including a common asylum system.

To support intra-Europe trade, it seeks to reduce regulation, including those aimed at reducing the Continent’s contribution to climate change. It also seeks greater accountability and transparency in budget formation and decision-making.

Co- Chairman Syed Kamall UK Ryszard Legutko Poland Co-Chairs Rafaele Fitto Italy Hans-Olaf Henkel Germany Helga Stevens Belgium Peter van Dalen Netherlands Geoffrey van Orden UK Roberts Zile Latvia Co- Treasurers Emma McClarkin UK Kosma Zlotowski Poland

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A priority is seek to reduce regulation and red tape, especially for business, as a way of improving taxpayers’ value for money. The Group points to its efforts at identifying unnecessary bureaucracy and complicated regulations, as well as to ensure that the EU properly implements the competitiveness test evenly throughout the EU, especially for small and medium-sized businesses. At the heart of the ECR agenda is increased accountability to member states and transparency of the EU’s institutions, agencies, budget and policies, which it believes are essential to restoring public faith and trust in the EU. This necessitates identifying what isn’t working and acknowledging past mistakes. The ECR supports international trade agreements with major economic powers while protecting certain EU sectors from shock effects. This includes limited and controlled opening of the domestic market to non-EU products, together with improved access to non-EU markets. The Group points to its support for new international agreements to break down barriers to trade between European firms and major economic powers around the world. To combat climate change effectively, the Group supports an ambitious but incremental approach that would be supported by all member states. It favours adopting measures that are sustainable and avoid unnecessary cost burdens on businesses and member states. Priorities include protecting wildlife and endangered animals, especially from illegal trade, lowering carbon emissions through the Emission Trading Scheme, setting new ceilings for air quality in Europe and sustainable fishing and farming policies. The ECR seeks to enhance internal and external security and fight cross-border crime, cyber-crime and terrorism through information sharing between the law enforcement authorities of member states. It points to its role in implementing the Passenger Name Records and the European Criminal Records Information Systems, among other initiatives. The Group believes that protecting citizens’ privacy and data should go hand in hand with making use of data by law enforcement authorities. One of the Group’s founding principles and a top priority is reform of the Common European Asylum System. This would entail adopting EU-wide measures that are backed by all member states, helping member states protect external borders, increasing the rate of return of asylum-seekers, combating abuse of the EU asylum system, strengthening the role of Frontex, and continuing to work with third countries to prevent migrants from coming to the EU. To deliver the best value for money, the EU should focus on achieving only that which cannot be delivered by national governments, such as reducing barriers within the Single Market, facilitating commerce within the EU, improving basic transport infrastructure, for example by opening domestic passenger rail services to competition from other European operators, and ensuring that consumer rights are upheld across all member states.

Ideologies

Conservatism

Economic liberalism

Christian democracy

Euro-scepticism

3

Membership The Group itself gives its political position as Centre-right - right and champions conservatism, economic liberalism, Christian democracy and Euro-scepticism, putting it ideologically in the range from Centre to Right - far-right. This is shown in the graph, which compares the political positions of the Group’s member parties and the ideologies of each. The left-hand bar shows Party-level political positions, while the right-hand bar looks deeper, to the sets of ideologies championed by Parties within the Group. Both are weighted by the number of MEPs representing them. From the left-hand bar, we see that the dominant Party-level position is Centre-right. Much of this is attributable to the 18-strong contingent from the UK Conservative Party, but also includes five MEPs from Germany’s Liberal-Conservative Reformists, four from the Belgian New Flemish Alliance and nine MEPs from eight other Parties. 15 MEPs from the Polish Right Wing of the Republic represent the Right-wing contingent, together with eight smaller Parities and two Right-wing Independents. The Right to Far-right element comes from three MEPs from the Danish People’s Party and two from the Sweden Democrats. Now look at the right-hand bar, which captures the ideologies adhered to by Parties in the Group. Notable is a Centre representation, mostly explained by the economic liberalism and pro-Europeanism of 12 member Parties with 35 MEPs between them, and a Centre-left contingent, mainly attributable to the ordoliberalism of the Polish Right Wing of the Republic. More notable is the large contribution of Right - far-right ideologies, especially Euro-scepticism and a range of nationalist and right-wing populist ideologies.

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Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe

alde.eu/

Move Europe forward

Overview The fourth largest and one of the oldest groups in the current European Parliament, the ALDE is the main Party of the political Centre. Only if we choose to address Europe’s flaws and reform it, will the EU again be a

driving force for new jobs, security and prosperity. Its President, Guy Verhofstadt, of the Belgian Open Flemish Liberals, is supported by a First Vice President and six Vice Presidents. Its 68 MEPs are drawn from 43 Parties in 21 of the EU’s 28 member states. ALDE is politically cohesive, with Centre-left to Centre-right member Parties that share strong politically Central ideologies.

Views and Priorities

The ALDE is socially and economically liberal and envisages a reformed EU that goes well beyond a single market to apply its global heft actively to promote liberal democratic principles. To achieve these objectives, it promotes further integration of EU member-states, coordinated foreign policies, including resistance to foreign interference in democratic processes, a pragmatic, humanitarian response to immigration, action against climate change

and pollution, enforcement of fundamental rights and the rule of law by member states, as well as a regional policy to finance structural reforms and better budgetary discipline.

President Guy Verhofstadt Belgium First Vice President Sophia in ‘t Veld Netherlands Vice Presidents Dominique Riquet France Nils Torvalds Finland Javier Nart Spain Filiz Hyusmenova Bulgaria Norica Nicolai Romania Izaskun Bilbao Barandica Spain

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In foreign affairs, Europe should assert itself with one voice to project globally its commitment to human rights and, if necessary, punish regimes that violate the rights of their citizens. Migration is a reality and must be dealt with correctly. Reform of European Asylum and Migration Policy is essential to ensure that traffickers are brought to account and the rights of migrants, especially children, are respected and the vulnerable protected. Reforming Schengen is helpful, but not enough Europe should step up its climate action, raise its 2030 climate goals and aim for a zero emissions economy. More carbon cuts will boost green investments and reduce the economic burden of fuel costs. The EU should promote stronger action by national governments, both within Europe and elsewhere, to tackle climate change. The ALDE supports the transition to a modern low-carbon economy as a means of strengthening Europe’s energy security and independence vis-à-vis imported energy and fossil fuels. The Group believes that an important step is Europe-wide decarbonisation of transport, through the use of alternative fuels, as well as charging and refuelling infrastructure. It supports Horizon Europe, a €100 billion research and innovation framework programme with €10 billion toward food and natural resources innovations. The Group champions Employee Financial Participation as a means of creating jobs and reactivating the unemployed. It points to its initiative to improve and better regulate the role of the Employee Financial Participation (EFP) schemes that offer employee profit sharing, individual employee share ownership and employee stock ownership plans. This will encourage access to capital for SMEs, more sustainable governance, better business continuity, more motivation, efficiency, better skills development and less absenteeism, which in turn could lead to better social dialogue and quality of work and less unemployment and redundancies. It pushes for more transparent and predictable working conditions, especially minimum rights and improving living and working conditions, especially for the four to six million workers on on-demand and intermittent contracts, and labour market adaptability for nearly one million people who are subject to exclusivity clauses, preventing them from working for another employer. ALDE advocates creation of a fifth freedom of movement within the EU, the free flow of non-personal data, which can unlock the growth potential of EU data economy and enable innovation in sectors such as Artificial Intelligence, e-health, bid data and cloud computing.

Ideologies

Liberalism

Conservative liberalism

Social liberalism

Pro-Europeanism

3

Membership The ALDE is the only Group in the current Parliament that labels itself as Centre. It champions liberalism, conservative liberalism and social liberalism, and is pro-Europe. Its Party political labels and their ideologies nevertheless show a right-ward tilt. This is shown in the graph, which compares the political positions of the Group’s member parties and the ideologies of each. The left-hand bar shows Party-level political positions, while the right-hand bar looks deeper, to the sets of ideologies championed by Parties within the Group. Both are weighted by the number of MEPs representing them. From the left-hand bar, we see that the dominant Party-level positions are Centre-left, Centre, and Centre-right with a large Centre-right - right contingent, as well as some Right-wing Parties. The main Centre Parties are the Bulgarian Movement for Rights and Freedoms and the Finnish Centre Party, with four and three MEPs respectively. The French

Mouvement Radical Social-Libéral and four other parties contribute ten MEPs between them. Centre - centre-right parties include Germany’s Free Democratic Party and the Belgian Reform Movement, each with three MEPs, with representation also from the French Union of Democrats and Independents and Democratic Movement, with two MEPs each. The Centre - centre-left is made up of six Parties with seven MEPs between them, while the Centre-right is mainly due to the three MEPs each from the Open Flemish Liberals and Democrats and the Dutch People's Party for Freedom and Democracy, with representation from seven other Parties with nine MEPs between them. Now look at the right-hand bar. Centre ideologies dominate, as 23 Parties with 42 of the Group’s 68 adhere to liberalism and MEPs from 13 Parties with 23 MEPs are pro-Europe. The main Centre-right ideology is conservative liberalism, adhered to by 11 Parties with 21 MEPs. Perhaps the most surprising in a Group of the Centre is representation of Right - far-right ideologies, such as populism, agrarianism and various brands of nationalism and regionalism, which seem at odds with the strong pro-Europe positions and priorities of the Group itself.

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The Greens / European Free Alliance

greens-efa.eu

… a society respectful of fundamental human rights and environmental justice

Overview The fifth largest Group in the current Parliament, the Greens/EFA is an amalgam of Green, Pirate and Independent MEPs as well as MEPs from parties representing stateless nations and disadvantaged minorities.

… a European Union of free peoples based on the principle of subsidiarity who believe in solidarity with each other and all the peoples of the world.

Its co-Presidents, Ska Keller of Germany’s Alliance 90/The Greens and Philippe Lamberts of the Belgian Confederated Ecologists, are supported by a First Vice President, a Treasurer and four Vice Presidents. Its 52 MEPs are drawn from 27 Parties in 18 of the EU’s 28 member states. The Group is selective about its member Parties and the ideologies they champion, so most of its member Parties place themselves in the political Centre-left to Left, with strong adherence to Green, Centre and left-

of-Centre ideologies, although some regional interests and Euro-scepticism are also represented.

Views and Priorities

The Greens-EFA believes that Europe is too focussed on economic conception at the expense of social, cultural and ecological values. The Group champions individuals’ rights to self-determination and seeks to deepen democracy through solidarity, decentralisation, transparency and direct participation in decision-making. To achieve these objectives, it advocates improving structures to encourage democratic participation in decision-making, redistributive policies of employment and labour, especially to encourage more female participation in industry and politics, reforms to raise ecological, social and democratic standards and foreign policy designed to resolve problems by peaceful means.

Co-Presidents Ska Keller Germany Philippe Lamberts Belgium First Vice-President Josep Maria Terricabras Spain Treasurer Bas Eickhout Netherlands Vice Presidents Pascal Durand France Julia Reda Germany Bodil Valero Sweden Monika Vana Austria

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The Greens/EFA advocates a democratic process that links trade, security, economic and social issues to environmental, cultural and democratic rights in order to guarantee human and citizen's rights, including for people from non-EU countries. The Group pushes for more transparency and democracy in the EU and its institutions. They believe that transparency is essential to equality and to prevent private interests from taking over the political process. They seek improved structures for democratic participation in political decision-making, involving NGOs, trade unions, citizens and civic authorities at all levels, with measures to ensure equal participation of women. It advocates comprehensive economic and social transformation that delivers prosperity, and well-being within the physical limits of the planet. This entails economic and social reforms to guarantee high ecological, social and democratic standards and sustainable development for both human beings and the natural world. In the wake of the Luxleaks scandal, the Greens/EFA has pushed hard for European Parliamentary support for tax transparency. Employment and redistribution policies should aim to share the workload more fairly between women and men, guarantee equal rights and opportunities, and ensure that women are fully able to take part in the formal labour market as well as in political life. The Group consistently struggles for consumer rights and transparency in the food supply chain and push for a GMO-free Europe. A European green trade policy should, above all, ensure that trade achieves the maximum human well-being for the minimum use of energy and resources. This entails a redesign of the global trade system that does not undermine the regeneration of ecosystems, while facilitating high-quality employment and environmental protection at home and abroad. Such systematic change must be based firmly on respect for the dignity and rights of all people, including with a clear gender perspective, and is not at the expense of other species with which we share the planet. Climate change can realistically and responsibly be tackled only by a green energy revolution that preserves biodiversity, promotes sustainable use of resources and protects humans and the environment. The EU should play a more active role at its doorstep and in the world, through a foreign policy designed to resolve problems by peaceful means rather than by military force.

Ideologies

Green Politics

Minority Politics

Regionalism

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Membership The Greens/European Free Alliance champions green politics and, reflecting its representation of stateless nations and disadvantaged minorities, minority politics and regionalism. Its member Parties and their ideologies reflect the Group’s priorities, as shown in the graph, which compares the political positions of the Group’s member parties and the ideologies of each. The left-hand bar shows Party-level political positions, while the right-hand bar looks deeper, to the sets of ideologies championed by Parties within the Group. Both are weighted by the number of MEPs representing them. In the left-hand bar, we see that by far the dominant Party-level position is Centre-left, with notable Centre-left - left and Left representations. The Centre-left is dominated by Germany’s Alliance 90/The Greens, with 11 MEPs, joined by the next biggest Party in the Group, France’s Europe Ecologie, with six MEPs, Sweden’s Green Party, with four, as well as Austria’s The Greens – The Green Alternative, with three, and seven other Parties with eight MEPs between them. Four Parties with six MEPs between them make up the Centre-left - left membership, while the Left comprises seven Parties with nine MEPs. Now look at the right-hand bar, which captures the ideologies adhered to by those Parties. The profile described by this bar is dominated by Green ideologies, championed by 17 of the Group’s 27 Parties. Centre ideologies, notably Pro-Europeanism, supported by eight parties, with 22 MEPs, while Centre-left ideologies include social democracy, adhered to by six Parties with nine MEPs between them, direct democracy, grassroots democracy and e-democracy, as well as progressivism. The Group’s overall ideological complexion owes much to the 11 MEPs from Germany’s Alliance 90/The Greens, which underwrites Green, Centre and Centre-left ideologies. Right - far-right ideologies are attributable to some Euro-sceptic Parties, as well as adherence by nine Parties to agrarianism and various brands of nationalism and regionalism, echoing the Group’s positions favouring regionalism, decentralisation and subsidiarity.

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European United Left / Nordic Green Left

http://www.guengl.eu

Another Europe is possible.

Overview The sixth largest Group in the current Parliament, the European United Left / Nordic Green Left is formed of a merger in 1995 between the Nordic Green Left group of parties and the Confederal Group of the European United Left. It now comprises Green, Pirate and Independent MEPs.

… a socially equitable, peaceful and sustainable European integration process based on international

solidarity.

Its President, Gabi Zimmer, of Germany’s The Left is supported by four Vice-Presidents and a Treasurer. Its 52 MEPs are drawn from 26 Parties in 13 of the EU’s 28 member states.

The GUE/NGL’s position on the political Left is underlined by the ideologies of its member

Parties, which range around a classical Left-wing centre of gravity.

Views and Priorities

The GUE/NGL fights for more and better jobs and educational opportunities, social security and social solidarity, sustainable economic development, responsible use and management of natural resources, cultural exchange and diversity and a consistent and strong peace policy, which it believes should be the ultimate goals of the European integration process. The Group seeks more direct democracy and active participation by citizens. To achieve these objectives, the GUE/NGL advocates sweeping social, economic and environmental reforms. While championing individual rights and participation in direct democratic processes, the Group promotes just, fair and sustainable foreign and trade policies, as well as responses to global challenges such as human rights violations and climate change.

President Gabi Zimmer Germany Vice-Presidents Paloma López Spain Dennis de Jong Netherlands Patrick le Hyaric France Neoklis Sylikiotis Cyprus Treasurer Kateřina Konečná Czech

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The GUE/NGL seeks a European employment policy centred on the promotion of workers’ rights and better work-life balance. It should feature a minimum wage and a minimum income, European action against unequal free trade through visas, a training-related social security system, an end to social and fiscal dumping, taxation on capital at the same rate as on employment, defence of migrant workers’ rights and those of asylum seekers and a fund for human, social and ecological development. The group consistently calls for adequate funding for the Youth Guarantee scheme to support sustainable jobs for Europe's young people. The Group seeks controlled free trade and the free circulation of goods, and opposes all international trade agreements that are shaped by the interests of big business. Human rights, workers' rights and environmental protection criteria should be prerequisites for imports. It advocates sustainable development and calls for a trade policy centred on development. It demands a shift in focus towards combating poverty - especially child poverty - and social exclusion, and puts forward proposals to address the plight of the disadvantaged and vulnerable, including access to education. The GUE/NGL works actively to ensure universal right to healthcare regardless of an individual's economic and social situation, with attention to women's access to healthcare and reproductive health and rights, and to protect victims of violence. It fights against privatisation of health care services. It believes that consumers need more accessible mechanisms for redress and advocates full certification of country of origin markings that ensure products, including genetically-modified produce, are not harmful to health. The Group seeks to protect the environment and save small rural communities through sustainable and just agriculture policies. It believes that the opportunity is being missed to promote a farmer-friendly form of agriculture, food quality, security and sovereignty. It defends market regulation to ensure fair prices for production and regulation suited to individual country needs. The GUE/NGL demands urgent, pragmatic reform of the EU's Common Fisheries Policy to address its social, environmental and economic shortcomings, in consultation with fishers to take into account the practicalities of each country, fishery and fleet. It should also protect coastal regions and islands with active fishing sectors. The Group works for ambitious global targets to tackle climate change and to help developing countries adapt. It champions renewable energy, including wind and wave power, and solar energy, and backed a proposal for sustainable indirect land use in favour of bio fuel production and use of renewable energy. It also fights against privatisation of water assets. The GUE/NGL considers that transfer of EU citizens’ financial data, such as via the SWIFT banking system and US and UK spying activities, is an infringement of fundamental rights.

Ideologies

Democratic socialism

Communism (minority)

Soft Euro-scepticism

Hard Euro-scepticism

3

Membership As a Group, GUE/NGL champions left-wing democratic socialism, communism and soft Euro-scepticism, reflecting the positions of its member Parties. The graph illustrates this by comparing the political positions of the Group’s member parties and the ideologies of each. The left-hand bar shows Party-level political positions, while the right-hand bar looks deeper, to the sets of ideologies championed by Parties within the Group. Both are weighted by the number of MEPs representing them. In the left-hand bar, we see that by far the most important Party-level position is Left - far-left, with notable and Left and Far-left representations on either side. The Left - far-left is dominated by Germany’s The Left, which has seven MEPs, joined by Spain’s Podemos, with five, and five other Parties with 12 MEPs between them. The Far-left comprises the Portuguese Communist Party and Greece’s Syriza, with three MEPs each, and four independent MEPs, while The Left contingent comprises six Parties with eight MEPs. The complexion of the right-hand bar is more varied around the Left - far-left, with both The Left and Podemos, the two largest parties in the Group, supporting Left - far-left ideologies, such as anti-capitalism and left-wing populism. Communism is the main Far-left ideology, attributable to four parties with 11 MEPs between them, and lesser support for Marxism and Marxism-Leninism. Democratic socialism is the main Left-wing ideology, supported by The Left and Podemos. Six Parties are Euro-sceptic, largely explaining the the Right - far-right ideology representation.

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Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy

efdgroup.eu

People’s voice

Overview The seventh largest Group in the current Parliament, Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) is the successor to the Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD), with various significant changes to its membership and executive since the 2014 European Parliamentary election.

… an open, transparent, democratic and accountable co-operation among sovereign

European states and rejection of a centralised European super-state.

Its President, Nigel Farage, of the UK’s UK Independence Party (UKIP), is supported by a Secretariat. The Group’s 42 MEPs are

drawn from 10 Parties in seven of the EU’s 28 member states. 14 MEPs are from Italy’s Five Star Movement and 19 from the UKIP.

The Group is open to Members that subscribe to a Europe of Freedom and Democracy and acknowledge the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights and parliamentary democracy. The Group’s political positioning is heavily dependent on its dominant UKIP contingent, which is due to leave in March 2019, as the UK leaves the EU. The Five Star Movement has, on a number of recent occasions, sought to leave the Group, and may do so again. The rump EFD would comprise eight Parties with nine MEPs from five countries, possibly with views and priorities that differ from those of the Group in its current configuration.

Views and Priorities Information on the Group’s views and priorities is from the website of EFD (efdgroup.eu)

The EFDD is committed to the principles of democracy, freedom and co-operation among nation states and, as it believes there is no such thing as a single European people, the legitimate level for democracy lies with nation states, their regions and parliaments, each with the right to protect its borders and strengthen its own historical, traditional, religious and cultural values. The Group respects the freedom of its delegations and Members to vote as they see fit.

President Nigel Farage UK Secretary General Auréli Laloux France

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The EFDD advocates direct democracy at national, regional and local levels, abolition of the Euro and associated regulation, return of all legal and judiciary structures to member states and harmonisation of customs procedures throughout the EU. The UKIP was a leading campaigner for Brexit. The Group believes that the EU lacks democratic credentials, mainly because the European Commission, Europe’s civil service, which proposes legislation for debate by the European Parliament, is itself not accountable to the electorate. The Group thus sees the European Parliament as a mere talking shop, and advocates direct democracy, whereby major decisions are legitimised by referenda at national, regional and local levels. It believes that the glory and genius of Europe is the diversity of its peoples, cultures and languages. It views the Eurozone as an artificial construct of political ideology of EU centralisation and, as it is not an optimal currency zone, it cannot accommodate greatly divergent economies and so is bound to be fragile and unstable. The EFD therefore advocates that it be abandoned. The EFD believes that the EU Parliament has usurped control of central and local governments, especially in the UK, often to what it sees as disastrous effect; and has done so stealthily, in the guise of combatting cross-border terrorism and crime. It opposes creation of EU-level legal institutions and legal instruments and an EU system of criminal law, which undermines and supersedes centuries-old, tried and tested country-level legal systems. The Group asserts that the European Customs Union is not what it seems, as customs checks in some parts of Europe are more efficient, checks at some points of entry are more rigorous than others, and that this difference in quality distorts commercial routes, so that goods coming from non-European countries naturally avoid passing through more diligent customs, instead diverting to those that tend to “turn a blind eye” to regulations. Difference between customs policy and inconsistent procedures thus often result in losses for consumers, workers, activities and the treasury, for example through foregone duties, while "turning a blind eye" are conduits of choice for counterfeit goods, resulting in significant productivity and revenue losses. The Group opposed the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, (TTIP) as a corporate attack on the UK’s NHS.

Ideology

Euro-scepticism

3

Membership As a Group, EFDD is simply Euro-sceptic. Its Party political labels are independent and right-wing, while ideologies range more widely. This is shown in the graph, which compares the political positions of the Group’s member parties and the ideologies of each. The left-hand bar shows Party-level political positions, while the right-hand bar looks deeper, to the sets of ideologies championed by Parties within the Group. Both are weighted by the number of MEPs representing them. In the left-hand bar, we see that the dominant Party-level positions are Right and Big Tent, corresponding to the UKIP’s 19 MEPs and the Five Star Movement’s 14 respectively. Of the others, four Parties with five MEPs between them are Right - far-right, one of Far-right, with the political position of one is not given. Now look at the right-hand bar, which captures the ideologies of those Parties. The complexion of this bar is more varied and polarised, largely due to divergences between the two dominant Parties. Whereas UKIP champion for economic liberalism, an ideology of the Centre, Right - far right ideologies, including British nationalism, Right-wing populism, and Far-right Hard Euro-scepticism; the Five Star Movement is for Centre-left direct democracy and e-democracy, as well as Right - far-right Euro-scepticism and populism, as well as environmentalism. Four of the eight smaller Parties, between them, advocate Right-wing ideologies of Gaulism, laissez-faire and soft Euro-scepticism; six are for Right - far-right ideologies, such as national conservatism, Euro-scepticism, right-wing populism and nationalism, while four are for Far-right anti-feminism, anti-Islam and hard Euro-scepticism.

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Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy

enfgroup-ep.eu

… a Europe of economic cooperation between nation states.

Overview Founded in 2015, the smallest Group in the current Parliament, Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) is the parliamentary group of the Movement for a Europe of Nations and Freedom.

We want a Europe of sovereign states. We want a free Europe. We want a Europe that respects national individuality and national

identity.

Its Co-Presidents, Nicolas Bay, of France’s National Rally, and Marcel de Graaff of the Netherlands’ Party for Freedom, are supported by seven Vice-Presidents and a Secretariat. The Group’s 35 MEPs are drawn from nine Parties in eight of the EU’s 28 member states. 15 of the Group’s 35 MEPs are from the National Rally.

The Group’s member Parties are predominantly Right - far-right. While they champion correspondingly right-with ideologies, the political aims of the Group lie within a relatively narrow band, focussing on issues of national, rather than European, interests.

Views and Priorities The ENF prioritises sovereignty of nation states, with attendant rights to defend their interests, identity and freedom of individual citizens.

Co-Presidents Marcel de Graaff Netherlands Nicolas Bay France Vice-Presidents Geroff Annemans Belgium Janice Atkinson UK Michal Marusik Poland Marcus Pretzell Harald Vilimsky Mara Bizzotto Gilles Lebreton France

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The ENF’s member Parties and individual MEPs avow conformity with democratic principles and the charter of fundamental rights, and reject any past, present or future affiliation, connection or sympathy with any authoritarian or totalitarian project. The Group emphasises the sovereignty of states and their citizens and cooperation between nations, and therefore reject any policy designed to create a supra-state or supra-national model. A fundamental and unifying principle of the Group is opposition to any to any transfer of national sovereignty to supranational bodies and /or European Institutions. The Group’s Parties and individual MEPs recognize each other’s right to defend their specific unique economic, social, cultural and territorial models. The ENF Group seeks to preserve the diversity of the political projects of its members. The Group and its MEPs seek to preserve the identity of citizens and nations of Europe according to the specific characteristics of each. The right to control and regulate immigration is thus a fundamental principle shared by the Members of the ENF Group. Member Parties and individual MEPs seek to defend individual freedom and emphasise the particular importance of protecting freedom of speech including digital freedom, which they believe is increasingly in jeopardy.

Ideologies

Anti-immigration

Euroscepticism

Far-right politics

Nationalism

Right-wing politics

Right-wing populism

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Membership The Right - far right credentials of the ENF are manifest in its ideologies, which are anti-immigration, Euro-scepticism, nationalism, right-wing and far-right politics and right-wing populism. This is shown in the graph, which compares the political positions of the Group’s member parties and the ideologies of each. The left-hand bar shows Party-level political positions, while the right-hand bar looks deeper, to the sets of ideologies championed by Parties within the Group. Both are weighted by the number of MEPs representing them. In the left-hand bar, we see that the dominant Party-level position is Right - Far-right, due mainly to the French National rally’s 15 MEPs, together with Italy’s Lega Nord, with six Eps and four smaller parties, with ten MEPs between them. Two Parties, with three MEPs between them are Right-wing, and one of the Group’s MEPs is Independent. Now look at the right-hand bar, which captures the ideologies espoused by those Parties. The complexion of this bar is slightly more varied, though still strongly Right - Far right, due to anti-immigration, national conservatism, right-wing populism, as well as various brands of nationalism, by eight of its member Parties, including the National Rally and Lega Nord. Accompanying this are Right-wing ideologies such as protectionism and economic nationalism, championed by the National Rally and France’s Navy-Blue Rally. The main Far-right ideologies are anti-Islam and hard Euro-scepticism.

About the author

Australian-born and European by adoption, Frances Cowell writes and speaks at

conferences about investment risk and governance, financial market stability and

business ethics in financial markets – and the implications for the wider political

economy. She believes Europe must urgently assume the lead in protecting and

preserving liberal democracy, the rule of law and the multi-lateral institutions and

alliances that it depends on.

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