The Enemy Within - Tax Exempt Foundations

8/9/2019 The Enemy Within - Tax Exempt Foundations

1/44

Tax Exempt Foundations: The Enemy Within

Important classic video: Dr. Stan Monteith interviews Reese Commission (early 1950sCongressional investigation) general council Norman Dodd about tax exempt foundationcommitment to global collectivism. This video will help viewer put into perspective the path that

has lead the country to the brink of oblivion. Recorded in 1980.

http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=5428510443084795078

- - -

more below


2/44

Final Warning: A History of the New World OrderIlluminism and the master plan for world domination-- by David Rivera, 1994 source:View From the Wall

:: With hyperlinks to the MHP database. Follow links for related info ::

Chapter 2.5: Tax-exempt FoundationsHow the elite protects their wealth while controlling education, research and public policy

The Growth of Tax-exempt Foundations

The Cox Committee and the Reece Committee (1952-55)

John D. Rockefeller and the Standard Oil Trust (1870-1910)

Rockefeller Philanthropy (1860-1937)

John D. Rockefeller, Jr. and His Sons

Rockefeller Family Wealth, Connections, and Corporate Ownership

David Rockefeller and the Chase Manhattan Bank

The Rockefeller Foundations

Andrew Carnegie and Public Education

The Carnegie Endowment and the Carnegie Corporation

The Ford Foundation

The Growth of Tax-exempt Foundations

Under the guise of philanthropy, the Illuminati avoided taxation by transferring their wealth totax-free foundations.

Foundations are either state or federally chartered. The first was chartered by Benjamin Franklinin 1790, in Philadelphia and Boston, from a $4,444.49 fund, to make loans "to young marriedartificers (artisans) of good character." In 1800, the Magdalen Society was established inPhiladelphia, "to ameliorate that distressed condition of those unhappy females who have beenseduced from the paths of virtue, and are desirous of returning to a life of rectitude." In 1846, theSmithsonian Institutionwas established by the bequest of English scientist James Smithson "forthe increase and diffusion of knowledge among men." The Peabody Education Fund was initiatedin 1867 by banker George Peabody, to promote education in the South.

Before 1900, there were only 18 foundations; from 1910-19, there were 76; during the 1920's,

173; the 1930's, 288; the 1940's, 1,638; and during the 1950's, there were 2,839 foundations.United Press International (UPI) reported on July 19, 1969, that the top 596 foundations had anincome that was twice the net earnings of the country's 50 largest commercial bankinginstitutions. According to Rep. Wright Patman, in a report to the 87th Congress, it is because ofthe existence of foundations that "only one-third of the income of the nation is actually taxed."

Some of the important foundations, all of which have assets of well over $100 million, include:

Rockefeller Foundation(Standard Oil)


3/44

Ford Foundation(Ford Motor Co.)

Duke Endowment (Duke family fortune)

John A. Hartford Foundation (Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea)

W.K. Kellog Foundation (Kellogg Cereals)

Carnegie Corporation(Carnegie Steel)

Alfred P. Sloan Foundation (General Motors)

Moody Foundation (W. L. Moody's oil, realty, newspapers, and bank holdings)

Lilly Endowment (Eli Lilly Pharmaceuticals)

Pew Memorial Trust(Sun Oil Co. or Sunoco)

Danforth Foundation (Purina Cereals)

The Cox Committee and the Reece Committee (1952-55)

The first Congressional Committee to investigate the tax-free foundations was the Cox Committeein 1952, led by Rep. Eugene E. Cox, a Democrat from Georgia. Its purpose was to find out:

"...[which] foundations and organizations are using their resources for purposes other than thepurposes for which they were established, and especially to determine which such foundations andorganizations are using their resources for un-American and subversive activities or for purposesnot in the interest or tradition of the United States ."

Cox discovered that officers and trustees of some foundations were Communists, and that thesefoundations had given grants to Communists or Communist-controlled organizations. A former

Communist official, Maurice Malkin, testified that in 1919 they were trying:

"...to penetrate these organizations (foundations), if necessary take control of them and theirtreasuries ... that they should be able to finance the Communist Party propaganda in the UnitedStates ."

During the investigation, Cox died, and the facts were glossed over in a cover-up.

Another member of the Committee, Rep. Carroll Reeceof Tennessee, the former Chairman of theRepublican National Committee, forced another investigation in 1953, to see if foundations werebeing used "for political purposes, propaganda, or attempts to influence legislation." Reece evenreferred to a "conspiracy." The Washington Postcalled the investigation "unnecessary," and said

that it was "stupidly wasteful of public funds."

The EisenhowerAdministration was clearly against the probe. Three of the four who were selectedfor the Committee, with Reece, were House members who had voted against the investigation.Rep. Wayne Hays of Ohio worked from the inside to stall the investigation. During one 3-hoursession, he interrupted the same witness 246 times. He prohibited evidence discovered by two ofits investigators from being used. Rene A. Wormser, legal counsel to the Committee, revealedwhy, in his 1958 book Foundations: Their Power and Influence:


4/44

"Mr. Hays told us one day that 'the White House' had been in touch with him and asked him if hewould cooperate to kill the Committee."

Wormser also revealed that the Committee had discovered that these foundations were using theirwealth to attack the basic structure of our Constitution and Judeo-Christian ethics; and that theinfluence of major foundations had "reached far into government, into the policy-making circles of

Congress and into the State Department."

Reece's Special Committee to Investigate Tax Exempt Foundations discovered that manyfoundations were financing civil rights groups, liberal political groups, political extremist groups,and supporting revolutionary activities throughout the world. The Committee reported:

"Substantial evidence indicates there is more than a mere close working together among somefoundations operating in the international field. There is here, as in the general realm of socialsciences, a close interlock.

The Carnegie Corporation, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the RockefellerFoundationand, recently, the Ford Foundation, joined by some others, have commonly cross-financed, to a tune of many millions ... organizations concerned with internationalists, amongthem, the Institute of Pacific Relations, the Foreign Policy Association(which was "virtually acreature of the Carnegie Endowment"), the Council on Foreign Relations, the Royal Institute ofInternational Affairsand others ... and that it happened by sheer coincidence stretches credulity."

On August 19, 1954, Reecesummed up his investigation:

"It has been said that the foundations are a power second only to that of the Federal Governmentitself ... Perhaps the Congress should now admit that the foundations have become morepowerful, in some areas, at least, than the legislative branch of the Government."

The investigation ended in 1955, when funding was withheld.

John D. Rockefeller and the Standard Oil Trust (1870-1910)

John Davison Rockefeller(1839-1937), grandfather of former Vice-President Nelson Aldrich

Rockefellerand David Rockefeller(head of the Chase Manhattan Bank), was the richest man of histime. He started out in 1859 as a produce merchant, turning to oil in 1865, at the age of 26. In1870, when Standard Oilof Ohio was incorporated, Rockefeller controlled 21 out of 26 refineries inCleveland. By 1871, Standard Oil was the largest refining company in the world. In 1879, hecontrolled over 90% of all refined oil sold in the country, with 20,000 producing wells, and100,000 employees. In 1884, he moved his main office to New York City; and by 1885, StandardOil virtually controlled the entire oil industry in the United States, and had set up branches inWestern Europe and China.

The Rockefellers and Rothschilds have been partners ever since the 1880's, when Rockefeller wasable to get a rebate on each barrel of oil he shipped over the Pennsylvania, Baltimore and Ohiorailroads, which were owned by Kuhn, Loeb and Co.

In 1888, details concerning the Standard Oil Trustbegan to leak out in the newspapers. In Ohio,at the time, a company within the state could not own stock in a company in another state, whichoccurred when Rockefellerbought out smaller companies. Using the secret Trust, which wasestablished in 1879, the trustees for the companies that had been taken over, the 37 Standard Oilstockholders, and Standard Oil of Ohio, relayed all out-of-state subsidiary stock to three clerksfrom Standard Oil. In 1882, the three "dummy" trustees, 42 Standard Oil stockholders, andStandard Oil of Ohio, transferred all its stock to nine trustees, who were controlled by Rockefeller.In March, 1892, the Ohio Supreme Court ordered Standard Oil to withdraw from the Trust, afterOhio and other states outlawed trusts. Rockefeller countered by moving Standard Oil to New


5/44

Jersey, who allowed their corporations to hold stock in out-of-state companies, thus, Standard Oilof New Jersey became that holding Company.

Rockefeller's goal was for Standard Oilto be the world's only refining company, and to that end, itwas alleged that he blew up a competitor's refinery in Buffalo, New York. He owned large blocks ofstock in quite a few newspapers, including the Buffalo People's Journal, the Oil City Derrick(in

Pennsylvania ), the Cleveland Herald, and the Cleveland News Leader. He had contracts with over100 newspapers in Ohio, to print news releases and editorials furnished by a Standard Oilcontrolled agency, in return for advertisement.

He "owned" several New Jersey and Ohio state legislators. Rep. Joseph Sibley, of Pennsylvania,was President of the Rockefeller-controlled Galena Signal Oil Co.; and in 1898, Rep. John P.Elkins, also of Pennsylvania, accepted a $5,000 bribe from Standard Oil. In 1904, Sen. BoisPenrose of Pennsylvania received a $25,000 bribe from Rockefeller, and Sen. Cornelius Blissreceived $100,000. Others who received Standard Oil bribes: Sen. Matthew Quay (PA), Sen.Joseph B. Foraker (OH), Sen. Joseph Bailey (TX), Sen. Nathan B. Scott, Sen. Mark Hanna (OH),Sen. Stephen B. Elkins (WV), Rep. W. C. Stone (PA), and Sen. McLaurin (SC). President WilliamMcKinley, through Sen. Mark Hanna, was a pawn of Standard Oiland the bankers.

The "rebates" Rockefellerreceived from various railroads, were actually kickbacks. These rebatesmade it possible for him to keep his prices lower so he could bankrupt his competition. He said:"Competition is a sin." Standard Oilalso made kickbacks, in the form of stock, to railroad people,such as William H. Vanderbilt, who received stock without contributing any capital, as did variousbankers who lent money freely to Standard Oil.

Willie Winkfield, a Rockefeller messenger, sold evidence of Rockefeller's bribery to WilliamRandolph Hearst's New York American, for $20,500, and Hearst revealed the information atelection time, in an attempt to get the Rockefeller stooges out of office. In 1905, an expos by IdaM. Tarbell, called The History of Standard Oil Co., which came on the heels of an 1894 book byHenry Demarest Lloyd, called Wealth Against Commonwealth, began to turn public opinion againstStandard Oil.

Robert M. LaFollette, Sr., in a speech to the Senate in March, 1908, said that fewer than 100 mencontrolled the business interests of the country. However, a few years later, through an analysis ofthe Directory of Directors, it was discovered that through interlocking directorates, less than adozen men controlled the country's business interests. Most notable were Rockefellerand Morgan.

In March, 1910, Sen. Nelson Aldrichof Rhode Island introduced a Bill of Incorporation for theRockefeller Foundation, but it came at a time when there was an antitrust suit against StandardOil, and the Bill was withdrawn. On May 15, 1911, Standard Oilwas found to be in violation of theSherman Antitrust Act of 1890, and the U.S. Supreme Court ordered, in a 20,000 word decision,the breakup of Standard Oil of New Jersey. The Court said that Standard Oil wanted to establish amonopoly in order "to drive others from the field and exclude them from their right to trade," andthat "seven men and a corporate machine have conspired against their fellow citizens. For thesafety of the Republic, we now decree that the dangerous conspiracy must be ended..."

Standard Oilwas forced to dissolve into 38 separate companies, including Standard Oil of Indiana(Amoco), Standard Oil of Ohio (Sohio), Standard Oil of Louisiana, Standard Oil of New Jersey(Exxon, which is one of the largest corporations in the world, controlling 321 other companies,including Humble Oil and Venezuela's Creole Oil), Standard Oil of New York (Socony or Mobil); andothers such as Continental Oil (Conoco), Atlantic-Richfield (Arco), Gulf, Phillips 66, Texaco, andMarathon Oil, which were also Rockefeller-controlled companies. Rockefeller owned 25% ofStandard Oil of New Jersey, which meant that he now owned 25% of all 38 Standard Oil


6/44

subsidiaries. In 1914, the Congressional Recordreferred to Standard Oil as the "shadowgovernment" and as the extent of its holdings became known, its value tripled.

Rockefeller Philanthropy (1860-1937)

In May, 1913, after three years of Congressional opposition, the New York State Legislature votedto establish the Rockefeller Foundation(which was located in the Time-LifeBuilding), "to promotethe well-being of mankind throughout the world." However, a 1946 report stated that the"challenge of the future is to make this one world." The endowment to establish the Foundationtotaled $182,851,000, and was given in securities, enabling the foundation to disperse over $1billion, even though it is only third in total assets compared to the Ford and Johnson Foundations.

In 1899, with an estimated wealth of $200,000,000, Rockefeller"retired." But, only in regard tobeing involved in the day-to-day operation of the company. He didn't officially retire until 1911,when he resigned as President of Standard Oil. He had become America 's first billionaire, yetwhen he died, he only left a taxable estate of $26,410,837, which after Federal and State taxeswere levied, left about $16 million. The remainder of his fortune had been left to survivingrelatives ($240 million), his sons ($465 million), and his foundations.

In 1889, Rockefellerhelped establish, with a grant of $600,000, the University of Chicago. Hepromised to support the school for ten years, which he did, donating $34,708,375. In 1901, heincorporated the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research (now Rockefeller University), with agrant of $200,000. In 1903, he established the Rockefeller General Education Board, which hedonated $42 million to, within a two-year period (and $129 million in total). The Board wasorganized by Fred Gates, the front man for the Pillsbury flour company. In 1909, the RockefellerSanitation Commission was established, to which he gave $1 million.

Rockefeller, said to own 20% of American industry, between 1855 and his death in 1937 gaveaway nearly $550 million. In 1855, when he was 16, he gave $2.77 of his meager earnings tocharity, 1856 ($19.31), 1857 ($28.37), 1858 ($43.85), 1859 ($72.22), 1860 ($107.35), 1861($259.97), 1865 ($1,012), 1869 ($5,000), 1871 ($6,860), 1879 ($29,000), 1880 ($32,865), 1884($119,000), 1891 ($500,000), 1892 ($1,500,000), 1893 ($1,472,122), 1907 ($39,170,480), 1909

($71,453,231), 1913 ($45,499,367), 1914 ($67,627,095), and 1919 ($138,624,574).

He gave a total of $182,851,480 to the Rockefeller Foundation, $129,209,167 to the GeneralEducation Board, $73,985,313 to the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Fund, and $60,673,409to the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research.

John D. Rockefeller, Jr. and His Sons

John D. Rockefeller, Jr.(1874-1960) was married to Abby Aldrich, daughter of Sen. NelsonAldrich. (According to a February, 1905 McClure'smagazine article, Aldrich was part of a corruptpolitical machine).

John D. Juniorcontinued the charitable tradition of his father. He spent over $40 million to buy up

land and convert it to National Parks, donating it to the public. The most prominent of these parksis the Jackson Hole Preserve at the Grand Teton National Park in northeastern Wyoming. In 1926,he reconstructed the colonial town of Williamsburg, Virginia, spending $52.6 million to restore 81colonial buildings, and rebuild 404 others from original plans, on their original foundations. Over700 modern homes were torn down in the 83 acre area to bring the 18th century town back tolife. He also built 45 other buildings, including three hotels to serve the public, and plantedgardens.

In 1929, he began building the Rockefeller Centerin New York City, a complex of 14 buildings, ata cost of $125 million, which was to surpass the stature of the du Pont's Empire State Building.


7/44

The Rockefeller empire is run from the 55th and 56th floors of the RCA building, at 30 RockefellerPlaza. Rockefellerwas quoted to have said: "So it may come to pass that someday ... no one willspeak of "my country," but all will speak of "our world"."

He pushed his sons into five different areas of influence: John IIIinto philanthropy; Nelson(1908-79) into government (4-term Governor of New York, and Vice-President under Ford); Laurance

(1910- ) into business; Withrop(1912-73) into oil (also 2-term Governor of Arkansas); and David(1915- ) into banking (Chairman of the Chase Manhattan Bank and Director of the FederalReserve Bank of New York).

[For more on JDR Junior and his legacy, see: Rockefeller Internationalism--ed]

Rockefeller Family Wealth, Connections, and Corporate Ownership

The Rockefellers, undeniably the richest family in America, increased their fortune by marryinginto other wealthy and influential families. By 1937, there existed "an almost unbroken line ofbiological relationships from the Rockefellers through one-half of the wealthiest sixty families inthe nation."

Percy Rockefeller(John, Jr.'s cousin), married Isabel Stillman, daughter of James A.

Stillman, President of National City Bank William G. Rockefeller(another cousin), married S. Elsie Stillman

Ethel Geraldine Rockefeller married Marcellus Hartley Dodge, which linked Standard Oil andNational City Bank, to the $50,000,000 fortune of the Remington Arms Company and thePhelps Dodge Corp.

J. Stillman Rockefeller (grand nephew of John, Sr.) married Nancy C. S. Carnegie, thegrand niece of Andrew Carnegie. Their son was named Andrew Carnegie Rockefeller.

Edith Rockefeller (John, Jr.'s sister), married Harold F. McCormick, an heir to theInternational Harvester Co. fortune. Their son, Fowler, grandson to John, Sr. and CyrusMcCormick (who invented the Reaper), married Fifi Stillman, the divorced wife of James

Stillman.

Nelson Rockefeller, was married to Mary Todhunter Clark, the granddaughter of thePresident of the Pennsylvania Railroad. They were later divorced.

Winthrop Rockefellermarried Jeanette Edris, a hotel and theater heiress

John D. Rockefeller IV (Jay), the family's only Democrat (2-term Governor and later U.S.Senator of West Virginia), married Sharon Percy, the daughter of Sen. Charles Percy, whohad been one of the Senate's most influential members.

All together, the Rockefeller family had been joined in marriage to the Stillman, Dodge, McAlpin,McCormick, Carnegie, and Aldrich family fortunes, and its wealth has been estimated to be well

over $2 billion. Some estimates even claim it to be as high as $20 billion. To compare, John PaulGetty, Howard Hughes, and H. L. Hunt, had fortunes between $2-$4 billion; and the du Ponts andMellons had fortunes between $3-$5 billion.

Ever since the TNEC hearings in 1937, which convened for the purpose of finding out who wascontrolling the American economy, the Rockefellers had been able to avoid any sort of accountingin regard to their vast assets and holdings. That ended in December, 1974, when NelsonRockefellerwas nominated to be Vice-President. Two University of California professors, CharlesSchwartz and William Domhoff, circulated a report called "Probing the Rockefeller Fortune" which


8/44

indicated that 15 employees working out of room 5600 of the RCA building had positions on theboards of almost 100 corporations that had total assets of $70 billion. This was denied by thefamily, and in an unprecedented event, a family spokesman, J. Richardson Dilworth, appearedbefore the U.S. House of Representatives Judiciary Committee during the 1975 "Hearings into theNomination of Nelson Rockefeller to be Vice-President of the United States" to document thefamily's wealth, which he said only amounted to $1.3 billion.

Part of the Rockefeller's financial holdings consists of real estate, foremost being the 4,180 acrefamily estate at Pocantico Hills, north of New York City, which has 70 miles of private roads, 75buildings, an underground archives, and close to 500 servants, guards, gardeners and chauffeurs.They also maintain over 100 residences in all parts of the world. Besides investments held inpersonal trusts, the family also holds stock in numerous companies. Some of their major holdingsinclude:

Chase Manhattan Bank

International Basic Economy Corp.

Technology

American Telephone & Telegraph (AT&T)

Eastman Kodak

International Business Machines (IBM)

National Cash Register (NCR)

General Electric

Texas Instruments

Xerox

Teledyne Inc.

Hewlett-Packard

Polaroid

Motorola

International Telephone and Telegraph (IT&T)

Itek

Materials

Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing (3M)

Aluminum Co. of America (ALCOA)

Bethlehem Steel

Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel

Anaconda Copper Co.


9/44

U.S. Steel

E. I. du Pont de Nemours

Monsanto Chemical

Dow Chemical

Corning Glass Works

Owens Corning Fiberglass

International Paper

Industrial

Burlington Industries

International Harvester

Cummins Engine

Westinghouse

W. R. Grace Inc.

Warner-Lambert

R. R. Donnelly and Son

Transportation

General Motors

Chrysler

Delta Airlines

Braniff Airlines

Northwest Airlines

United Airlines

Pan American World Airways

Energy

Standard Oil of California (Chevron)

Standard Oil of New York (Mobil)

Standard Oil of Indiana

Transcontinental Gas Pipeline

Consolidated Edison


10/44

Texaco

Food and Consumer Products

Armour

Quaker Oats

General Foods

Colgate-Palmolive

Avon

American Home Products

Retail

Sears and Roebuck

S. S. Kresge (K-Mart)

Federated Department Stores

Walgreen Stores

David Rockefeller and the Chase Manhattan Bank

The financial core of the family fortune included the Chase Manhattan Bank, Citicorp(which grewout of the Rockefeller-controlled First National City Bank), the Chemical Bank of New York, FirstNational Bank of Chicago, Metropolitan Equitable, and New York Mutual Life Insurance. By the1970's, Rockefeller-controlled banks accounted for about 25% of all assets of the 50 largestcommercial banks in the country, and about 30% of all assets of the 50 largest life insurancecompanies.

The Chase Manhattan Bank, however, remains the supreme symbol of Rockefeller domination.Founded in 1877 by John Thompson, the Chase National Bankwas named after Salomon P. Chase(Lincoln 's Secretary of Treasury). It was taken over by the Rockefellers in a merger with theirEquitable Trust Co., whose President was Winthrop Aldrich, son of Sen. Nelson Aldrich. In 1955, itmerged with the Bank of Manhattan(which had been controlled by Warburg and Kuhn, Loeb andCo.), the oldest banking operation in America (founded in 1799 by Alexander Hamilton and AaronBurr), which had 67 branches in New York, and $1.6 billion in assets. Although it was only thesixth largest bank (over $98,000,000 in assets), it was the most powerful.

In 1961, the Chase Manhattan Bank Plaza was built in downtown Manhattan, at a cost of$125,000,000. It is 64 stories high, with five basement floors, the lowest of which contains thelargest bank vault in the world.

They had 28 foreign branches, and over 50,000 banking offices in more than 50 countries, andhad a controlling interest in many of the largest corporations in America. Some of those that werelisted in the Patman Report:

American National Bank and Trust

Aetna Life


11/44

American General Insurance Co.


Safeway Stores

White Cross Stores

J. C. Penney

Northwest Airlines

Eastern Airlines

TWA

Pan American World Airways

Western Airlines

Consolidated Freightways

Roadway Express

Ryder

Armstrong Rubber

Reynolds Metals

National Steel

Allegheny-Ludlum Steel

Wyandotte Chemicals

A. H. Robins

G. D. Searle

Beckman Instruments

Texas Instruments

Sperry Rand

Boeing

Diebold

Cummins Engine

Bausch and Lomb

Sunbeam

Addressograph-Multigraph


12/44

CBS Television

Men from the Chase Manhattan's Board of Directors have also sat on the Boards of many of thelargest corporations, which have created a system of interlocking directorates. Some of thesehave been:


Metropolitan Life

Travelers Insurance

Continental Insurance

Equitable Life Assurance

Cummins Engine


Scott Paper

International Paper

Chrysler Corp.

Goodyear Tire & Rubber

Anaconda Copper

Allegheny-Ludlum Steel

U.S. Steel

Allied Stores


R. H. Macy

S. S. Kresge

Colgate-Palmolive

Borden

General Foods

R. J. Reynolds Tobacco

International Telephone & Telegraph

Bell Telephone of Pennsylvania

Consolidated Edison of New York

DuPont


13/44

Monsanto

Dow Chemical

Union Carbide

Standard Oil of New Jersey

Standard Oil of Indiana

Shell Oil

Gulf Oil

Union Oil

Continental Oil

New York Times

ABC Television

Chase also owned or controlled the Banco del Commerce (with over 100 branches in Columbia andPeru ), Banco Continental (with about 40 branches in Peru ), Banco Atlantida (with 20 branches inthe Honduras ), Nederlandsche Crediet (with over 60 branches in the Netherlands ), and StandardBank Group (with over 1,200 branches in 17 African countries).

Through a subsidiary, the Chase Investment Corp., they owned a sheep and cattle raisingoperation in Australia, hotels in Puerto Rico and Liberia, a ready-mix concrete facility in Brazil, acotton textile mill in Nigeria, a paint factory in Venezuela, a steel mill in Turkey, a petrochemicalplant in Argentina, a bus line in the Virgin Islands, and bowling alleys in England.

Our tax dollars, through the Export-Import Bank, International Monetary Fund, Corporation forOverseas Investment, and the International Stabilization Fund, are used to give aid to othercountries, some of which were communist. Millions of dollars were given to Yugoslavia, includinghundreds of jets, many of which ended up being given to Castro in Cuba .

Chase Manhattanand the Export-Import Bankfinanced 90% of the $2 billion loan to build theKama River truck complex in Russia, which was equipped with the world's largest industrialcomputer system, with the capability of producing up to 200,000 ten-ton trucks a year. A U.S.Government official who toured the facility, reported that V-12 diesel engines were beingproduced there, and said: "There is only one vehicle in Russia that uses that type of engine, andthat's a Russian battle tank." Besides the production of trucks, they also have the capability ofproducing jeeps, military transports and rocket launchers. The repayment period for the loan wastwelve years, with a 4-1/2 year grace period. The loan repayment was guaranteed by the U.S.taxpayers through government agencies like the Overseas Private Investment Corp., and the

Foreign Credit Insurance Association.

Chase Manhattanand the Bank of Americalent about $36 million for the Bechtel Corp.to buildand equip an international Trade Center in Moscow, which had been arranged by Armand Hammerof Occidental Petroleum, a personal friend of Lenin, and son of one of the founders of the U.S.Communist Party.

The Export-Import Bank, and other private American banks also put up all but $40 million for a$400 million fertilizer plant in Russia .


14/44

In 1967, the International Basic Economy Corp. (IBEC) (with 140 subsidiaries and affiliates),owned by all five Rockefeller Brothers, run by Richard Aldrich (grandson of Sen. Nelson Aldrich),and Rodman Rockefeller (son of Nelson Rockefeller, and a CFR member); and Tower International,Inc., headed by Cyrus S. Eaton, Jr., a Cleveland financier (who was the son of a man who startedhis career as secretary to John D. Rockefeller, later making his own fortune), joined to promotetrade among the Iron Curtain countries.

In 1969 the IBEC announced that N.M. Rothschild and Sonsof London had become a partner. Thispartnership built a $50 million aluminum production center in Russia, and announced a multi-million plan for Russia and other Eastern European countries, which included the building of largehotels in Bucharest, Sofia, Budapest, Belgrade, Prague, and Warsaw; plus rubber plants and aglass plant in Romania. In addition, Tower International made an agreement with the Sovietpatent and licensing organization, Licensintorg, to promote Soviet-American trade which up tothat time was done by Amtorg Trading Corp., the official Soviet agency in America. This gave theRockefellers and Eatons complete control over what technology was sent to Russia .

David Rockefeller, the head of the Chase Manhattan, and the family patriarch, controls manysecondary interlocks which contribute to the family's power and influence. Some of these havebeen:


Mutual Benefit Life Insurance Co. of New York

Equitable Life Assurance Society of the U.S.

Metropolitan Life Insurance Co.

American Express Co.

Honeywell, Inc.

Sperry Rand Corp.

Hewlett-Packard

AT&T

Northwest Airlines

Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing Co.

Allied Chemical Corp.

U.S. Steel Corp.

Standard Oil of Indiana.

Exxon

Scott Paper


Wachovia Corp.

R. J. Reynolds Industries


15/44

General Motors

Chrysler Corp.

Firestone Tire & Rubber Co.

General Electric

R. H. Macy and Co.


May Department Stores

On July 9, 1968, the New York Timesreported on a study by a House Banking Subcommittee,headed by Rep. Wright Patmanof Texas, which said: "A few banking institutions are in a positionto exercise significant influence, and perhaps even control, over some of the largest businessenterprises in the nation." Just as the Rockefellers have these extensive interlocking connections,other leading bankers, the other 107 directors of the 12 Federal Reserve Banks, and members ofthe Council on Foreign Relations, Trilateral Commission, and Bilderberg Group, also have similar

connections to these and hundreds of other major corporations. Now you can see how these like-minded individuals have been able to control American industry and business.

The Rockefeller Foundations

Though the Rockefeller Foundationis the primary foundation of the family, there are many othersoperated by them. There are some who believe that the Rockefellers may run close to 200 trustsand foundations. Some of these include:

Rockefeller Family Fund

Rockefeller Brothers Fund

Martha Baird Rockefeller Fund for Music

Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Fund

John D. Rockefeller III Fund

Rockefeller Institute

Standard Oil (Indiana) Foundation

Esso Education Foundation

American International Foundation for Economic and Social Development

China Medical Board

Agricultural Development Council

Government Affairs Foundation

Sealantic Fund (oversees contributions to religious charities "to strengthen and developProtestant education" to which John Rockefeller, Jr. contributed $23 million)

Jackson Preserve, Inc.


16/44

Council on Economic and Cultural Development

Chase Manhattan Bank Foundation

Prior to their government appointments, Cyrus Vance(Secretary of State under Carter) and DeanRusk(Secretary of State under Kennedy) were both Presidents of the Rockefeller Foundation.

Through interlocking directorates, the Rockefeller Foundationcontrols the Carnegie Endowmentfor International Peaceand the Ford Foundation. While the Carnegie Endowment deals witheducation as it relates to international matters, the Rockefeller Foundation concentrates oneducation as it relates to domestic issues. It financed and influenced seven major policy-makingagencies:

Social Science Research Council (who explored the means of controlling people throughscientific methods such as mass media)

Russian Institute of Columbia University (who developed methods of conditioningAmericans into accepting a merging of the Soviet Union and America under a one-worldgovernment)

Council on Foreign Relations

National Bureau of Economic Research (who worked closely with the Federal ReserveBoard)

Public Administration Clearing House (in Chicago)

Brookings Institution

Institute of Pacific Relations(who was responsible for planning the communist subversionof America)

The Rockefeller Foundationprovided over $50,000 to fund the Building Americatextbook series

which played up Marxism and sought to destroy "traditional concepts of American government."Over 100 communist organizations contributed material, including the writings of over 50communist writers. The California Legislature said that the books contained "purposely distortedreferences favoring Communism..."

The Foundation contributed money to the pro-communist New School for Social Researchin NewYork City, and funded projects for the communist-staffed Southern Christian LeadershipConference, led by Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.Rep. Cox said that the Rockefeller Foundation has"been used to finance individuals and organizations whose business it has been to get communisminto private and public schools of the country, to talk down to America, and play up Russia..." TheFoundation also funded the Kinsey Report, which heralded a new era of sexual immorality.

The purpose of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, is the "support of efforts in the U.S. and abroad

that contribute ideas, develop leaders, and encourage institutions in the transition to globalinterdependence." [For example], in 1974, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund gave grants to:

A.C.L.U. Foundation ($45,000)

Atlantic Institute for International Affairs, in Paris ($10,000)

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace($60,000)

Columbia University ($9,500)


17/44

Council on Foreign Relations($125,000)

Foreign Policy Association ($20,000)

International Institute for Strategic Studies, in London ($5000)

NAACP ($145,000)

National Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S.A. ($10,000)

National Urban League ($100,000)

Trilateral Commission($50,000)

U.N. Association of the U.S.A., Inc. ($25,000)

United Negro College Fund, Inc. ($10,000)

U.S. Conference for the World Council of Churches, Inc. ($2,500)

Andrew Carnegie and Public Education

Andrew Carnegie(1835-1919) came to the United States as a poor immigrant from Scotland in1848, and never became an American citizen. He built the Carnegie Steel Corp., which he sold toJ. P. Morgan for $500 million, who incorporated the company into the United States Steel Corp.in1901, enabling Carnegie to retire and concentrate on his philanthropic activities.

In 1889, William Torrey Harris, the U.S. Commissioner of Education, told a high-ranking railroadofficial that the schools were being scientifically designed not to "over-educate" children. Hebelieved that the schools should alienate children from their parents and religion.

In 1890, Andrew Carnegiewrote eleven essays which were published under the title The Gospel ofWealth. The underlying premise was that the free-enterprise system had been locked up by mensuch as himself, J.P. Morgan, and John D. Rockefeller, and that they not only owned everything,but also controlled the government. His worry was that subsequent generations would realize thisand work against them. His solution was to control the education system, and to create a directrelationship between the amount of education a person had and how good of a job they could get.Therefore, this created a motivation for children to attend school, where they would be taughtonly what the social engineers of this country wanted them to know.

This was to be accomplished by instituting the educational system developed by Prussia between1808 and 1819. German Philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814) in his "Addresses to theGerman Nation" (1807-08) said that he did not trust parental influence and preferred education tobe carried out in a "separate and independent" environment controlled by the state. Prussiabecame the first government to have compulsory education, setting up a three-tiered system. Thechildren of the elite, about one-half of one percent, went to schools called 'Academies' and were

taught to think and be independent. About 5.5% went to 'Realschulen', where they were partiallytaught how to think. The other 94% went to 'Volkschulen', where the idea of being a follower anda good citizen was stressed.

This system of education was brought to the United States through the effort of a coalition of bigbusiness led by Carnegie, J.P. Morgan, and Rockefeller; major universities like Columbia, JohnsHopkins, the University of Wisconsin, the University of Michigan, and the University of Chicago;and large foundations like Carnegie, Rockefeller, Ford, Mellon, Peabody, Sage, and Whitney.


18/44

The success in creating an organized compulsory educational system in this country has allowedthe elite of this country toprevent each generation from truly understanding how this country isactually run, thus keeping them from doing anything about it. This "dumbing-down" has enabledthe government to more easily assimilate the people of this country into a population which canbe easily deceived and controlled.

John Dewey, known as the "Father of American Education," was a Socialist, and a foundingmember of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society (who changed their name to the League forIndustrial Democracy, which he became the President of), and one of the 34 signers of theHumanist Manifestoin 1933. In his My Pedagogic Creed(1897) and The School and Society(1899), he expressed his belief at how the schools should be instrumental in developing a socialistsociety in America ." His system of "progressive education" would deemphasize academics, anduse psychology to do that. The July, 1908 Hibbert Journalquoted him as saying: "Our schools ...are performing an infinite significant religious work. They are promoting the social unity out ofwhich in the end genuine religious unity must grow."

With a grant of $27,000,000, Carnegie established the Carnegie Institute of Technology inPittsburgh, in 1900, which became the Carnegie Mellon University in 1967, when it merged withthe Mellon Institute, which had been founded in 1913. In 1905, he established the Carnegie

Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, which, within a 20 year period, gave over $20million to retiring teachers (and widows) at universities and technical schools in the United Statesand Canada to support the profession and encourage higher education. In 1904, in the U.S., and1908 in the United Kingdom, he set up the Carnegie Hero Fund to reward heroic deeds by civiliancitizens, and gave out close to $500,000,000. He also established the world renowned CarnegieHall, and over 2,000 public libraries. He was also a major supporter of the Tuskogee Institute inAlabama, which was founded by Booker T. Washington.

The Carnegie Endowment and the Carnegie Corporation

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peacewas established in 1910, to promoteinternational peace and bring about the abolition of war; and the Carnegie Corporationof NewYork in 1911 (with a grant of $125,000,000), was set up "to promote the advancement and

diffusion of knowledge and understanding among the people of the United States by aidingtechnical schools, institutions of higher learning, libraries, scientific research, hero funds, usefulpublications, and by such other agencies and means as shall time to time be found appropriatetherefore."

With such a history of philanthropic contributions, the Carnegie Endowment, on its face, appearedto be innocent. However, its goal of promoting international peace was just a ruse to disguise itstrue purpose to promote one-world government.

The first Presidents of the group was Elihu Root, socialist and former Secretary of State underPresident Theodore Roosevelt, who was a leading advocate of the League of Nations. He wassucceeded in 1925 by Nicholas Murray Butler, the former President of Columbia University. He wasfollwed in turn by Alger Hiss, the communist who helped found the United Nations.

Their President during the 1960's was Joseph E. Johnson, a member of the CFR and a close friendof Hiss, who was known as the "permanent unofficial Secretary of State." He worked closely withthe Donner Foundation, which financed the Temple of Understanding, an occult organizationconnected to the Lucis Trustin England (a group of [Luciferians] with ties to the TheosophicalSociety). Members of the Temple met at the Endowment headquarters in the United Nations Plaza.Among their members:

Robert McNamara(Secretary of Defense under Kennedy and Johnson)


19/44

Eleanor Roosevelt

Thomas Watson (President of IBM)

Max Lerner

James Linen (of Time-Life)

Norman Thomas

James A. Pike

Ellsworth Bunker

John D. Rockefeller IV (Jay)

The 1934 Yearbook of the Carnegie Endowment, said that they were:

"an unofficial instrument of international policy, taking up here and there the ends of internationalproblems and questions which the governments find it difficult to handle, and ... reaching

conclusions ... which officially find their way into the policies of government."

The 1947 Yearbook recommended:

"...that the Endowment work for the establishment of the United Nations headquarters in NewYork ... that the Endowment construct its programs primarily for the support of the United Nations... that the Endowment's programs should be broadly educational in order to encourage publicunderstanding and support of the United Nations at home and abroad ... that Endowmentsupported organizations such as International Relations Clubs in colleges, the Foreign PolicyAssociation, the Institute of Pacific Relations, the Council on Foreign Relations, and localcommunity groups be utilized to achieve these goals, of achieving broader understanding and

support for the United Nations."

The Carnegie Endowmentand Rockefeller Foundationgave over $3,000,000 to the Institute ofPacific Relations, who used the media to convince the American people that the Communists inChina were "agricultural reformers". The Endowment has also given money to the Council onForeign Relations, the Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies, the United Nations Association ofthe U.S., and the American Civil Liberties Union Foundation.

Norman Dodd, who in July, 1953, was appointed as the research director of the SpecialCongressional Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations, said he discovered that theoldest tax exempt foundations were established before the initiation of income taxes, thereforethey existed for a different purpose. He examined minutes of the Board of Trustees, and foundthat for the first year, the members concentrated on whether there was any means more effective

than war to alter the life of the people of a nation. They concluded that to get America into anupcoming war, they had to control the diplomatic machinery of the State Department.

Dodd discovered that all high-level appointments in the State Department took place only afterthey had been cleared through a group called the "Council of Learned Societies", which wasestablished by the Carnegie Endowment. He saw in the minutes of the Carnegie Board, record of anote to President Wilson, requesting that he "...see to it that the War does not end too quickly."


20/44


21/44


22/44

National Committee on U.S.-China Relations ($250,000)

the communist-staffed Southern Regional Council ($648,000)

the leftist National Educational Television and Radio Center ($6,000,000)

the Public Broadcast Laboratory ($7,900,000)

In November, 1953, Norman Dodd, Director of Research for the House Special Committeeinvestigating the tax-exempt foundations, was told by Roman Gaither, President of the FordFoundation, that:

"Most of the men who are now running the foundations, formerly worked for the StateDepartment, the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Association, the Marshall Plan or otherforeign relief agencies, and that in those capacities, they were working under instructions from theWhite House to bring about such sociological, economic, and political changes, as would makeunion with communist Russia easy and comfortablefor the American people. Now, in thefoundations, we are working toward the same objectives."

Gaither said that the Ford Foundationoperated under directives which "emanate from the WhiteHouse," and that:

"[the] substance of the directives under which we operate is that we shall use our grant-makingpower so to alter life in the United States that we can be comfortably merged with the SovietUnion."

The Fund for the Republic (one of the six other Ford-controlled foundations), founded in 1953under the direction of Robert G. Hoffman and Robert M. Hutchins, are known for their attacks onthe internal security program of America, and criticism towards the FBI and Congressionalcommittees investigating communism. They were responsible for ending the anti-communist

fervor that was sweeping the country. They were also responsible for the establishment of theCenter for the Study of Democratic Institutions, in Santa Barbara, California, who developed aConstitution for one-world government.

Robert McNamara, an executive with the Ford Motor Co., became the Foundation's President in1960, later resigning to serve as the Secretary of Defense (1961-68) in the Kennedy and JohnsonAdministration. He helped lay the foundation for the SALT treaty. In 1968, he became President ofthe World Bank.

McGeorge Bundy, a CFR member, the Chief Advisor for Foreign Affairs for Kennedy and Johnson,became President of the Foundation in 1966. He ushered in an era of social unrest by announcingthat the Negro movement, "the first of the nation's problems," would be his top priority.

MHP hyperlink version for non-profit educational purposes only

modernhistoryproject.org


23/44

1. Reece Committee Hearings - Tax-Exempt Foundations(1953) - Part 1 of 4

http://www.scribd.com/doc/3683662/Reece-Committee-Hearings-TaxExempt-Foundations-1953-Part-1-of-4

The Reece Committee Hearings Exposed America's Major Tax-Exempt Foundations as Moving Toward a One-World State

In 1953, Carroll Reece, Congressman from Eastern Tennessee, had his committee begin

an investigation into the American Establishment: the Tax-Exempt Foundations. (These

are sometimes erroneously cited as the R e es e Com m i t t e e H e a r i n g s .) The hearings were

held for two weeks. Then, without warning, the committee stopped them.

This was the only period until 2005 when the Republican Party controlled both houses of Congressand the Presidency. Yet a Democrat on the committee, Wayne Hays -- whose career ended in asexual scandal in 1976, while I was a Capitol Hill staffer -- was able to persuade other committeemembers to pull the plug.

The Committee's findings were summarized by the committee's counsel, Rene Wormser. His book,Foundations(1958), has become a vital document in understanding the leftward drift of America'selite. Fortunately, it is still in print.

On the importance of the Reece Committee's findings, see this analysis.

http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Tax-exempt_foundations[BELOW]

The committee's senior researcher, Norman Dodd, went public about his findings almostimmediately after the committee shut down the hearings. I knew him in the mid-1960s. He wasstill trying to get the message out. His interviews are posted all over the Web. Here is anexample: a 1980 interview[BELOW]. G. Edward Griffin did an interview in 1982. It is posted here:

http://www.realityzone.com/hiddenagenda2.html[BELOW]

The official title of the report is Hearings Before the Special Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt

Foundations and Comparable Organizations, House of Representatives, Eighty-Third Congress,Second Session on H. Res. 217, Part 1, Pages 1-943. (Washington, D.C.: Government PrintingOffice, 1954)

The committee's actual hearings are extremely difficult to find. Only a handful of researchers haveever seen copies, let alone read them.

For serious researchers into the secret take-over of the United States, beginning in 1913, thisdocument will open a closed book in American history.


24/44

a 1980 interviewRene A. WormserRene Wormser is a Californian by birth and a New Yorker by education and training. Estateplanning is one of the fields is which he has specialized during his thirty-eight years of lawpractice. He is [was] the senior member of the law firm of Myles, Wormser, & Koch

Fo u n d a t i o n s : T h e i r P o w e r a n d I n f l u e n ce , 1958, 412 pages. soft bound, $20

This is a searching analysis of some of America's most powerful tax-exempt foundation, theiractions as opposed to their stated purposes, the interlocking groups of men who run them, theirinfluence on the country at large.

The author, as counsel to the Reece Committee which investigated foundation for the lastRepublican Congress, gained a unique insight into the inner workings of the various Rockefeller,Carnegie and Ford-created giants. He also witnessed the intense and powerful opposition to anyinvestigation of these multibillion-dollar public trusts. The Reece investigation was virtuallyhamstrung from the start to its early demise--which was aided and abetted by leading newspapersof the country.

"It is difficult for the public to understand," writes Mr. Wormser, "that some of the greatfoundations which have done so much for us in some fields have acted tragically against the publicinterest in others, but the facts are there for the unprejudiced to recognize.

"The power of the individual foundation giant is enormous. When there is likemindedness among agroup of these giants, which apparently is due to the existence of a closely knit group ofprofessional administrators in the social science field, the power is magnified hugely. When suchfoundation do good, they justify the tax-exempt status which the people grant them. When theydo harm, it can be immense harm--there is virtually no counterforce to oppose them."

An interview with Norman Dodd, Directer of Research, "Reece" Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations and Comparable Organizations.

Now did you or any member of your staff ever have the opportunity of going through the recordsof any of the great foundations?

Mr. Dodd: "We had one remarkable instance of that kind by, again, by invitation. This invitationcame from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and was in response to a letter whichI had written to the Endowment asking certain questions, seeking certain information. And thisinvitation was issued to me over the telephone to come to their office in New York when I wasnext there. This I did. And on arrival found myself in the presence of Dr. Joseph Johnson, the

president, two vice presidents, and their own counsel, a partner of Sells & Cromwell. And afteramenities, Dr. Johnson said "Mr Dodd, we received your letter, and we can answer all thesequestions but that it would be a great deal of trouble because with the approval of, by the Senate,ratification of the United Nations treaty, we felt our job was done. So we took all our records, fromthe beginning of this endowment, up to 1945, and sent them to the warehouse, and then weconcentrated on just using our funds to build this new building across the street from the UnitedNations, which would provide the various organizations that would follow the United Nationsactivities with a place to meet.


25/44

"But, he said, we have a counter suggestion, and that is, Mr. Dodd, if you can spare a member ofyour staff for two weeks and send them to New York, we will provide that member with a room inthe library, our library. And the minute books of this endowment, since its inception. And we thinkwhat ever you want to find out you can find out through that source.

"Well, my first reaction was, these men have lost their minds, because I had a pretty good idea

what those minute books might show up. But as I thought about it, I realized that most of themwere new in their position, and my guess was that none of them had ever read the minutesthemselves, which would be, of course, quite a task to cover fifty years of minutes. You knowreading.

"After this invitation, and selected a member of my staff, a Miss Kathryn Casey, who was apracticing Washington lawyer, but who was on my staff to see to it that the conduct, work of staffdid not break any official rules in Washington. Kathryn was also unsympathetic to theinvestigation. Her attitude was: what could be possibly wrong with foundations: they do so muchgood.

"Well, I went out of my way not to prejudice her, but I did say "Kathryn, when you get to NewYork you'll find that you can't possibly cover fifty years of minutes in two weeks. So you'll have to

do what you we call spot reading. And I blocked out certain periods for her to concentrate on. Andwhen she returned to Washington. Her eyes were, figuratively, as big around as saucers, and shebrought back to me the following on Dictaphone belts.

"We're back in nineteen hundred and eight, and the trustees meet, and they raise this questionamong themselves: Namely, is there any means besides war, known to man, more capable,assuming you wish to alter the life of entire people."

Question: Now these are the trustees of the Carnegie Foundation?

"Mr. Dodd: "That's right, and they discuss this question in a very learned fashion forapproximately a year, and come up with a conclusion that: War is the most effective meansknown to man assuming you wish to alter the life of an entire people.

"So then they bring up a second question namely: How do we involve the United States in a war?And I doubt in nineteen hundred and nine there was any subject more removed from the minds ofus as a people, than our involvement in a war. There were shows going on in the Balkans andmost of the people of this country hardly knew the Balkans were. And they conclude that: Theymust control the diplomatic machinery of the United States.

"And that raises question number 3, namely how do we secure that control? and the answercomes out we must control the State Department. And, from that time on, their activities werecentered on: securring control of the State Department. Now as a means to that end, theEndowment founded and instrumentality called the Council for Learned Society. And that Councilwas assigned the task of passing on every high official appointment of the State Departmentbefore the appointment was confirmed. At that point this finding linked up with what we had

already suspected. But nevertheless here was confirmation of it.

"Well this happened, and, pretty soon the country was in a war which became to be known, ofcourse, as World War I. And this group of trustees at one point congratulated themselves on thewisdom of the original decision. Because, as they put it, war has demonstrated a power to alterthe life of the people of this country already.

"And then their interest went on seeing to it we as a people did not revert to our customs and ourpractices which prevailed prior to the outbreak of World War I. And they decided after the war wasover that that meant we had to control education of the United States.


26/44

"And so they realized this was a very prodigious task. So they approached the RockefellerFoundation and made the suggestion that the Rockefeller Foundation take on half the problem,and they retained the other half. They divided it between those subjects which were domestic intheir significance and those which were international.

"And they, together, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment, decided that the

crux of the matter lay in their ability to alter the teaching of American History in this country. Sothey approached the then three of the most prominent historians, with that suggestion and theywere turned down flat. So then they decided they would have to build their own stable ofhistorians. And so they then approached the Guggenheim Foundation which specialized inawarding fellowships, and said figuratively, 'When we find a likely young man who's headed tobecome a teacher of American history, and will you grant him on our say so a fellowship?' And theanswer was, yes we will. So they gradually assembled twenty. And they took these twenty toEngland, London. And there they briefed them to what was expected of them. And that becamethe nucleus of the American Historical Association. To which ultimately the Endowment made agrant of four hundred thousand dollars for a study to be made, which would conclude what thefuture of this country was to be.

"And at the end of 1932 this study comes out in seven volumes, the last volume of which was a

summary of the other six. And it ended on the note that the future of this country belongs tocollectivism administered with characteristic American Efficiency. And that became the, I'm usingtoday's language, that became the guidelines for higher education in this country. and thencoincidentally with that, then books began to appear, all of which were detrimental to our vision ofour own patriots who had signed the Declaration of Independence, and they were downgradingthese men...."

Interview with Norman Dodd, 1980( a few years before his death), tape recording is available from RadioLiberty, P.O. Box 13, Santa Cruz, Calif, 95063

Hidden Agenda Transcript[INTRO]

NORMAN DODD:Rowan Gaither was at that time president of the Ford Foundation. Mr. Gaitherhad sent for me when I found it convenient to be in New York, asked me to call upon him at hisoffice, which I did, and on arrival after a few amenities, Mr. Gaither said: Mr. Dodd, we've askedyou to come up here today because we thought that possibly, off the record, you would tell uswhy the Congress is interested in the activities of the foundations such as ourselves. Before Icould think of how I would reply to that statement, Mr. Gaither then went on and said: Mr. Dodd,all of us who have a hand in the making of policies here have had experience operating under

directives, the substance of which is that we shall use our grant-making power so to alter life inthe United States that it can be comfortably merged with the Soviet Union.

ANNOUNCER:Warning! You are about to enter The Reality Zone, a place where truth is strangerthan fiction, where knowledge is king, where myths are shattered, and deceptions exposed. It's aplace where the lessons of history are found and where true-life adventures reveal the hiddennature of man. If you proceed, you will not be able to return to the twilight zone from which youcame. You have five seconds remaining to escape.


27/44

ED GRIFFIN:Welcome to The Reality Zone. I'm Ed Griffin. The story we are about to hearrepresents a missing piece in the puzzle of modern history. We are about to hear a man tell usthat the major tax-exempt foundations of America since at least 1945 have been operating topromote a hidden agenda, and that agenda has nothing to do with the surface appearance ofcharity, good works, or philanthropy. This man will tell you that the real objective has been toinfluence American educational institutions and to control foreign policy of the federal

government. The purpose of this control has been to condition Americans to accept the creation ofworld government. That government is to be based on the principle of collectivism, which isanother way of saying socialism, and it is to be ruled from behind the scenes by those sameinterests which control the tax-exempt foundations. Is this a believable scenario? Well, the manwho tells this story is none other than Mr. Norman Dodd, who in 1954 was the staff director of theCongressional Special Committee to Investigate Tax-exempt Foundations, sometimes referred toas the Reece Committee, in recognition of its chairman, Congressman Carol Reece. The interviewwe are about to hear was conducted by me in 1982. I had no immediate use for the material atthat time, but I realized that Mr. Dodd's story was of great importance, and since he wasadvanced in age and not in good health, I wanted to capture his recollections on videotape whilehe was still with us. It was a wise decision, because Mr. Dodd did pass away just a short timeafterwards. In later years there was a resurgence of interest in Mr. Dodd's story, and we releasedthe videotape to the public in 1991. And so what now follows is the soundtrack taken from the full,

unedited interview, broken occasionally only for a tape change or to omit the sound of a passingairplane. It stands on its own as an important piece in the puzzle of modern history.

(THE INTERVIEW FOLLOWS)

ED GRIFFIN:Mr. Dodd, let's begin this interview with a brief statement. For the record, pleasetell us who you are, what is your background and your qualifications to speak on this subject.

NORMAN DODD:Well, Mr. Griffin, as to who I am, I am just, as the name implies, an individualborn in New Jersey and educated in private schools, eventually in a school called Andover inMassachusetts and then Yale university. Running through my whole period of being brought upand growing up, I have been an indefatigable reader. I have had one major interest, and that wasthis country as I was lead to believe it was originally founded. I entered the world of business

knowing absolutely nothing about how that world operated, and realized that the only way to findout what that world consisted of would be to become part of it. I then acquired some experiencein the manufacturing world and then in the world of international communication and finally chosebanking as the field I wished to devote my life to. I was fortunate enough to secure a position inone of the important banks in New York and lived there. I lived through the conditions which ledup to what is known as the crash of 1929. I witnessed what was tantamount to the collapse of thestructure of the United States as a whole.

Much to my surprise, I was confronted by my superiors in the middle of the panic in whichthey were immersed. I was confronted with the question: Norm, what do we do now? I wasthirty at the time and I had no more right to have an answer to that question than the man in themoon. However, I did manage to say to my superiors: Gentlemen, you take this experience asproof that there's something you do not know about banking, and you'd better go find out whatthat something is and act accordingly. Four days later I was confronted by the same superiorswith a statement to the effect that, Norm, you go find out. And I really was fool enough toaccept that assignment, because it meant that you were going out to search for something, andnobody could tell you what you were looking for, but I felt so strongly on the subject that Iconsented.

I was relieved of all normal duties inside the bank and two-and-half years later I felt that it


28/44

was possible to report back to those who had given me this assignment. And so, I rendered such areport; and, as a result of the report I rendered. I was told the following: Norm, what you'resaying is we should return to sound banking, and I said, Yes, in essence, that's exactly what Imsaying. Whereupon I got my first shock, which was a statement from them to this effect: We willnever see sound banking in the United States again. They cited chapter and verse to support thatstatement, and what they cited was as follows: Since the end of world war one we have been

responsible for what they call the institutionalizing of conflicting interests, and they are soprevalent inside this country that they can never be resolved.

This came to me as an extraordinary shock because the men who made this statement weremen who were deemed as the most prominent bankers in the country. The bank of which I was apart, which Ive spoken of, was a Morgan bank and, coming from men of that caliber, a statementof that kind made a tremendous impression on me. The type of impression that it made on mewas such that I wondered if I, as an individual and what they call a junior officer of the bank,could with the same enthusiasm foster the progress and policies of the bank. I spent about a yeartrying to think this out and came to the conclusion that I would have to resign.

I did resign; and, as a consequence of that, had this experience. When my letter ofresignation reached the desk of the president of the bank, he sent for me, and I came to visit withhim, and he stated to me: Norm, I have your letter, but I don't believe you understand what'shappened in the last 10 days. And I said, No, Mr. Cochran, I have no idea what's happened.

Well, he said, the directors have never been able to get your report to them out of their mind;and, as a result, they have decided that you as an individual must begin at once and you mustreorganize this bank in keeping with your own ideas. He then said, Now, can I tear up yourletter? Inasmuch as what had been said to me was offering me, at the age of by then 33, aboutas fine an opportunity for service to the country as I could imagine, I said yes. They said theywished me to begin at once, and I did.

Suddenly, in the span of about six weeks, I was not permitted to do another piece of work

and, every time I brought the subject up, I was kind of patted on the back and told, Stopworrying about it, Norm. Pretty soon you'll be a vice president, and you'll have quite a handsomesalary and ultimately be able to retire on a very worthwhile pension. In the meantime you canplay golf and tennis to your heart's content on weekends. Well, Mr. Griffin, I found I couldn't doit. I spent a year figuratively with my feet on the desk doing nothing and I couldn't adjust to it soI did resign and, this time, my resignation stuck.

Then I got my second shock, which was the discovery that the doors of every bank in theUnited States were closed to me, and I never could again get a job, as it were, in the banks. Ifound myself, for the first time since I graduated from college, out of a job.

From there on I followed various branches of the financial world, ranging from investmentcounsel to membership of the stock exchange and finally ended as an adviser to a few individualswho had capital funds to look after. In the meantime, my major interest became very specific,which was to endeavor by some means of getting the educational world to actually you might sayteach the subject of economics realistically and move it away from the support of variousspeculative activities that characterize our country. I have had that interest, and you know how,as you generate a specific interest, you find yourself gravitating toward persons with similarinterests, and ultimately I found myself in the center of the world of dissatisfaction with thedirections that this country was headed. I found myself in contact with many individuals who on


29/44

their own had done a vast amount of studying and research in areas, which were part of theproblem.

ED GRIFFIN:At what point in your career did you become connected with the Reece Committee?

NORMAN DODD:1953.

ED GRIFFIN:And what was that capacity, sir?

NORMAN DODD:That was in the capacity of what they called Director of Research.

ED GRIFFIN:Can you tell us what the Reece Committee was attempting to do?

NORMAN DODD:Yes, I can tell you. It was operating and carrying out instructions embodied in aresolution passed by the House of Representatives, which was to investigate the activities offoundations as to whether or not these activities could justifiably be labeled un-American without,I might say, defining what they meant by "un-American". That was the resolution, and thecommittee had then the task of selecting a counsel, and the counsel in turn had the task ofselecting a staff, and he had to have somebody who would direct the work of that staff, and thatwas what they meant by the Director of Research.

ED GRIFFIN:What were some of the details, the specifics that you told the Committee at thattime?

NORMAN DODD:Well, Mr. Griffin, in that report I specifically, number one, defined what, to us,was meant by the phrase, "un-American." We defined that in our way as being a determination toeffect changes in the country by unconstitutional means. We have plenty of constitutionalprocedures, assuming we wish to effect a change in the form of government and that sort ofthing; and, therefore, any effort in that direction which did not avail itself of the procedures whichwere authorized by the Constitution could be justifiably be called un-American. That was the startof educating them up to that particular point. The next thing was to educate them as to the effecton the country as a whole of the activities of large, endowed foundations over the then-past fortyyears.

ED GRIFFIN:What was that effect?

NORMAN DODD:That effect was to orient our educational system away from support of theprinciples embodied in the Declaration of Independence and implemented in the Constitution; andthe task now was the orientation of education away from these briefly stated principles and self-evident truths. That's what had been the effect of the wealth, which constituted the endowmentsof those foundations that had been in existence over the largest portion of this span of 50 years,and holding them responsible for this change. What we were able to bring forward, what weuncovered, was the determination of these large endowed foundations, through their trustees, toactually get control over the content of American education.

ED GRIFFIN:There's quite a bit of publicity given to your conversation with Rowan Gaither.

Would you please tell us who he was and what was that conversation you had with him?

NORMAN DODD:Rowan Gaither was, at that time, president of the Ford Foundation. Mr. Gaitherhad sent for me when I found it convenient to be in New York, asked me to call upon him at hisoffice, which I did. Upon arrival, after a few amenities, Mr. Gaither said: Mr. Dodd, we've askedyou to come up here today because we thought that possibly, off the record, you would tell uswhy the Congress is interested in the activities of foundations such as ourselves? Before I couldthink of how I would reply to that statement, Mr. Gaither then went on voluntarily and said:


30/44

Mr. Dodd, all of us who have a hand in the making of policies here have had experience eitherwith the OSS during the war or the European Economic Administration after the war. We've hadexperience operating under directives, and these directives emanate and did emanate from theWhite House. Now, we still operate under just such directives. Would you like to know what thesubstance of these directives is?

I said, Mr. Gaither, Id like very much to know, whereupon he made this statement to me:Mr. Dodd, we are here operate in response to similar directives, the substance of which is that weshall use our grant-making power so to alter life in the United States that it can be comfortablymerged with the Soviet Union.

Well, parenthetically, Mr. Griffin, I nearly fell off the chair. I, of course didn't, but myresponse to Mr. Gaither then was: Well, Mr. Gaither I can now answer your first question. You'veforced the Congress of the United States to spend $150,000 to find out what you've just told me.I said: Of course, legally, you're entitled to make grants for this purpose, but I don't think you'reentitled to withhold that information from the people of the country to whom you're indebted foryour tax exemption, so why don't you tell the people of the country what you just told me? Andhis answer was, We would not think of doing any such thing. So then I said, Well, Mr. Gaither,obviously you've forced the Congress to spend this money in order to find out what you've just

told me.

ED GRIFFIN:Mr. Dodd, you have spoken before about some interesting things that werediscovered by Katherine Casey at the Carnegie Endowment. Can you tell us that story, please?

NORMAN DODD:Yes, Id be glad to, Mr. Griffin. This experience that you just referred to cameabout in response to a letter that I had written to the Carnegie Endowment for InternationalPeace, asking certain questions and gathering certain information. On the arrival of that letter, Dr.Johnson, who was then president of the Carnegie Endowment, telephoned me and said, did I evercome up to New York. I said yes, I did more or less each weekend, and he said, Well, whenyou're next here, will you drop in and see us? Which I did.

On arrival at the office of the endowment I found myself in the presence of Dr. JosephJohnson, the president who was the successor to Alger Hiss two vice presidents, and their owncounsel, a partner in the firm of Sullivan and Cromwell. Dr. Johnson said, after again amenities,Mr. Dodd, we have your letter. We can answer all those questions, but it would be a great deal oftrouble, and we have a counter suggestion. Our counter suggestion is: If you can spare a memberof your staff for two weeks and send that member up to New York, we will give to that member aroom in the library and the minute books of this foundation since its inception, and we think thatwhatever you want to find out or that Congress wants to find out will be obvious from thoseminutes.

Well, my first reaction was they'd lost their minds. I had a pretty good idea of what those

minutes would contain, but I realized that Dr. Johnson had only been in office two years, and theother vice presidents were relatively young men, and counsel seemed to be also a young man,and I guessed that probably they'd never read the minutes themselves. So I said I had somebody;I would accept their offer.

I went back to Washington and I selected a member of my staff who had been a practicingattorney in Washington. She was on my staff to see to it that I didn't break any congressionalprocedures or rules, in addition to which she was unsympathetic to the purpose of the


31/44

investigation. She was level-headed and a very reasonably brilliant, capable lady. Her attitudetoward the investigation was: What could possibly be wrong with foundations? They do so muchgood.

Well, in the face of that sincere conviction of Katherine's I went out of my way not to

prejudice her in any way, but I did explain to her that she couldn't possibly cover 50 years ofwritten minutes in two weeks, so she would have to do what we call spot reading. I blocked outcertain periods of time to concentrate on, and off she went to New York. She came back at theend of two weeks with the following on dictaphone tapes:

We are now at the year 1908, which was the year that the Carnegie Foundation beganoperations. In that year, the trustees, meeting for the first time, raised a specific question, whichthey discussed throughout the balance of the year in a very learned fashion. The question is: Isthere any means known more effective than war, assuming you wish to alter the life of an entirepeople? And they conclude that no more effective means than war to that end is known tohumanity.

So then, in 1909, they raised the second question and discussed it, namely: How do weinvolve the United States in a war?

Well, I doubt at that time if there was any subject more removed from the thinking of mostof the people of this country than its involvement in a war. There were intermittent shows in theBalkans, but I doubt very much if many people even knew where the Balkans were. Then, finally,they answered that question as follows: We must control the State Department. That verynaturally raises the question of how do we do that? And they answer it by saying: We must takeover and control the diplomatic machinery of this country. And, finally, they resolve to aim atthat as an objective.

Then time passes, and we are eventually in a war, which would be World War I. At that timethey record on their minutes a shocking report in which they dispatched to President Wilson atelegram, cautioning him to see that the war does not end too quickly.

Finally, of course, the war is over. At that time their interest shifts over to preventing whatthey call a reversion of life in the United States to what it was prior to 1914 when World War Ibroke out. At that point they came to the conclusion that, to prevent a reversion, we must controleducation in the United States. They realize that that's a pretty big task. It is too big for themalone, so they approach the Rockefeller Foundation with the suggestion that that portion ofeducation which could be considered domestic be handled by the Rockefeller Foundation and thatportion which is international should be handled by the Endowment. They then decide that the keyto success of these two operations lay in the alteration of the teaching of American history.

So they approach four of the then-most prominent teachers of American history in thecountry people like Charles and Mary Byrd and their suggestion to them is: will they alter themanner in which they present their subject? And they got turned down flat. So they then decidethat it is necessary for them to do as they say, build our own stable of historians.

Then they approach the Guggenheim Foundation, which specializes in fellowships, and say:When we find young men in the process of studying for doctorates in the field of American historyand we feel that they are the right caliber, will you grant them fellowships on our say-so? And theanswer is yes. So, under that condition, eventually they assembled assemble twenty, and theytake this twenty potential teachers of American history to London, and there they're briefed onwhat is expected of them when, as, and if they secure appointments in keeping with the


32/44

doctorates they will have earned. That group of twenty historians ultimately becomes the nucleusof the American Historical Association.

Toward the end of the 1920's, the Endowment grants to the American Historical Association$400,000 for a study of our history in a manner which points to what can this country lookforward to in the future. That culminates in a seven-volume study, the last volume of which is, of

course, in essence a summary of the contents of the other six. The essence of the last volume is:The future of this country belongs to collectivism administered with characteristic Americanefficiency. That's the story that ultimately grew out of and, of course, was what could have beenpresented by the members of this Congressional committee to the congress as a whole for justexactly what it said. They never got to that point.

ED GRIFFIN:This is the story that emerged from the minutes of the Carnegie Endowment?

NORMAN DODD:That's right. It was official to that extent.

ED GRIFFIN:Katherine Casey brought all of these back in the form of dictated notes from averbatimreading of the minutes?

NORMAN DODD:On dictaphone belts.

ED GRIFFIN:Are those in existence today?

NORMAN DODD:I don't know. If they are, they're somewhere in the Archives under the controlof the Congress, House of Representatives.

ED GRIFFIN:How many people actually heard those, or were they typed up, a transcript made ofthem?

NORMAN DODD:No.

ED GRIFFIN:How many people actually heard those recordings?

NORMAN DODD:Oh, three maybe. Myself, my top assistant, and Katherine. I might tell you, thisexperience, as far as its impact on Katherine Casey was concerned, was she never was able toreturn to her law practice. If it hadn't been for Carol Reece's ability to tuck her away into a job inthe Federal Trade Commission, I don't know what would have happened to Katherine. Ultimately,she lost her mind as a result of it. It was a terrible shock. It's a very rough experience toencounter proof of these kinds.

ED GRIFFIN:Mr. Dodd can you summarize the opposition to the Committee, the ReeceCommittee and particularly the efforts to sabotaging the Committee?

NORMAN DODD:Well, they began right at the start of the work of an operating staff, Mr. Griffin,and it began on the day in which the Committee met for the purpose of consenting to orconfirming my appointment to the position of Director of Research. Thanks to the abstention of

the minority members of the committee, that is, the two Democratic members, from voting,technically I was unanimously appointed.

ED GRIFFIN:Wasn't the White House involved in opposition?

NORMAN DODD:Not at this particular point, sir. Mr. Reece ordered counsel and myself to visitWayne Hayes. Wayne Hayes was the ranking minority member of the Committee as a Democrat,so we came to him, and I had to go down to Mr. Hayes's office, which I did. Mr. Hayes greeted uswith the flat statement directed primarily to me, which was that I am opposed to thisinvestigation. I regard it as nothing but an effort on the part of Carol Reece to gain a little


33/44

prominence, so I'll do everything I can to see that it fails. Well, I have a strange personality inthat a challenge of that nature interests me. Our counsel withdrew. He went over and sat on thecouch in Mr. Reece's office and pouted, but I sort of took up this statement of Hayes as achallenge and set myself the goal of winning him over to our point of view. I started by noticingon his desk that there was a book, and the book was of the type that there were many in thesedays that would be complaining about the spread of Communism in Hungary, that type of book.

This meant to me at least he has read a book, and so I brought up the subject of the spread ofthe influence of the Soviet world. For two hours, I discussed this with Hayes and finally ended upwith his rising from his desk and saying: Norm, if you will carry this investigation toward the goalas you have outlined to me, I'll be your biggest supporter. I said: Mr. Hayes, I can assure youthat I will not double-cross you.

Subsequently Mr. Hayes sent word to me that he was in Bethesda Hospital with an attack ofulcers, but would I come and see him, which I did. He then said: Norm, the only reason Iveasked you to come out here is I just want to hear you say again you will not double-cross me. Igave him that assurance, and that was the basis of our relationship. Meantime, counsel took theattitude expressed in these words: Norm, if you want to waste your time with this guy, as hecalled him, you go ahead and do it, but don't ever ask me to say anything to him under any

conditions on any subject. So, in a sense, that created a context for me to operate in relation toHayes on my own. As time passed, Hayes offered friendship, which I hesitated to accept becauseof his vulgarity, and I didn't want to get mixed up with him socially under any conditions.

Well, that was our relationship for about three months, and then, eventually, I had occasionto add to my staff a top-flight intelligence officer. Both the Republican National Committee and theWhite House were resorted to, to stop me from continuing this investigation in the directions CarolReece had personally asked me to do, which was to utilize this investigation, Mr. Griffin, touncover the fact that this country had been the victim of a conspiracy. That was Mr. Reece'sconviction. I eventually agreed to carry it out. I explained to Mr. Reece that Hayes's own counselwouldn't go in that direction. He gave me permission to disregard their counsel, and I had then toset up an aspect of the investigation outside of our office, more or less secret. The RepublicanNational Committee got wind of what I was doing and they did everything they could to stop me.They appealed to counsel to stop me, and finally they resorted to the White House.

ED GRIFFIN:Was their objection because of what you were doing or because of the fact that youwere doing it outside of the official auspices of the Committee?

Documents

The Enemy Within - Tax Exempt Foundations