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Title:TheCommentariesofCaesar

Author:AnthonyTrollope

ReleaseDate:November9,2017[EBook#55926]

Language:English

***STARTOFTHISPROJECTGUTENBERGEBOOKTHECOMMENTARIESOFCAESAR***

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AncientClassicsforEnglishReadersEDITEDBYTHE

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CÆSARTheVolumespublishedofthisSeriescontain

HOMER:THEILIAD,BYTHEEDITOR.HOMER:THEODYSSEY,BYTHESAME.HERODOTUS,BYGEORGEC.SWAYNE,M.A.

LateFellowofCorpusChristiCollege,Oxford.

ThefollowingAuthors,byvariousContributors,areinpreparation:—

VIRGIL.HORACE.ÆSCHYLUS.SOPHOCLES.

ARISTOPHANES.CICERO.JUVENAL.XENOPHON.

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THECOMMENTARIESOF

CÆSARBY

ANTHONYTROLLOPE

WILLIAMBLACKWOODANDSONSEDINBURGHANDLONDON

MDCCCLXX

CONTENTS.CHAP. PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION, 1

II. FIRSTBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARDRIVESFIRSTTHESWISSANDTHENTHEGERMANSOUTOFGAUL.—B.C.58, 28

III. SECONDBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARSUBDUESTHEBELGIANTRIBES.—B.C.57, 45

IV. THIRDBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARSUBDUESTHEWESTERNTRIBESOFGAUL.—B.C.56, 54

V. FOURTHBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARCROSSESTHERHINE,SLAUGHTERSTHEGERMANS,ANDGOESINTOBRITAIN.—B.C.55, 63

VI. FIFTHBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSAR’SSECONDINVASIONOFBRITAIN.—THEGAULSRISEAGAINSTHIM.—B.C.54, 74

VII. SIXTHBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARPURSUESAMBIORIX.—THEMANNERSOFTHEGAULSANDOFTHEGERMANSARECONTRASTED.—B.C.53, 88

VIII. SEVENTHBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—THEREVOLTOFVERCINGETORIX.—B.C.52, 100

IX. FIRSTBOOKOFTHECIVILWAR.—CÆSARCROSSESTHERUBICON.—FOLLOWSPOMPEYTOBRUNDUSIUM.—ANDCONQUERSAFRANIUSINSPAIN.—B.C.49, 116

X. SECONDBOOKOFTHECIVILWAR.—THETAKINGOFMARSEILLES.—VARROINTHESOUTHOFSPAIN.—THEFATEOFCURIOBEFOREUTICA.—B.C.49, 131

XI. THIRDBOOKOFTHECIVILWAR.—CÆSARFOLLOWSPOMPEYINTOILLYRIA.—THELINESOFPETRAANDTHEBATTLEOFPHARSALIA.—B.C.48, 146

XII. CONCLUSION, 174

CÆSAR

CHAPTERI.

INTRODUCTION.

ITmayperhapsbefairlysaidthattheCommentariesofCæsararethebeginningof modern history. He wrote, indeed, nearly two thousand years ago; but hewrote,notoftimesthenlongpast,butofthingswhichweredoneunderhisowneyes, and of his own deeds. And he wrote of countries with which we arefamiliar,—ofourBritain,forinstance,whichhetwiceinvaded,ofpeoplesnotsofarremotebutthatwecanidentifythemwithourneighboursandourselves;andhe so wrote as to make us feel that we are reading actual history, and notromance. The simplicity of the narratives which he has left is their chiefcharacteristic, if not their greatest charm.We feel sure that the circumstanceswhichhetellsusdidoccur,andthattheyoccurredverynearlyashetellsthem.HedealswiththosegreatmovementsinEuropefromwhichhavesprung,andtowhichwecan trace, thepresentpoliticalconditionof thenations. Interestedasthescholar,orthereaderofgeneralliterature,maybeinthegreatdeedsoftheheroes of Greece, and in the burning words of Greek orators, it is almostimpossible for him to connect to any intimate and thoroughly-trusted link thefortunesofAthens,orSparta,orMacedonia,withourown timesandourownposition.It isalmostequallydifficult todoso inregardto theeventsofRomeand theRoman power before the time of Cæsar.We cannot realise and bringhometoourselvesthePunicWarsortheSocialWar,theScipiosandtheGracchi,or even the contest for power betweenMarius and Sulla, aswe do theGallicWars and the invasion ofBritain, bywhich the civilisation ofRomewas firstcarriedwestwards,orthegreatcivilwars,—the“BellumCivile,”—bywhichwascommencedalineofemperorscontinuedalmostdowntoourowndays,andtowhich in somedegreemaybe traced theoriginand formationofalmosteveryexistingEuropeannation. It isnodoubt true that ifwedidbutknow the factscorrectly,wecouldreferbackeverypoliticalandsocialconditionofthepresentdaytotheremotestperiodofman’sexistence;buttheinterestfailsuswhenthefactsbecomedoubtful,andwhen themindbegins to fear thathistory ismixedwithromance.Herodotusissomythicthatwhatdelightwehaveinhiswritingscomesinaveryslightdegreefromanydesireonourparttoformacontinuouschainfromthedaysofwhichhewrotedowntoourown.BetweenthemarvelsofHerodotusandthefactsofCæsarthereisagreatinterval,fromwhichhavecomedowntoustheworksofvariousnoblehistorians;butwithCæsaritseemsthat

thatcertaintycommenceswhichwewouldwishtoregardasthedistinguishingcharacteristicofmodernhistory.

ItmustberememberedfromthebeginningthatCæsarwroteonlyofwhathedidorofwhathecausedtobedonehimself.Atleastheonlysowroteinthetwoworksofhiswhichremaintous.WearetoldthatheproducedmuchbesideshisCommentaries,—amongotherworks, apoem,—but the twoCommentaries areallofhisthatwehave.Theformer,insevenbooks,relatesthefactsofhissevenfirstcampaignsinGaulforsevenconsecutiveyears; thosecampaignsinwhichhereducedthenationslivingbetweentheRhine,theRhone,theMediterranean,thePyrenees,and the seawhichwenowcall theBritishChannel.[1]The latterCommentaryrelatesthecircumstancesofthecivilwarinwhichhecontendedforpower against Pompey, his former colleague, with Crassus, in the firsttriumvirate, and established that empire to which Augustus succeeded after asecondshort-livedtriumviratebetweenhimselfandLepidusandAntony.

ItistheobjectofthislittlevolumetodescribeCæsar’sCommentariesfortheaidofthosewhodonotreadLatin,andnottowriteRomanhistory;butitmaybewelltosaysomething,inafewintroductorylines,ofthelifeandcharacterofourauthor.Weareallmoreor less familiarwith thenameof JuliusCæsar. InourearlydayswelearnedthathewasthefirstofthosetwelveRomanemperorswithwhosenamesitwasthoughtrighttoburdenouryoungmemories;andweweretaughttounderstandthatwhenhebegantoreignthereceasedtoexistthatformof republican government in which two consuls elected annually did in truthpreside over the fortunes of the empire. There had first been seven kings,—whosenameshavealsobeenmadefamiliar tous,—then theconsuls,andafterthemthetwelveCæsars,ofwhomthegreatJuliuswasthefirst.Somuchweallknowofhim;andweknow,too,thathewaskilledintheCapitolbyconspiratorsjustashewasgoingtobecomeemperor,althoughthislatterscrapofknowledgeseems to be paradoxically at variance with the former. In addition to this weknowthathewasagreatcommanderandconquerorandwriter,whodidthingsandwroteoftheminthe“veni,vidi,vici”style—sayingofhimself,“Icame,Isaw,Iconquered.”WeknowthatagreatRomanarmywasintrustedtohim,andthatheusedthisarmyforthepurposeofestablishinghisownpowerinRomebytakingaportionofitovertheRubicon,whichlittleriverseparatedtheprovincewhichhehadbeenappointedtogovernfromtheactualRomanterritorywithinwhich,asamilitaryservantofthemagistratesoftherepublic,hehadnobusinessto appear as a general at theheadof his army.Somuchweknow; and in thefollowing very short memoir of the great commander and historian, no effortshallbemade,—ashasbeenso frequentlyandsopainfullydone forus in late

years,—to upset the teachings of our youth, and to prove that the old lessonswerewrong.Theywereallfairlyaccurate,andshallnowonlybesupplementedbyafewfurthercircumstanceswhichweredoubtlessoncelearnedbyallschool-boysandschool-girls,butwhichsomemayperhapshaveforgottensince thosehappydays.

DeanMerivale, inoneof the early chaptersofhis admirablehistoryof theRomansundertheEmpire,declaresthatCaiusJuliusCæsaristhegreatestnameinhistory.Hemakestheclaimwithoutreserve,andattachestoitnorestriction,orsuggestionthatsuchissimplyhisownopinion.Claimsof thisnature,madebywritersonbehalfof theirpet-heroes,weare,allofus,generally inclinedtodispute;but thisclaim,greatas it is,canhardlybedisputed.DrMerivaledoesnot say that Cæsar was the greatest man that ever lived. In measuring suchsupremacy,mentakeforthemselvesvariousstandards.Tosatisfythejudgmentofone, it is necessary that apoet shouldbe selected; for another, a teacherofreligion; fora third,some intellectualherowhohasassisted indiscovering thesecretsofnaturebytheoperationsofhisownbrain;forafourth,aruler,—andsoon.Butthenamesofsomeofthesecannotbesaidtobegreatinhistory.Homer,Luther, Galileo, and Charles V., are great names,—as are also Shakespeare,Knox, Queen Elizabeth, and Newton. Among these, the two rulers wouldprobablybetheleastingeneraladmiration.Butnoonecanassertthatthenamesof the poets, divines, and philosophers, are greater than theirs in history. TheDeanmeansthatofallmenwhohavelived,andwhosedeedsareknowntous,JuliusCæsardidmost tomove theworld;andwe think that theDean is right.Those whom we might, perhaps, compare with Cæsar, are Alexander,Charlemagne,Cromwell,Napoleon,andWashington.Inregardtothefirsttwo,we feel, when claims are made for them, that they are grounded on theperformance of deeds only partially known to us. In the days of Alexander,historywasstilldark,—andithadbecomedarkagaininthoseofCharlemagne.WhatCromwelldidwasconfinedtoourownislands,and,thoughhewasgreatforus,hedoesnotloomaslargebeforetheeyesofmankindingeneralasdoesonewhomovedallEurope,presentandfuture.IftherebeanyfairantagonisttoCæsar in thisclaim, it isNapoleon.Asasoldierhewasequallygreat,and theareaofhisoperationswasasextended.Butthereisanoldsayingwhichtellsusthatnoonecanbesureofhisfortunetilltheendshallhavecome;andCæsar’sdeath on the steps of the Capitol was more in accordance with our ideas ofgreatnessthanthatofNapoleonatStHelena.Wecannot,moreover,butfeelthattherewere fewer drawbacks from greatness in the personal demeanour of theRoman“Imperator”andDictatorthaninthatoftheFrenchEmperor.ForJulius

Cæsarwasneverreallyemperor,inthatsenseinwhichweusetheword,andinaccordancewithwhichhissuccessorAugustusreallybecameanemperor.AstoWashington,wemayperhapsallowthatinmoralattributeshewasthegreatestofall.Toaidhiscountryhedaredall,—evenarebel’sdisgracefuldeath,hadhenotsucceededwheresuccesswasmostimprobable;andinall thatheattemptedhesucceeded.HisisthenamethatculminatesamongthoseofthemenwhomadetheUnitedStates a nation, anddoes so by the eager consent of all its people.And his work came altogether from patriotism,—with no alloy of personalambition.ButitcannotbesaidthatthethingshedidweregreatasthosewhichweredonebyCæsar,orthathehimselfwasaspotentinthedoingofthem.Heventuredeverythingwithasgrandapurposeaseverwarmedtheheartofman,andhewassuccessful;butthethingswhichhedidwereinthemselvessmallincomparisonwiththoseeffectedbyhislessnoblerivalforfame.Mommsen,theGerman historian, describes Cæsar as a man too great for the scope of hisintelligence and power of delineation. “The historian,” he says, speaking ofCæsar, “whenonce ina thousandyearsheencounters theperfect, canonlybesilent regarding it.” Napoleon also, in his life of Cæsar, paints his hero asperfect;butNapoleonwhendoingsois,infact,claiminggodlikeperfectionforthatsecondCæsar,hisuncle.AndtheperfectionwhichheclaimsisnotthatofwhichMommsen speaks. TheGerman intends to convey to us his convictionthatCæsarwasperfectinhumancapacityandintelligence.Napoleonclaimsforhimmoralperfection.“Wemaybeconvinced,”saystheEmperor,“bytheabovefacts,thatduringhisfirstconsulate,oneonlymotiveanimatedCæsar,—namely,thepublicinterest.”Wecannot,however,quitetakethefactsastheEmperoroftheFrenchgives themtous,norcanwesharehisconviction;but thecommonconsent of readingmenwill probably acknowledge that there is in history nonamesogreatasthatofJuliusCæsar,—ofwhosewrittenworkssomeaccountisintendedtobegiveninthefollowingchapters.

HewasbornjustonehundredyearsbeforeChrist,andcameofanoldnobleRomanfamily,ofwhichJuliusandnotCæsarwasthedistinctivename.WhencecamethenameofCæsarhasbeenamatterofdoubtandoflegend.SomesaythatitarosefromthethickhairofoneoftheJuliantribe;othersthatacertainscionofthefamily,likeMacduff,“wasfromhismother’swombuntimelyripped,”forwhichderivationsLatinwordsarefoundtobeopportune.Againwearetoldthatoneof thefamilyoncekeptanelephant,—andwearereferredtosomeeasternlanguageinwhichthewordforelephanthasasoundlikeCæsar.AnotherlegendalsorosefromCæsar’sname,which,intheGalliclanguageofthosedays,—veryluckily for Cæsar,—sounded as though one should say, “Send him back.”

Cæsar’shorseonceranawaywithhim,andcarriedhimovertotheenemy.Aninsolent Gaul, who knew him, called out, “Cæsar, Cæsar!” and so the otherGauls, obeying the order supposed to be given, allowed the illustrious one toescape.Itmustbeacknowledged,however,thatthelearnedGermanwhotellsusthisstoryexpressesacontemptuousconvictionthatitcannotbetrue.Whatevermay have produced the word, its significance, derived from the doings andwritings ofCaius Julius, has been very great. It has come tomean in variouslanguagestheholderofdespoticpower;andthoughitissaidthat,asafact,theRussian title Czar has no connection with the Roman word, so great is theprestige of the name, that in theminds ofmen the popular appellation of theRussianEmperorwill alwaysbeconnectedwith thatof the lineof theRomanEmperor.

CæsarwasthenephewbymarriageofthatMariuswho,withalternationsofbloodysuccessesandseemingly irreparable ruin,hadcarriedonacontestwithSullaforsupremepowerintherepublic.Sullainthesestruggleshadrepresentedthe aristocrats and patricians,—what we perhaps may call the Conservativeinterest;whileMarius,whoseoriginwaslow,whohadbeenacommonsoldier,and,risingfromtheranks,hadbecomethedarlingofthearmyandofthepeople,mayperhapsberegardedasonewhowouldhavecalledhimselfaLiberal,hadanysuch termbeenknown in thosedays.His liberality,—ashasbeen thecasewithotherpoliticalleaderssincehistime,—ledhimtopersonalpower.HewasseventimesConsul,havingsecuredhisseventhelectionbyatrociousbarbaritiesand butcherings of his enemies in the city; and during this last consulship hedied.TheyoungCæsar, thoughapatricianbybirth,succeededhisuncle in thepopular party, and seems fromavery early age,—fromhis veryboyhood,—tohavelookedforwardtothepowerwhichhemightwinbyplayinghiscardswithdiscretion.

Andverydiscreethewas,—self-confidenttoawonderfuldegree,andpatientalso. It is to be presumed that most of our readers know how the RomanRepublic fell, and the Roman Empire became established as the result of thecivil wars which began with Marius and ended with, that “young Octavius”whomwebetterrecogniseasAugustusCæsar.JuliusCæsarwasthenephewbymarriageofMarius,andAugustuswasthegreat-nephewandheirofJulius.Bymeansofconscriptionsandmurders,worseintheirnature,thoughlessprobablyinnumber,thanthosewhichdisgracedtheFrenchRevolution,thepowerwhichMariusachievedalmostwithoutforesight,forwhichthegreatCæsarstrovefromhis youth upwards with constant foresight, was confirmed in the hands ofAugustus,andbequeathedbyhimtotheemperors.Inlookingbackattheannals

oftheworld,weshallgenerallyfindthatdespoticpowerhasfirstgrownoutofpopular movement against authority. It was so with our own Cromwell, hastwice been so in the history of modern France, and certainly was so in theformationoftheRomanEmpire.Inthegreatworkofestablishingthatempire,itwas the mind and hand and courage of Cæsar that brought about the result,whetheritwasforgoodorevil.Andinlookingatthelivesofthethreemen—Marius,Cæsar, andAugustus,who followedeachother, andallworked to thesameend,thedestructionofthatoligarchywhichwascalledaRepublicinRome—we find that the onewas aman,while the otherswere beasts of prey. Thecruelties ofMarius as an oldman, and ofAugustus as a young one,were soastoundingas,evenatthisdistance,tohorrifythereader,thoughheremembersthatChristianityhadnotyetsoftenedmen’shearts.Marius,theoldman,almostswam in the blood of his enemies, as also did his rival Sulla; but the youngOctavius,hewhomthegodsfavouredsolongasthealmostdivine[2]Augustus,cementedhisthronewiththebloodofhisfriends.TocompletethesatisfactionofLepidusandAntony,hiscomradesinthesecondtriumvirate,hedidnotscrupletoaddtothelistofthosewhoweretodie,thenamesofthenearestanddearestto him. Between these monsters of cruelty—between Marius and Sulla, whowent before him, and Octavius and Antony who followed him—Cæsar hasbecome famous for clemency.Andyet thehairof the reader almost standsonendwithhorrorasCæsarrecountsinpageafterpagethestoriesofcitiesburnedto the ground, and whole communities slaughtered in cold blood. Of thedestructionof thewomenandchildrenof an entire tribe,Cæsarwill leave theunimpassionedrecordinoneline.ButthisatleastmaybesaidofCæsar,thathetooknodelightinslaughter.Whenitbecameinhissightexpedientthatapeopleshouldsuffer,sothatothersmightlearntoyieldandtoobey,hecouldgivetheorderapparentlywithoutaneffort.Andwehearofnoregrets,orofanyremorsewhichfollowedtheexecutionofit.Butbloodshedinitselfwasnotsweettohim.He was a discreet, far-seeing man, and could do without a scruple whatdiscretionandcautiondemandedofhim.

AnditmaybesaidofCæsar thathewas insomesortguided inhis lifebysense of duty and love of country; as it may also be said of his greatcontemporaries,PompeyandCicero.With thosewhowentbeforehim,MariusandSulla,asalsowith thosewhofollowedhim,AntonyandAugustus, itdoesnotseemthatanysuchmotivesactuatedthem.Loveofpowerandgreed,hatredof their enemies and personal ambition, a feeling that theywere urged on bytheirfatestoseekforhighplace,andaresolvethatitwasbettertokillthanbekilled, impelled them to their courses. These feelings were strong, too, with

Cæsar, as they are strong to this day with statesmen and with generals; butmingledwith them inCæsar’sbreast therewasanoble idea, thathewouldbetruetothegreatnessofRome,andthathewouldgraspatpowerinorderthattheRomanEmpiremightbewellgoverned.Augustus,doubtless,ruledwell;andtoJuliusCæsarverylittlescopeforrulingwasallowedafterhisbattlingwasdone;but to Augustus no higher praise can be assigned than that he had theintelligencetoseethatthetemporarywellbeingofthecitizensofRomewasthebestguaranteeforhisownsecurity.

Early in lifeCæsar lifted himself to high position, though he did so in themidst of dangers. It was the wonder of those around him that Sulla did notmurderhimwhenhewasyoung,—crushhimwhilehewasyet,asitwere,inhisshell;butSullasparedhim,andheroseapace.WearetoldthathebecamepriestofJupiteratseventeen,andhewasthenalreadyamarriedman.Heearlytrainedhimselfasapublicorator,andamidsteverydangerespousedthepopularcauseinRome.HeservedhiscountryintheEast,—inBithynia,probably,—escaping,bydoingso, theperilsofaresidenceinthecity.HebecameQuæstorandthenÆdile,assistedbyalltheMarianparty,asthatpartywouldassisttherisingmanwhom they regarded as their future leader.He attacked andwas attacked, andwas “indefatigable in harassing the aristocracy,”[3] who strove, but strove invain,tocrushhim.Thoughyoung,andaddictedtoallthepleasuresofyouth,—atrifler,asSullaoncecalledhim,—heomittedtolearnnothingthatwasnecessaryforhimtoknowasachiefofagreatpartyandaleaderofgreatarmies.Whenhewas thirty-seven he was made Pontifex Maximus, the official chief of thepriesthood ofRome, the office greatest in honour of any in the city, althoughopposed by the whole weight of the aristocracy, and although Catulus was acandidate,who,ofallthatparty,wasthehighestnotonlyinrenownbutinvirtue.He became Prætor the next year, though again he was opposed by all theinfluenceof thosewho fearedhim.And, after his twelvemonthsof office, heassumedthegovernmentofSpain,—theprovinceallottedtohimasProprætor,inaccordance with the usage of the Republic,—in the teeth of a decree of theSenateorderinghimtoremaininRome.Herehegainedhisfirstgreatmilitarysuccess, first made himself known to his soldiery, and came back to Romeentitledtothehonourofatriumph.

But therewas still another step on the ladder of the State before he couldassume the position which no doubt he already saw before him. He must beConsulbeforehecouldbethemasterofmanylegions,andinorderthathemightsueinproperformfortheconsulship, itwasnecessarythatheshouldabandonhis Triumph. He could only triumph as holding the office of General of the

Republic’s forces, andasGeneralor Imperatorhe couldnot enter the city.HeabandonedtheTriumph,suedforhisofficeinthecommonfashion,andenabledthecitizenstosaythathepreferredtheirservicetohispersonalhonours.Attheageofforty-onehebecameConsul.Itwasduringthestrugglefortheconsulshipthatthetriumviratewasformed,ofwhichsubsequentageshaveheardsomuch,andofwhichRomansatthetimeheardprobablysolittle.Pompey,whohadbeenthepoliticalchildofSulla,andhadbeenthehopeofthepatricianstowhomhebelonged,hadreturnedtoRomeaftervariousvictorieswhichhehadachievedasProconsul in the East, had triumphed,—and had ventured to recline on hishonours,disbandinghisarmyandtakingtohimselfthecreditofsubsidingintoprivacy. The times were too rough for such honest duty, and Pompey foundhimselfforawhileslightedbyhisparty.Thoughhehadthoughthimselfabletoabandonpower,hecouldnotbearthelossofit.Itmaybethathehadconceivedhimselfabletorulethecitybyhisinfluencewithouttheaidofhislegions.Cæsartemptedhim,andtheytwowithCrassus,whowaswantedforhiswealth,formedthefirsttriumvirate.BysuchpactamongthemselvestheyweretoruleallRomeandallRome’sprovinces;butdoubtless,byresolveswithinhimselfofwhichnooneknew,Cæsarintendedeventhentograspthedominionofthewholeinhisown hands. During the years that followed,—the years in which Cæsar wasengagedinhisGallicwars,—PompeyremainedatRome,notindeedasCæsar’sfriend—forthathollowfriendshipwasbroughttoanendbythedeathofJulia,Cæsar’sdaughter,whomPompey,thoughfiveyearsCæsar’selder,hadmarried—but in undecided rivalship to the active man who in foreign wars waspreparinglegionsbywhichtowintheEmpire.Afterwards,whenCæsar,asweshall hear, had crossed theRubicon, their enmitywas declared. Itwas naturalthat they should be enemies. In middle life, Pompey, as we have seen, hadmarriedCæsar’sdaughter,andCæsar’ssecondwifehadbeenaPompeia.[4]Butwhentheywereyoung,andeachwasanxioustoattachhimselftothepoliticsofhisownparty,Pompeyhadmarriedthedaughter-in-lawofSulla,andCæsarhadmarried the daughter of Cinna, who had almost been joined with Marius inleading the popular party. Such having been the connection they hadmade intheirearlylives,itwasnaturalthatPompeyandCæsarshouldbeenemies,andthattheunionofthosetwowithanyotherthirdinatriumvirateshouldbebutahollowcompromise,plannedandcarriedoutonlythattimemightbegained.

Cæsar was now Consul, and from his consular chair laughed to scorn theSenate and the aristocratic colleague with whom he was joined,—Bibulus, ofwhomweshallagainhearintheCommentaryonthecivilwar.Duringhisyearofofficeheseemstohaveruledalmostsupremeandalmostalone.TheSenate

wasforcedtodohisbidding,andPompey,atanyrateforthisyear,washisally.Wealreadyknowthattoprætorsandtoconsuls,aftertheiryearofofficeinthecity,wereconfidedthegovernmentofthegreatprovincesoftheRepublic,andthat these officerswhile so governingwere called proprætors and proconsuls.AfterhisprætorshipCæsarhadgoneforayeartosouthernSpain,theprovincewhichhadbeenassignedtohim,whencehecamebacktriumphant,—butnottoenjoy his Triumph. At the expiration of his consulship the joint provinces ofCisalpineGaulandIllyricumwereassignedtohim,notforoneyear,butforfiveyears;andto thesewasaddedTransalpineGaul,bywhichgrantdominionwasgiventohimoverall thatcountrywhichwenowknowasNorthernItaly,overIllyria to the east, and to thewest across theAlps, over the Roman provincealreadyestablishedinthesouthofFrance.Thisprovince,boundedonthenorthbyLakeLemanandtheSwissmountains,ransouth,totheMediterranean,andtothewesthalfacrossthegreatneckoflandwhichjoinsSpaintothecontinentofEurope.This province ofTransalpineGaulwas alreadyRoman, and toCæsarwasintrustedthetaskofdefendingthis,andofdefendingRomeitself,fromtheterriblevalouroftheGauls.ThathemightdothisitwasnecessarythatheshouldcollecthislegionsinthatotherGaulwhichwenowknowasthenorthofItaly.

It does not seem that there was any preconceived idea that Cæsar shouldreduceallGalliabeneaththeRomanyoke.HithertoRomehadfearedtheGauls,andhadbeensubjecttotheirinroads.TheGaulsinformeryearshadevenmadetheirwayasinvadersintotheverycity,andhadbeenboughtoutwitharansom.TheyhadspreadthemselvesoverNorthernItaly,andhence,whenNorthernItalywas conquered by Roman arms, it became a province under the name ofCisalpineGaul.Then,duringthehundredyearswhichprecededCæsar’swars,aprovincewasgraduallyfoundedandextendedin thesouthofFrance,ofwhichMarseilleswasthekernel.MassiliahadbeenacolonyofGreekmerchants,andwassupportedbytheallianceofRome.Whithersuchallianceleadsisknowntoallreadersofhistory.TheGreekcolonybecameaRomantown,andtheRomanprovince stretched itself around the town. ItwasCæsar’s duty, as governor ofTransalpineGaul, tosee that thepoorprovincewasnothurtbythoseravagingGauls.HowheperformedthatdutyhetellsusinhisfirstCommentary.

During the fourth year of his office, while Pompey and Crassus, hiscolleagues in the thenexisting triumvirate,wereconsuls,his termofdominionoverthethreeprovinceswasprolongedbytheadditionoffiveotheryears.Buthedidnotseetheendofthetenyearsinthatsceneofaction.Julia,hisdaughter,haddied,andhisgreatrivalwasestrangedfromhim.TheSenatehadclamouredforhisrecall,andPompey,withdoubtfulwords,hadassented,Aportionofhis

armywasdemanded fromhim,was sentbyhim into Italy inobedience to theSenate,andshortlyafterwardswasplacedunderthecommandofPompey.ThenCæsar found that the Italian sideof theAlpswas themore convenient for hispurposes, that theHither orCisalpineGaul demanded his services, and that itwouldbewellforhimtobeneartheRubicon.ThesecondCommentary,inthreebooks, ‘De Bello Civili,’ giving us his record of the civil war, tells us of hisdeeds and fortunes for the next two years,—the years B.C. 49 and 48. ThecontinuationofhiscareerasageneralisrelatedinthreeotherCommentaries,notbyhisownhand,towhich,asbeingbeyondthescopeofthisvolume,onlyshortallusionwillbemade.Thencameoneyearofpower,fullofglory,and,uponthewhole,wellused;andafterthattherecametheend,ofwhichthetalehasbeensooftentold,whenhefell,stabbedbyfriendandfoe,atthefootofPompey’spillarintheCapitol.

It is only further necessary that a few words should be added as to thecharacterofCæsar’swritings,—foritisofhiswritingsratherthanofhiscareerthatitisintendedheretogivesomeideatothosewhohavenotanopportunityofreadingthem.Cæsar’sstorycanhardlybetoldinthislittlevolume,foritisthehistory of the world as the world then was. The word which our author haschosenasanameforhiswork,—andwhichnowhasbecomesowellknownasconnectedwithCæsar,thathewhousesitseemstospeakofCæsar,—means,inCæsar’s sense, a Memoir.Were it not for Cæsar, a “Commentary” would betakentosignifythatwhichthecritichadadded,ratherthantheworkwhichtheauthor had first produced. Cæsar’s “Commentaries” are memoirs written byhimself,descriptiveofhisdifferentcampaigns,inwhichhetreatsofhimselfinthe third person, and tells his story as it might have been told by someaccompanying scribe or secretary. This being so, we are of course driven toinquirewhether someaccompanying scribeor secretarymaynot in truthhavedone the work. And there is doubtless one great argument which must bepowerful with us all towards the adoption of such a surmise. The amount ofworkwhichCæsarhadonhand,notonlyinregardtohiscampaigns,butintheconduct of his political career, was so great as to have overtasked any brainwithout theadditionof literary labour.Surelynomanwaseversoworked;forthedoctrineof thedivisionof labourdidnotprevail then ingreat affairs as itdoesnow.Cæsarwasnotonlyageneral;hewasalsoanengineer,anastronomer,an orator, a poet, a high priest—towhom, as such, though himself, aswe aretold,adisbelieverinthegodsofOlympus,theintricateandcomplicatedsystemof Roman worship was a necessary knowledge. And he was a politician, ofwhomitmaybesaidthat,thoughhewasintimatelyacquaintedwiththeferocity

of opposition, he knew nothing of its comparative leisure.We have had busystatesmenwritingbooks,twoprimeministerstranslatingHomer,anotherwritingnovels,afourthknownasahistorian,adramatist,andabiographer.ButtheydidnotleadarmiesaswellastheHousesofParliament,andtheywereoccasionallyblessed by the opportunities of comparative political retirement whichoppositionaffords.FromthebeginningoftheGallicwar,Cæsarwasfightinginpersoneveryyearbutone tillhedied. Itwasonlybypersonal fighting thathecouldobtainsuccess.Thereaderofthefollowingpageswillfindthat,withthesolitaryexceptionofthesiegeofMarseilles,nothinggreatwasdoneforhiminhisabsence.Andhehadtomakehisarmyaswellastoleadit.Legionbylegion,he had to collect it as he needed it, and to collect it by the force of his owncharacter and of his own name. The abnormal plunder with which it wasnecessarythathissoldiersshouldbealluredtoabnormalvalourandtoilhadtobegivenasthoughfromhisownhand.Foreverydetailofthesoldiers’workhewasresponsible;andatthesametimeitwasincumbentonhimsotomanipulatehisRomanenemiesatRome,—and,harderstillthanthat,hisRomanfriends,—that confusion and destruction should not fall upon him as a politician. Thusweighted,couldhewritehisownCommentaries?Thereisreasontobelievethattherewascollectedbyhim,nodoubtwiththeaidofhissecretaries,alargebodyofnoteswhichwereknownastheEphemeridesofCæsar,—jottingsdown,aswemaysay,takenfromdaytoday.WerenottheCommentarieswhichbearCæsar’snamecomposedfromthesenotesbysomelearnedandcunningsecretary?

These notes have been the cause ofmuch scholasticwrath to some of theeditors and critics. One learned German, hotly arguing that Cæsar wrote noEphemerides, does allow that somebody must have written down themeasurementsofthejourneys,ofthemountains,andoftherivers,thenumbersalsoofthecaptivesandoftheslaves.[5]“NotevenI,”sayshe,—“notevendoIbelievethatCæsarwasabletokeepallthesethingssimplyinhismemory.”Thenhegoesontoassertthattothekeepingofsuchnotesanyscribewasequal;andthatitwasimprobablethatCæsarcouldhavefoundtimeforthekeepingofnoteswhenabsolutelyinhistent.Theindignationandenthusiasmarecomic,butthereasoningseems tobegood.ThenoteswereprobablycollectedunderCæsar’simmediate eyes by his secretaries; but there is ample evidence that theCommentaries themselves areCæsar’s ownwork. They seem to have becomeknownatoncetothelearnedRomansoftheday;andCicero,whowasprobablythemostlearned,andcertainlythebestcriticofthetime,speaksofthemwithoutanydoubtastotheirauthorship.ItwasatonceknownthatthefirstsevenbooksoftheGallicWarwerewrittenbyCæsar,andthattheeighthwasnot.Thisseems

tobeconclusive.Butinadditiontothis,thereisinternalevidence.Cæsarwritesinthethirdperson,andisverycarefultomaintainthatmodeofexpression.Buthe isnot socarefulbut thaton threeor fouroccasionshe forgetshimself,andspeaksinthefirstperson.Nootherwriter,writingforCæsar,wouldhavedoneso.Andtherearecertaintriflesinthemodeoftellingthestory,whichmusthavebeenpersonaltotheman.Hewritesof“young”Crassus,and“young”Brutus,asnoscribewouldhavewritten;andheshows, firsthisownpride inobtainingalegion from Pompey’s friendship, and then his unmeasured disgust when theSenate demand and obtain from him that legion and another one, and whenPompeyusesthemagainsthimself,inafashionwhichwouldgofartoprovetheauthenticity of each Commentary, were any proof needed. But the assent ofCæsar’scontemporariessufficesforthiswithoutotherevidence.

Anditseemsthattheywerewrittenasthewarswerecarriedon,andthateachwaspublishedatonce.Haditnotbeenso,wecouldnotunderstandthatCæsarshouldhavebegun the secondCommentarybeforehehad finished the first. ItseemsthathewashinderedbytheurgencyoftheCivilWarfromwritingwhatwithhimwouldhavebeen the two lastbooksof theGallicWar,and thereforeputthecompletionofthatworkintothehandsofhisfriendHirtius,whowrotethememoirofthetwoyearsinonebook.AndCæsar’smodeofspeakingofmenwho were at one time his friends and then his enemies, shows that his firstCommentary was completed and out of hand before the other was written.Labienus,whointheGallicWarwasCæsar’smosttrustedlieutenant,wentovertotheothersideandservedunderPompeyintheCivilWar.Hecouldnothavefailed to allude in some way to the desertion of Labienus, in the firstCommentary, had Labienus left him and joined Pompey while the firstCommentarywasstillinhishands.

His style was at once recognised by the great literary critic of the day asbeing excellent for its intended purpose.Cæsar ismanifestly not ambitious ofliterarydistinction,butisveryanxioustoconveytohisreadersanarrativeofhisowndoings,whichshallbegraphic,succinct, intelligible,andsufficientlywellexpressedtoinsuretheattentionofreaders.Cicero,thegreatcritic,thusspeaksoftheCommentaries;“Valdequidam,inquam,probandos;nudienimsunt,recti,etvenusti,omniornatuorationis,tanquamveste,detracto.”Thepassageiseasilyunderstood, but not perhaps very easily translated into English. “I pronouncethem, indeed, to be very commendable, for they are simple, straightforward,agreeable, with all rhetorical ornament stripped from them, as a garment isstripped.”ThiswaswrittenbyCicerowhileCæsarwasyetliving,asthecontextshows.AndCicero does notmean to imply that Cæsar’swritings are bald or

uncouth:theword“venusti”isevidenceofthis.Andagain,speakingofCæsar’slanguage,CicerosaysthatCæsarspokewithmorefinishedchoiceofwordsthanalmostanyotheroratoroftheday.Andifhesospoke,hecertainlysowrote,forthegreatspeechesoftheRomanswereallwrittencompositions.MontaignesaysofCæsar:“Ireadthisauthorwithsomewhatmorereverenceandrespectthanisusuallyallowedtohumanwritings,onewhileconsideringhiminhisperson,byhis actions andmiraculous greatness, and another in the purity and inimitablepolishofhislanguageandstyle,whereinhenotonlyexcelsallotherhistorians,as Cicero confesses, but peradventure evenCicero himself.” Cicero, however,confessesnothingofthekind,andMontaigneissofarwrong.Cæsarwasagreatfavourite with Montaigne, who always speaks of his hero with glowingenthusiasm.

Touswholovetomakeourlanguageclearbythenumberofwordsused,andwho inwriting rarelygiveourselves time forcondensation, theclosely-packedstyleofCæsarisatfirstsomewhatdifficultofcomprehension.Itcannotbereadotherwise than slowly till the reader’smind is trainedbypractice toCæsareanexpressions, and then not with rapidity. Three or four adjectives, or moreprobably participles, joined to substantives in a sentence, are continuallyintended toconveyanamountof information forwhich,withus, threeor fourother distinct sentences would be used. It is almost impossible to give themeaningofCæsarinEnglishwithoutusingthriceasmanywordsasheuses.Thesame may be said of many Latin writers,—perhaps of all; so great was theRoman tendency to condensation, and so great is ours to dilution. But withCæsar,thougheverywordmeansmuch,thereareoftenmanywordsinthesamesentence,andthereaderissooncompelledtoacknowledgethatskippingisoutofthequestion,andthatquickreadingisundesirable.

Thatwhichwillmost strike the ordinaryEnglish reader in the narrative ofCæsaristhecrueltyoftheRomans,—crueltyofwhichCæsarhimselfisguiltytoa frightful extent, andofwhichhenever expresseshorror.Andyet amonghiscontemporariesheachievedacharacter for clemencywhichhehas retained tothepresentday.IndescribingthecharacterofCæsar,withoutreferencetothatofhis contemporaries, it is impossible not to declare him to have been terriblycruel. From bloodthirstiness he slaughtered none; but neither from tendernessdidhespareany.Allwasdonefrompolicy;andwhenpolicyseemedtohimtodemandblood,hecould,withoutascruple,—asfaraswecanjudge,withoutapang,—orderthedestructionofhumanbeings,havingnoregardtonumber,sex,age,innocence,orhelplessness.OuronlyexcuseforhimisthathewasaRoman,andthatRomanswereindifferenttoblood.Suicidewaswiththemthecommon

modeofavoidingotherwise inevitablemisfortune,and itwasnatural thatmenwhomadelightoftheirownlivesshouldalsomakelightofthelivesofothers.Of all those with whose names the reader will become acquainted in thefollowingpages,hardlyoneor twodied in theirbeds.CæsarandPompey, thetwogreat ones,weremurdered.Dumnorix, theÆduan,was killed byCæsar’sorders.Vercingetorix, thegallantestof theGauls,waskeptalive foryears thathisdeathmightgraceCæsar’sTriumph.Ariovistus, theGerman,escapedfromCæsar,butwehearsoonafterofhisdeath,andthattheGermansresentedit.HedoubtlesswaskilledbyaRomanweapon.WhatbecameofthehuntedAmbiorixwedonotknow,buthisbrotherkingCativolcuspoisonedhimselfwiththejuiceofyew-tree.Crassus, thepartnerofCæsarandPompeyin thefirst triumvirate,waskilledbytheParthians.YoungCrassus,theson,Cæsar’sofficerinGaul,hadhimself killed by his own men that he might not fall into the hands of theParthians,andhisheadwascutoffandsenttohisfather.LabienusfellatMunda,inthelastcivilwarinSpain.QuintusCicero,Cæsar’slieutenant,andhisgreaterbrother, the orator, and his son, perished in the proscriptions of the secondtriumvirate. Titurius and Cotta were slaughtered with all their army byAmbiorix.AfraniuswaskilledbyCæsar’ssoldiersafterthelastbattleinAfrica.Petreiuswashacked topieces in amicable contestbyKing Juba.Varro indeedlived to be an old man, and to write many books. Domitius, who defendedMarseilles forPompey,waskilled in the flightafterPharsalia.Trebonius,whoattackedMarseillesbyland,waskilledbyason-in-lawofCiceroatSmyrna.OfDecimusBrutus,whoattackedMarseillesbysea,oneCamilluscutofftheheadandsentitasapresenttoAntony.Curio,whoattemptedtomastertheprovinceof Africa on behalf of Cæsar, rushed amidst his enemy’s swords and wasslaughtered.KingJuba,whoconqueredhim,failingtokillhimself,hadhimselfkilled by a slave. Attius Varus, who had held the province for Pompey, fellafterwards atMunda.MarcAntony,Cæsar’s great lieutenant in the Pharsalianwars, stabbed himself.CassiusLonginus, another lieutenant underCæsar,wasdrowned.Scipio,Pompey’spartner ingreatnessatPharsalia,destroyedhimselfinAfrica.Bibulus,hischiefadmiral,pined todeath.YoungPtolemy, towhomPompeyfled,wasdrownedintheNile.ThefateofhissisterCleopatraisknowntoalltheworld.Pharnaces,Cæsar’senemyinAsia,fellinbattle.CatodestroyedhimselfatUtica.Pompey’seldestson,Cnæus,wascaughtwoundedinSpainandslaughtered. Sextus the younger was killed some years afterwards by one ofAntony’s soldiers. Brutus and Cassius, the two great conspirators, bothcommitted suicide. But of these two we hear little or nothing in theCommentaries;norofAugustusCæsar,whodidcontrive to live in spiteofallthe bloodshed through which he had waded to the throne. Among the whole

numbertherearenotabovethree,ifsomany,whodiedfairlyfightinginbattle.Theaboveisalistofthenamesofmenofmark,—ofwarriorschiefly,ofmen

who, with their eyes open, knowing what was before them, went out toencounterdangerforcertainpurposes.Thebloodycatalogueissocomplete,sonearlycomprisesallwhosenamesarementioned,thatitstrikesthereaderwithalmostacomichorror.Butwhenwecometotheslaughterofwholetowns,thedevastationofcountryeffectedpurposelythatmenandwomenmightstarve,totheabandonmentoftheold,theyoung,andthetender,thattheymightperishonthehillsides,tothemutilationofcrowdsofmen,totheburningofcitiestoldusin a passing word, to the drowning of many thousands,—mentioned as weshouldmentionthedestructionofabroodofrats,—thecomedyisallover,andtheheartbecomessick.Then it is thatweremember that thecomingofChristhas changed all things, and that men now,—though terrible things have beendonesinceChristcametous,—arenotasmenwereinthedaysofCæsar.

CHAPTERII.

FIRSTBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARDRIVESFIRSTTHESWISSANDTHENTHEGERMANSOUTOFGAUL.—B.C.58.

IT has been remarked in the preceding chapter that Cæsar does not appear tohavereceivedanycommissionforthesubjugationofGaulwhenhetookmilitarychargeofhisthreeprovinces.TheGaulswerestillfearedinRome,anditwashisduty to see that they did not make their way over the Alps into the Romanterritory.Itwasalsohisdutytoprotectfrominvasion,andalsofromrebellion,thatportionofGaulwhichhadalreadybeenconstitutedaRomanprovince,butinwhich the sympathies of thepeoplewere still ratherwith their oldbrethrenthanwiththeirnewmasters.Theexperience,however,whichwehaveofgreatand encroaching empires tells us howprobable it is that the protectionof thatwhichthestrongalreadyholdsshouldleadtothegraspingofmore,tillatlastallhasbeengrasped.ItisthusthatourownempireinIndiahasgrown.ItwasthusthattheSpanishempiregrewinAmerica.ItisthusthattheempireoftheUnitedStatesisnowgrowing.ItwasthusthatPrussia,driven,asweallremember,bythenecessityofself-preservation, tookNassau theotherday,andHanoverandHolsteinandHesse.Itwasthusthatthewolfclaimedalltheriver,notbeingabletoenduretheencroachinglamb.Thehumanereaderofhistoryexecrates,ashereads, the cruel, all-absorbing, ravenous wolf. But the philosophical readerperceives that in this way, and in no other, is civilisation carried into distantlands. The wolf, though he be a ravenous wolf, brings with him energy andknowledge.

Whatmayhave beenCæsar’s own aspirations in regard toGaul,when thegovernment of the provinces was confided to him, we have no means ofknowing. We may surmise,—indeed we feel that we know,—that he had aprojectinhandmuchgreatertohim,inhisviewofitsresult,thancouldbetheaddingofanynewprovincetotheRepublic,lettheterritoryaddedbeaswideasall Gaul. He had seen enough of Roman politics to know that real power inRome could only belong to a master of legions. Both Marius and Sulla hadprevailedinthecitybymeansofthearmieswhichtheyhadleviedasthetrustedgeneralsof theRepublic.Pompeyhadhadhis army trained toconquest in theEast,andithadbeenexpectedthathealsowoulduseittothesameend.Hehadbeenmagnanimous,orhalf-hearted,orimprudent,ascriticsofhisconductmightchoose to judgehim thenandmaychoose to judgehimnow, andon reaching

ItalyfromtheEasthaddisbandedhislegions.Asaconsequence,hewasatthatmoment, when Cæsar was looking out into the future and preparing his owncareer, fain to seek some influence in the city by joining himself in a secretcompactwithCæsar,hisnaturalenemy,andwithCrassus.Cæsar,seeingallthis,knowinghowMariusandSullahadsucceededandhadfailed,seeingwhathadcomeof themagnanimityofPompey—resolvednodoubt that,whatevermightbethewarsinwhichtheyshouldbetrained,hewouldhavetrainedlegionsathiscommand.When,therefore,hefirstfoundacauseforwar,hewasreadyforwar.Hehadnotbeenlongproconsulbeforetherecameawickedlambanddrankathisstream.

In describing to us the way in which he conquered lamb after lambthroughoutthewholecountrywhichhecallsGallia,hetellsusalmostnothingofhimself.Ofhisownpolitical ideas,ofhisownambition,evenofhisdoings inItalythroughthosewintermonthswhichhegenerallypassedontheRomansideoftheAlps,havinglefthisarmyinwinterquartersunderhislieutenants,hesaysbut a very fewwords. His record is simply the record of the campaigns; andalthoughhenowandthenspeaksofthedignityoftheRepublic,hehardlyeverso far digresses from the narrative as to give to the reader any idea of themotivesbywhichheisactuated.Onceinthesesevenmemoirsofsevenyears’battlinginGaul,andonceonly,doesherefertoamotiveabsolutelypersonaltohimself.When he succeeded in slaughtering a fourth of the emigratingSwiss,whichwashisfirstmilitarysuccessinGaul,hetellsusthathehadthenrevengedaninjurytohimselfaswellasaninjurytotheRepublic,becausethegrandfatherofhis father-in-lawhad in formerwarsbeenkilledby thevery tribewhichhehadjustdestroyed!

It is to be observed, also, that he does not intentionally speak in the firstperson,andthatwhenhedoessoitisinsomepassageofnomoment,inwhichthepersonalityisaccidentalandaltogethertrivial.Hedoesnotspeakof“I”and“me,”butofCæsar,asthoughhe,Cæsar,whowrotetheCommentary,werenottheCæsarofwhomheiswriting.Notunfrequentlyhespeaksstronglyinpraiseofhimself;butasthereisnohumilityinhistone,soalsoistherenopride,evenwhenhepraiseshimself.Heneverseemstoboast,thoughhetellsusofhisownexploits as he does of those of his generals and centurions. Without anydiffidenceheinformsusnowandagainhow,attheendofthisorthatcampaign,a “supplication,” or public festival and thanksgiving for his victories, wasdecreedinRome,onthehearingofthenews,—tolastforfifteenortwentydays,asthecasemightbe.

Of his difficulties at home,—the political difficultieswithwhich he had to

contend,—he says never a word. And yet at times theymust have been veryharassing.WehearfromothersourcesthatduringthesewarsinGaulhisconductwas violently reprobated in Rome, in that he had, with the utmost cruelty,attackedandcrushedstatessupposedtobeinamitywithRome,andthatitwasonceevenproposedtogivehimuptotheenemyasapunishmentforgrievoustreacherytotheenemy.HaditbeensoresolvedbytheRomanSenate,—hadsuchalawbeenenacted,—thepowertocarryoutthelawwouldhavebeenwanted.Itwaseasiertogranta“supplication”fortwentydaysthantostophiscareerafterhislegionshadcometoknowhim.

NoristhereverymuchsaidbyCæsarofhisstrategicdifficulties;thoughnowandthen,especiallywhenhisshipsarebeingknockedaboutontheBritishcoast,andagainwhen the ironofhisheelhassobruised theGauls that theyall turnagainsthiminonebodyunderVercingetorix,thereaderisallowedtoseethatheispressedhardenough.Butitishisruletotellthethinghemeanstodo,thewayhedoes it, and thecompletenessof the result, in the fewestpossiblewords. Ifanystudentof the literatureofbattleswouldreadfirstCæsar’ssevenbooksoftheGallicWar,andthenMrKinglake’sfirstfourvolumesofthe‘InvasionoftheCrimea,’ he would be able to compare two most wonderful examples of thedexterous use of words, in the former of which the narrative is told with theutmost possible brevity, and in the latter with almost the utmost possibleprolixity.Andyeteachnarrativeisequallyclear,andeachequallydistinguishedby so excellent an arrangement of words, that the reader is forced toacknowledgethatthestoryistoldtohimbyagreatmaster.

In praising others,—his lieutenants, his soldiers, and occasionally hisenemies,—Cæsarisoftenenthusiastic,thoughthepraiseisconferredbyawordor two,—isgiven,perhaps,simplyinanepithetaddedonfor thatpurposetoasentenceplannedwithawhollydifferentpurpose.Ofblameheisverysparing;somuchso, that it almost seems thathe lookeduponcertain imperfections, inregardeventofaithaswellasvalourorprudence,asnecessarytohumanity,andpardonablebecauseoftheirnecessity.Hecantelloftheabsolutedestructionofalegionthroughthefollyandperhapscowardiceofoneofhislieutenants,withoutheapingawordofreproachonthenameoftheunfortunate.Hecanrelatehowamuch-favouredtribefellofffromtheirfaithagainandagainwithoutexpressinganger at their faithlessness, and can explain how theywere,—hardly forgiven,butreceivedagainasfriends,—becauseitsuitedhimsototreatthem.Butagainhecan tellus,withoutapparentlyaquiverof thepen,howhecoulddevote todestruction a city with all its women and all its children, so that other citiesmight know what would come to them if they did not yield and obey, and

becomevassalstothegodlikeheroinwhosehandsProvidencehadplacedtheirlivesandtheirpossessions.

ItappearsthatCæsarneverfailedtobelieveinhimself.Heisfartoosimpleinhislanguage,andtooconsciousofhisownpersonaldignity,toassertthathehasneverbeenworsted.Buthisverysimplicityseemstoconveytheassurancethat such cannot ultimately be the result of any campaign in which he isengaged.Heseemstoimplythatvictoryattendshimsocertainlythatitwouldbefutileinanycasetodiscussitsprobability.Hefearednoone,andwasthereforethecauseofawetoothers.Hecouldfacehisownlegionswhentheywouldnotobey his call to arms, and reduce them to obedience by a word. Lucan,understandinghischaracterwell,saysofhimthat“hedeservedtobefeared,forhefearednothing;”“meruitquetimeriNilmetuens.”Hewritesofhimselfaswemightimaginesomegodwouldwritewhoknewthathisdivinepurposemustofcourseprevail, andwhowould thereforeneverbe in thewayofentertainingadoubt. With Cæsar there is always this godlike simplicity, which makes his“Veni, vidi, vici,” the natural expression of his mind as to his own mode ofaction.Thesamethingisfeltintheverynumerousbutverybriefrecordsofthepunishmentswhichheinflicted.Citiesareleftdesolate,asitwerewithawaveofhishand,buthehardlydeignstosaythathisownhandhasevenbeenwaved.Hetells us of one Acco who had opposed him, that, “Graviore sententiâpronunciatâ,”—as though there had been some jury to pronounce this severesentence,whichwas in fact pronounced only by himself,Cæsar,—he inflictedpunishment on him “more majorum.” We learn from other sources that thispunishment consisted in being stripped naked, confined by the neck in a cleftstick,andthenbeingfloggedtodeath.Inthenextwords,havingtoldusinhalfasentencethathehadmadethecountrytoohottoholdthefugitiveaccomplicesofthetorturedchief,hepassesonintoItalywiththemajesticstepofonemuchtoogreattodwelllongonthesesmallbutdisagreeabledetails.Andwefeelthatheistoogreat.

It has been already said that the great proconsular wolf was not long inhearing that a lamb had come down to drink of his stream. The Helvetii, orSwiss, as we call them,—those tribes which lived on the Lake Leman, andamongthehillsandvalleystothenorthofthelake,—hadmadeuptheirmindsthat they were inhabiting but a poor sort of country, and that they mightconsiderably better themselves by leaving their mountains and going out intosome part of Gaul, in which they might find themselves stronger than theexistingtribes,andmighttakepossessionofthefatoftheland.Indoingso,theireasiestwayoutoftheirowncountrywouldliebytheRhone,whereitnowruns

throughGenevaintoFrance.ButintakingthisroutetheSwisswouldbeobligedto pass over a corner of the Roman province. Here was a case of the lambtroublingthewaterswithavengeance.WhenthiswastoldtoCæsar,—thattheseSwiss intended, “facero iter per Provinciam nostram”—“to do their travellingthrough our Province,”—he hurried over the Alps into Gaul, and came toGenevaasfastashecouldtravel.

HebeginshisfirstbookbyageographicaldefinitionofGaul,whichnodoubtwas hardly accurate, butwhich gives us a singularly clear idea of that whichCæsardesired toconvey. InspeakingofGalliahe intends tosignify thewholecountryfromtheoutflowoftheRhineintotheoceandowntothePyrenees,andthen eastward to the Rhone, to the Swiss mountains, and the borders of theRoman Province. This he divides into three parts, telling us that theBelgiansinhabitedthepartnorthoftheSeineandMarne,thepeopleofAquitaniathepartsouthoftheGaronne,andtheGaulsorCelts theintermediateterritory.Havingsofardescribedthesceneofhisaction,herushesoffatoncetothedreadfulsinoftheSwissemigrantsindesiringtopassthrough“ourProvince.”

HehasbutonelegioninFurtherGaul,—thatis,intheRomanprovinceonthefurthersideof theAlpsfromRome;andtherefore,whenambassadorscometohim from the Swiss, asking permission to go through the corner of land, andpromisingthattheywilldonoharmintheirpassage,hetemporiseswiththem.Hecan’tgive themananswer just then,butmust thinkof it.Theymustcomebacktohimbyacertainday,—whenhewillhavemoresoldiersready.Ofcourseherefuses.TheSwissmakesomeslightattempt,butsoongivethatmatterupindespair.There isanotherwaybywhich theycangetoutof theirmountains,—throughthe territoryofapeoplecalledSequani;andfordoing this theyobtainleave.ButCæsarknowshowinjurious theSwiss lambswillbe tohimandhiswolves,shouldtheysucceedingettingroundtothebackofhisProvince,—thatRomanProvincewhichleftthenameofProvenceinmodernFrancetillFrancerefusedtobedividedanylongerintoprovinces.Andheis,moreover,invitedbycertainfriendsoftheRomanRepublic,calledtheÆdui,tocomeandstoptheserough Swiss travellers.He is alwayswilling to help theÆdui, although theseÆduiareafickle,inconstantpeople,—andheis,aboveallthings,willingtogettowar.SohecomesupontherearoftheSwisswhenthreeportionsofthepeoplehave passed the river Arar (Saone), and one portion is still behind. Thishindermosttribe,—forthewretcheswereallofonetribeormountaincanton,—hesetsuponandutterlydestroys;andonthisoccasioncongratulateshimselfonhavingavengedhimselfupontheslayersofthegrandfatherofhisfather-in-law.

There can be nothing more remarkable in history than this story of the

attempted emigration of the Helvetii, which Cæsar tells us without theexpressionofanywonder.Thewholepeoplemadeuptheirmindsthat,astheirborders were narrow, their numbers increasing, and their courage good, theywouldgoforth,—men,women,andchildren,—andseekotherhomes.Wereadconstantly of the emigrations of people,—of the Northmen from the northcoveringthesouthernplains,ofDanesandJutesenteringBritain,ofmenfromScandinaviacomingdownacrosstheRhine,andthelike.Weknowthatafterthisfashiontheworldhasbecomepeopled.Butwepicturetoourselvesgenerallyaconcourseofwarriorsgoingforthandleavingbehindthemhomesandfriends,towhomtheymayormaynotreturn.WiththeseSwisswandererstherewastobenoreturn.All that theycouldnot takewith themtheydestroyed,burning theirhouses,andburningeventheircorn,sothatthereshouldbenomeansofturningtheir steps backward. They domake considerable progress, getting as far intoFranceasAutun,—three-fourthsofthematleastgettingsofar;butnearthistheyare brought to an engagement byCæsar,who outgenerals themon a hill. Theprestigeof theRomanshadnot asyet established itself in theseparts, and theSwissnearlyhave thebestof it.Cæsarowns,ashedoesnotownagainaboveonce or twice, that the battle between themwas very long, and for long verydoubtful.ButatlastthepoorHelvetiiaredriveninslaughter.Cæsar,however,isnot content that they should simply fly. He forces them back upon their oldterritory,—upontheirburnthousesanddevastatedfields,—lestcertainGermansshould come and live there, and make themselves disagreeable. And they goback;—somany,at least,gobackasarenotslain in theadventure.Withgreatattemptataccuracy,Cæsar tellsus that368,000humanbeingswentoutontheexpedition,andthat110,000,orlessthanathird,foundtheirwayback.Ofthosethatperished,manyhecatombshadbeenoffereduptotheshadeofhisfather-in-law’sgrandfather.

HereupontheGaulsbegintoseehowgreatamanisCæsar.HetellsusthatnosoonerwasthatwarwiththeSwissfinishedthannearlyallthetribesofGalliasendtocongratulatehim.Andonespecialtribe,thoseÆdui,—ofwhomwehearagreatdeal,andwhomweneverlikebecausetheyarethoroughlyanti-GallicaninalltheirdoingstilltheythinkthatCæsarisreallyintrouble,andthentheyturnuponhim,—have to begof himagreat favour.Two tribes,—theÆdui,whosenameseemstohaveleftnotraceinFrance,andtheArverni,whomwestillknowinAuvergne,—have been long contending for the upper hand;whereupon theArverni and their friends the Sequani have called in the assistance of certainGermansfromacrosstheRhine.ItwentbadlythenwiththeÆdui.Andnowoneof theirkings,namedDivitiacus, implores thehelpofCæsar.WouldCæsarbe

kindenoughtoexpelthesehorridGermans,andgetbackthehostages,andfreethemfromaburdensomedominion,andputthingsalittletorights?And,indeed,not only were the Ædui suffering from these Germans, and their king,Ariovistus; it isgoingstillworsewiththeSequani,whohadcalledthemin.Infact, Ariovistus was an intolerable nuisance to that eastern portion of Gaul.WouldCæsarbekindenoughtodrivehimout?Cæsarconsents,andthenwearemadetothinkofanotherlittlefable,—oftheprayerwhichthehorsemadetothemanforassistanceinhiscontestwiththestag,andofthemannerinwhichtheman got upon the horse, and never got down again. Cæsar was not slow tomount,andwhenonceinthesaddle,certainlydidnotmeantoleaveit.

Cæsar tells us his reasons for undertaking this commission. TheÆdui hadoftenbeencalled“brothers”and“cousins”bytheRomanSenate;anditwasnotfitting that men who had been so honoured should be domineered over byGermans. And then, unless these marauding Germans could be stopped, theywouldfall intothehabitofcomingacrosstheRhine,andatlastmightgetintothe Province, and by that route into Italy itself. And Ariovistus himself waspersonally so arrogant aman that the thingmust bemade to cease. SoCæsarsends ambassadors to Ariovistus, and invites the barbarian to a meeting. Thebarbarianwillnotcometothemeeting.IfhewantedtoseetheRoman,hewouldgototheRoman:iftheRomanwantstoseehim,theRomanmaycometohim.SuchisthereplyofAriovistus.Ambassadorspassbetweenthem,andthereisagooddealofargument,inwhichthebarbarianhasthebestofit.Cæsar,withhisgodlike simplicity, scorns not to give the barbarian the benefit of his logic.AriovistusremindsCæsarthattheRomanshavebeeninthehabitofgoverningthetribesconqueredbythemaftertheirfashion,withoutinterferencefromhim,Ariovistus;andthattheGermansclaimandmeantoexercisethesameright.Hegoesontosaythathe iswillingenoughto live inamitywith theRomans;butwill Cæsar be kind enough to remember that the Germans are a peopleunconqueredinwar, trainedtotheuseofarms,andhowhardyhemight judgewhenhewastoldthatforfourteenyearstheyhadnotsleptunderaroof?Inthemean time other Gauls were complaining, and begging for assistance. TheTreviri,peopleof thecountrywhereTrevesnowstands,arebeingharassedbytheterribleyellow-hairedSuevi,whoatthistimeseemtohavepossessednearlythewholeofPrussiaasitnowexistsonthefurthersideoftheRhine,andwhohad the same desire to comewestward that the Prussians have evinced since.AndapeoplecalledtheHarudes,fromtheDanube,arealsoharassingthepoorÆdui.Cæsar, lookingat thesethings,sees thatunlessheisquick, thenorthernandsouthernGermansmayjointheirforces.Hegetstogetherhiscommissariat,

andfliesatAriovistusveryquickly.Throughout all his campaigns,Cæsar, as didNapoleon afterwards, effected

everythingbycelerity.Hepreaches tousnosermonon thesubject, favoursuswithnodisquisitionastothevalueofdespatchinwar,butconstantlytellsusthathemovedallhisarmy“magnisitineribus”—byveryrapidmarches;thathewenton with his work night and day, and took precautions “magno opere,”—withmuchlabourandallhiscare,—tobebeforehandwiththeenemy.InthisinstanceAriovistustriestoreachacertaintownofthepoorSequani,thencalledVesontio,now known to us as Besançon,—the same name, but very much altered. Itconsistedof ahill, ornatural fortress, almost surroundedbya river,ornaturalfosse. There is nothing, saysCæsar, so useful in awar as the possession of aplacethusnaturallystrong.ThereforehehurriesonandgetsbeforeAriovistus,andoccupiesthetown.ThereaderalreadybeginstofeelthatCæsarisdestinedtodivinesuccess.Thereaderindeedknowsthatbeforehand,andexpectsnothingworseforCæsar thanhairbreadthescapes.But theRomansthemselveshadnotasyet thesameconfidenceinhim.Tidingsarebrought tohimatVesontio thathismenareterriblyafraidoftheGermans.Andso,nodoubt,theywere.TheseRomans, though by the art ofwar they had beenmade fine soldiers,—thoughtheyhadbeentrainedintheEasternconquestsandthePunicwars,andinvasionsof all nations around them,—were nevertheless, up to this day, greatly afraidevenoftheGauls.ThecomingoftheGaulsintoItalyhadbeenasourceofterrortothemeversincethedaysofBrennus.AndtheGermanswereworsethantheGauls.TheboastmadebyAriovistusthathismenneversleptbeneatharoofwasnot vain or useless. They were a horrid, hirsute, yellow-haired people, theflashingaspectofwhoseeyescouldhardlybeenduredbyanItalian.Thefearisso great that the soldiers “sometimes could not refrain even fromtears;”—“neque interdum lacrimas tenere poterant.”Whenwe rememberwhatthesemenbecameaftertheyhadbeenawhilewithCæsar,theirblubberingaweoftheGermansstrikesusasalmostcomic.AndweareremindedthattheItaliansof thosedayswere,as theyarenow,moreprone toshowtheoutwardsignsofemotion than is thought tobedecorouswithmen inmorenorthernclimes.Wecan hardly realise the idea of soldiers crying from fear. Cæsar is told by hiscenturionsthatsogreatisthisfeeling,thatthemenwillprobablyrefusetotakeup their arms when called upon to go out and fight; whereupon he makes aspeechtoallhiscaptainsandlieutenants,fullofboasting,fullofscorn,full,nodoubt,offalsehood,butusingabitoftruthwheneverthetruthcouldaidhim.Weknow that amongother great giftsCæsar had the gift of persuasion. Fromhistongue, also, as from Nestor’s, could flow “words sweeter than honey,”—or

sharperthansteel.Atanyrate,ifotherswillnotfollowhim,histenthlegion,heknows,willbetruetohim.Hewillgoforthwiththatonelegion,—ifnecessary,withthatlegionoftruesoldiers,andwithnoothers.Thoughhehadbeenathisworkbutashorttime,healreadyhadhispickedmen,hisguards,hisfavouriteregiments,his tenth legion;andheknewwellhow touse their superiorityandvalourforthecreationofthosevirtuesinothers.

ThenAriovistus sends ambassadors, and declares that he now iswilling tomeetCæsar. Let themmeet on a certain plain, each bringing only his cavalryguard.Ariovistussuggests that foot-soldiersmightbedangerous,knowing thatCæsar’s foot-soldierswouldbeRomans,and thathiscavalryareGauls.Cæsaragrees,buttakesmenoutofhisowntenthlegion,mountedonthehorsesoftheless-trustedallies.Theaccountsofthesemeetings,andtheargumentswhichweare told are used on this and that side, are very interesting.We are bound torememberthatCæsaristellingthestoryforbothsides,butwefeelthathetriestotellitfairly.AriovistushadverylittletosaytoCæsar’sdemands,butagreatdealtosayabouthisownexploits.Themeeting,however,wasbrokenupbyanattackmade by theGermans onCæsar’smounted guard, andCæsar retires,—not, however, before he has explained to Ariovistus his grand idea of theprotectionduebyRometoherallies.ThenAriovistusproposesanothermeeting,which Cæsar declines to attend, sending, however, certain ambassadors.Ariovistusatoncethrowstheambassadorsintochains,andthenthereisnothingforitbutafight.

Thedetails of all thesebattles cannot begivenwithinour short limits, andthere is nothing special in this battle to tempt us to dwell upon it. Cæsardescribes to us the way in which the German cavalry and infantry foughttogether, the footmenadvancing fromamidst thehorsemen,and then returningfor protection. His own men fight well, and the Germans, in spite of theirflashing eyes, are driven headlong in a rout back to the Rhine. Ariovistussucceedsingettingovertheriverandsavinghimself,buthehastoleavehistwodaughtersbehind,andhistwowives.Thetwowivesandoneofthedaughtersarekilled; the other daughter is taken prisoner. Cæsar had sent as one of hisambassadorstotheGermanacertaindearfriendofhis,who,asweheardbefore,was,withhiscomrade,atoncesubjectedtochains.Intheflightthisambassadoris recovered. “Which thing, indeed, gave Cæsar not less satisfaction than thevictoryitself,—inthathesawoneofthehonestestmenoftheProvinceofGaul,his own familiar friend and guest, rescued from the hands of his enemies andrestored to him. Nor did Fortune diminish this gratification by any calamityinflictedontheman.Thrice,ashehimselftoldthetale,haditbeendecidedbylotinhisownpresencewhetherheshouldthenbeburnedaliveorreservedforanothertime.”SoCæsartellsthestory,andwelikehimforhisenthusiasm,andaregladtohearthatthecomradeambassadoralsoisbroughtback.

The yellow-haired Suevi, when they hear of all this, desist from theirinvasiononthelowerRhine,andhurrybackintotheirowncountry,notwithoutmisfortunesontheroad.SogreatalreadyisCæsar’sname,thattribes,actingas

itwereonhisside,daretoattackeventheSuevi.Then,inhis“Veni,vidi,vici”style,hetellsusthat,havinginonesummerfinishedofftwowars,heisabletoput his army into winter quarters even before the necessary time, so that hehimselfmaygointohisotherGaulacrosstheAlps,—“adconventusagendos,”—toholdsomekindofsessionorassizesforthegovernmentofhisprovince,andespeciallytocollectmoresoldiers.

CHAPTERIII.

SECONDBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARSUBDUESTHEBELGIANTRIBES.—B.C.57.

THEman had got on the horse’s back, but the horse had various disagreeableenemies in attackingwhom themanmight be very useful, and the horsewasthereforenotasyetanxioustounseathisrider.WouldCæsarbesogoodastogoand conquer the Belgian tribes? Cæsar is not slow in finding reasons for sodoing.TheBelgiansareconspiringtogetheragainsthim.TheythinkthatasallGaulhasbeenreduced,—or“pacified,”asCæsarcallsit,—theRomanconquerorwill certainly bring his valour to bear upon them, and that they had better beready.CæsarsuggeststhatitwouldnodoubtbefeltbythemasagreatgrievancethataRomanarmyshouldremainallthewintersoneartothem.Inthisway,andgoverned by these considerations, the Belgian lambs disturb the stream verysadly,andthewolfhastolooktoit.Hecollectstwomorelegions,and,assoonastheearthbringsforththefoodnecessaryforhisincreasednumberofmenandhorses,hehurriesoffagainst theseBelgiantribesofNorthernGallia.Ofthese,one tribe, the Remi, immediately send word to him that they are not wickedlambsliketheothers;theyhavenottouchedthewaters.AlltheotherBelgians,saytheRemi,andwiththemaparcelofGermans,areinaconspiracytogether.Eventheirverynext-doorneighbours,theirbrothersandcousins,theSuessiones,arewicked;butthey,theRemi,havesteadilyrefusedeventosniffatthestream,which theyacknowledge tobe theexclusivepropertyof thegoodwolf.Wouldthe wolf be kind enough to come and take possession of them and all theirbelongings,andallowthemtobethehumblestofhisfriends?WecometohatetheseRemi,aswedotheÆdui;buttheyarewiseintheirgeneration,andescapemuchofthestarvationandmassacringandutterruintowhichtheothertribesaresubjected.Amongalmostall theseso-calledBelgiantribeswefindthemodernnames which are familiar to us. Rheims is in the old country of the Remi,Soissons in that of the Suessiones.Beauvais represents theBellovaci,AmienstheAmbiani,Arras theAtrebates,TrevestheTreviri,—ashasbeenpointedoutbefore.SilvaArduennais,ofcourse,theForestofArdennes.

The campaign is commenced by an attackmade by the other Belgians onthose unnaturalRemiwhohave gone over to theRomans.There is a townoftheirs,Bibrax,nowknown,or rathernotknown,asBievre,andhere theRemiarebesiegedbytheirbrethren.WhenBibraxisonthepointoffalling,—andwe

canimaginewhatwould thenhavebeentheconditionof the townsmen,—theysend to Cæsar, who is only eight miles distant. Unless Cæsar will help, theycannot endure any longer such onslaught as is made on them. Cæsar, havingbidedhis time,ofcourse sendshelp, and thepoorbesiegingBelgians fall intoinextricable confusion. They agree to go home, each to his own country, andfrom thence toproceed to thedefenceof any tribewhichCæsarmight attack.“So,”saysCæsar,asheendsthestoryofthislittleaffair,“withoutanydangeronourpart,ourmenkilledasgreatanumberoftheirsasthespaceofthedaywouldadmit.”When the sun set, andnot till then, cameanend to thekilling,—suchhavingbeentheorderofCæsar.

ThattheseBelgianshadreallyformedanyintentionofattackingtheRomanprovince,orevenanyRomanally,thereisnootherproofthanthatCæsartellsusthattheyhadallconspired.Butwhatevermightbetheirsin,orwhatthelackofsinon theirpart,he isdetermined togoonwith thewar tillhehassubjugatedthemaltogether.OntheverynextdayheattackstheSuessiones,andgetsasfarasNoviodunum,—Noyons.Thepeoplethere,whentheyseehowterriblearehisenginesofwar,giveupallideaofdefendingthemselves,andaskforterms.TheBellovacidothesame.AttheinstigationofhisfriendstheRemi,hesparestheonecity,and,topleasetheÆdui,theother.Buthetakesawayalltheirarms,andexacts hostages. From theBellovaci, because they have a name as a powerfulpeople,hetakes600hostages.Throughoutallthesewarsitbecomesamatterofwonder to uswhatCæsar didwith all these hostages, and howhemaintainedthem.Itwas,however,nodoubtclearlyunderstoodthattheywouldbekilledifthetown,orstate,ortribebywhichtheyweregivenshouldmisbehave,orinanywaythwartthegreatconqueror.

TheAmbianicomenext,andtheancestorsofourintimatefriendsatAmienssoongivethemselvesup.ThenexttothemaretheNervii,apeoplefarawaytothenorth,whereLillenow isandaconsiderableportionofFlanders.Of theseCæsarhadheardwonderful travellers’ tales.Theywereapeoplewhoadmittednodealersamongthem,beinginthisrespectveryunliketheirdescendants,theBelgiansof to-day; theydranknowine, and indulged inno luxuries, lest theirmartialvalourshouldbediminished.Theysendnoambassadors toCæsar,andresolvetoholdtheirowniftheycan.Theytrustsolelytoinfantryinbattle,andknownothingofhorses.Againstthecavalryofothernations,however,theyarewont to protect themselves by artificial hedges, which they make almost asstrongaswalls.

Cæsar in attacking the Nervii had eight legions, and he tells us how headvanced against them“consuetudine suâ,”—after his usual fashion.For some

false information had been given to theNervii on this subject,which broughtthemintoconsiderabletrouble.Hesentonfirsthiscavalry,thensixlegions,thelegions consisting solely of foot-soldiers; after these all the baggage,commissariat, and burden of the army, comprising thematerials necessary forsieges;andlastly,thetwootherlegions,whichhadbeenlatestenrolled.ItmaybeaswelltoexplainherethatthelegioninthetimeofCæsarconsistedonpaperofsix thousandheavy-armed foot-soldiers.Therewere tencohorts ina legion,andsixcenturies,orsixhundredmen,ineachcohort.Itmaypossiblybethat,aswith our regiments, the numbers were frequently not full. Eight full legionswould thus have formed an army consisting of 48,000 infantry. The exactnumberofmenunderhisordersCæsardoesnotmentionhereorelsewhere.

Accordingtohisownshowing,Cæsarishurriedintoabattlebeforeheknowswhereheis.Cæsar,hesays,hadeverythingtodohimself,allatthesametime,—tounfurlthestandardofbattle,togivethesignalwiththetrumpet,togetbackthesoldiersfromtheirwork, tocallbacksomewhohadgonetoadistanceforstuff tomakea rampart, todrawup thearmy, toaddress themen,and then togivetheword.Inthatmatteroforatory,heonlytellsthemtoremembertheiroldvalour.Theenemywassocloseuponthem,andsoreadyforfighting,thattheycouldscarcelyputontheirhelmetsandtaketheirshieldsoutoftheircases.Sogreatwastheconfusionthatthesoldierscouldnotgettotheirownranks,buthadto fight as they stood,under any flag thatwasnearest to them.Therewere somany things against them, and especially those thick artificial hedges, whichprevented them even from seeing, that it was impossible for them to fightaccordingtoanymethod,andinconsequencetherewerevicissitudesoffortune.OneisdriventofeelthatonthisoccasionCæsarwascaughtnapping.TheNerviidid at times and places seem to be getting the best of it. The ninth and tenthlegionspursueonetribeintoariver,andthentheyhavetofightthemagain,anddrivethemoutoftheriver.Theeleventhandeighth,havingputtoflightanothertribe,areattackedontheveryriver-banks.Thetwelfthandtheseventhhavetheirhandsequallyfull,whenBoduognatus,theNervianchief,makeshiswayintotheverymiddleoftheRomancamp.SogreatistheconfusionthattheTreviri,whohadjoinedCæsaronthisoccasionasallies,althoughreputedthebravestofthecavalry ofGaul, run away home, and declare that theRomans are conquered.Cæsar, however, comes to the rescue, and saves his army on this occasion bypersonalprowess.Whenhe sawhow itwasgoing,—“remesse in angusto,”—howthethinghadgotitselfintotheverynarrowestneckofadifficulty,heseizesashieldfromacommonsoldier,—havingcometherehimselfwithnoshield,—and rushes into the fight.When the soldiers sawhim, and saw, too, thatwhat

theydidwasdoneinhissight,theyfoughtanew,andtheonslaughtoftheenemywaschecked.

Perhaps readers will wish that they could know how much of all this isexactlytrue.Itreadsasthoughitweretrue.Wecannotinthesedaysunderstandhowonebravemanat suchamoment shouldbe somuchmoreeffective thananother,howheshouldbeknownpersonallytothesoldiersofanarmysolarge,howCæsarshouldhaveknownthenamesofthecenturions,—forhetellsusthatheaddressesthembyname;—andyetitreadsliketruth;andthereaderfeelsthatasCæsarwouldhardlycondescendtoboast,soneitherwouldhebeconstrainedby any modern feeling of humility from telling any truth of himself. It is asthoughMinerva were to tell us of some descent which she made among theTrojans.TheNerviifighton,butofcoursetheyaredriveninflight.Thenationisallbutdestroyed,sothattheverynamecanbuthardlyremain;—soatleastwearetoldhere,thoughwehearofthemagainasatribebynomeansdestroyedorpowerless.When out of six hundred senators there are but three senators left,whenfromsixty thousandfightingmen thearmyhasbeenreduced toscarcelyfive hundred, Cæsar throws the mantle of his mercy over the survivors. Heallowsthemeventogoandliveintheirownhomes,andforbidstheirneighbourstoharass them.Therecanbenodoubt thatCæsarnearlygot theworstof it inthisstruggle,andwemaysurmisethathelearnedalessonwhichwasofservicetohiminsubsequentcampaigns.

But there are still certainAduatici to be disposed of before the summer isover,—peoplewhohadhelped theNervii,—whohaveacityof theirown,andwho livesomewhere in thepresentNamurdistrict.[6]At first they fighta littleroundthewallsoftheirtown;butwhentheyseewhatterribleinstrumentsCæsarhas,bymeansofwhichtogetatthemovertheirverywalls,—howhecanbuildupagreatturretatadistance,which,at thatdistance, is ludicroustothem,butwhichhebringsnear to them,so that itoverhangs them,fromwhich toharassthem with arrows and stones, and against which, so high is it, they have nodefence—thentheysendoutandbegformercy.Surely,theysay,CæsarandtheRomansmust havemore than human power. Theywill give up everything, ifonlyCæsaroutofhismercywill leave to themtheirarms.Theyarealwaysatwarwithalltheirneighbours;andwherewouldtheybewithoutarms?

Cæsar replies.Meritsof theirown theyhavenone.Howcoulda tribehavemeritsagainstwhichCæsarwasatwar?Nevertheless,suchbeinghiscustom,hewilladmitthemtosometermsofgraceiftheysurrenderbeforehisbattering-ramhas touched theirwalls.Butas for theirarms,surely theymustbe jokingwithhim.Ofcoursetheirarmsmustbesurrendered.WhathehaddonefortheNervii

hewould do for them.Hewould tell their neighbours not to hurt them.Theyagree,andthrowtheirarmsintotheoutsideditchofthetown,butnotquitealltheirarms.Apart,—athird,—arecunninglykeptback;andwhenCæsarentersthetown,theywhohavekepttheirarms,andothersunarmed,trytoescapefromthetown.Theyfight,andsomethousandsareslain.Othersaredrivenback,andthesearesoldforslaves.Who,wewonder,couldhavebeenthepurchasers,andatwhatpriceonthatdaywasamantobeboughtinthecityoftheAduatici?

Then Cæsar learns through his lieutenant, young Crassus, the son of hiscolleague in the triumvirate, thatall theBelgianstates, fromtheScheldt to theBayofBiscay,havebeenreducedbeneath theyokeof theRomanpeople.TheGermans, too, send ambassadors to him, so convinced are they that to fightagainsthimisofnoavail,—sowonderfulanideaofthislastwarhaspervadedallthetribesofbarbarians.ButCæsarisinahurry,andcanhearnoambassadorsnow.HewantstogetintoItaly,andtheymustcomeagaintohimnextsummer.

Forallwhichgloriousdoingsapublicthanksgivingoffifteendaysisdecreed,assoonasthenewsisheardinRome.

CHAPTERIV.

THIRDBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARSUBDUESTHEWESTERNTRIBESOFGAUL.—B.C.56.

INthefirstfewlinesofthethirdbookwelearnthatCæsarhadaneyenotonlyforconquest,butfortheadvantagesofconquestalso.WhenhewentintoItalyatthe end of the last campaign, he sent one Galba, whose descendant becameemperorafterNero,withthetwelfthlegion,totakeuphiswinterquartersintheupper valley of the Rhone, in order that an easier traffic might be opened totraders passing over the Alps in and out of Northern Italy. It seems that thepassageusedwasthatoftheGreatStBernard,andGalbaplacedhimselfwithhislegion at that junction of the valley which we all know so well asMartigny.Here,however,hewasattackedfuriouslyinhiscampbytheinhabitantsof thevalley,whoprobablyobjectedtobeingdictatedtoastotheamountoftolltobechargeduponthetravellingtraders,andwasverynearlydestroyed.TheRomans,however, at last,when theyhadneitherweaponsnor food left formaintainingtheir camp, resolved to cut theirway through their enemies. This they did soeffectually that they slaughtered more than ten thousand men, and the othertwentythousandofSwisswarriorsalltooktoflight!NeverthelessGalbathoughtitaswelltoleavethatinhospitableregion,inwhichitwasalmostimpossibletofindfoodforthewinter,andtookhimselfdownthevalleyandalongthelaketotheRomanProvince.Hemadehiswinter-quarters among theAllobroges,whobelongedtotheProvince,—apeoplelivingjustsouthofthepresentLyons.HowtheAllobroges liked itwearenot told,butweknow that theywere thenveryfaithful, although in former days they had given great trouble. Their positionmade faith to Rome almost a necessity.Whether, in such a position, Cæsar’slieutenants paid their way, and bought their corn at market price, we do notknow. ItwasCæsar’s rule, no doubt, tomake the country onwhich his armystoodsupporthisarmy.

WhenthenumberofmenwhomCæsartookwithhimintocountrieshithertounknowntohimorhisarmyisconsidered,andtheapparentlyrecklessaudacitywithwhichhedidso, itmustbeacknowledged thathehimselfsaysvery littleabouthisdifficulties.HemustconstantlyhavehadarmiesforwhichtoprovidetwiceaslargeasourCrimeanarmy,—probablyaslargeastheunitedforceoftheEnglish and French in theCrimea; and he certainly could not bringwith himwhat he wanted in ships. The road from Balaclava up to the heights over

Sebastopol,weknow,wasverybad;butitwasshort.TheroadfromthefootoftheAlpsintheRomanprovincetothecountrieswithwhichweweredealinginthe last chapter could not,we should say, have been very good two thousandyearsago,anditcertainlywasverylong;—nearlyahundredmilesforCæsartoevery single one of those that were so terrible to us in the Crimea. Cæsar,however,carriedbutlittlewithhimbeyondhisarmsandimplementsofwar,andofthosetheheaviesthenodoubtmadeashewent.Themenhadanallowanceofcornperday,besidessomuchpay.WearetoldthatthepaybeforeCæsar’stimewas100asses a-month for the legionaries,—theas being less than apenny,—and that thiswasdoubledbyCæsar.Wecanconceive that themoney troubledhimcomparativelyslightly,butthatthefindingofthedailycornandforageforsolargeahostofmenandhorsesmusthavebeenverydifficult.Hespeaksofthedifficultyoften,butneverwiththatdespairwhichwasfeltastotheroastingofourcoffeeintheCrimea.Wehearofhiswaitingtillforageshouldhavegrown,and sometimes there are necessary considerations “de re frumentariâ,”—aboutthatgreatgeneralquestionofprovisions;butofcrushingdifficultiesverylittleissaid,andofbadroadsnotaword.OnegreatadvantageCæsarcertainlyhadoverLordRaglan;—hewashisownspecialcorrespondent.Coffeehismencertainlydidnotget;butiftheircornwerenotproperlyroastedforthem,andif,aswouldbenatural,themengrumbled,hehadwithhimnolicensedcollectorofgrumblestomakepublicthesufferingsofhismen.

Andnow,whenthisaffairofGalba’shadbeenfinished,—whenCæsar,ashetells us, really did think that allGaulwas “pacatam,” tranquillised, or at leastsubdued,—theBelgiansconquered,theGermansdrivenoff,thoseSwissfellowscuttopiecesinthevalleyoftheRhone;whenhethoughtthathemightmakeashortvisit into thatotherprovinceofhis, Illyricum, so thathemight seewhatthat was like,—he is told that another war has sprung up in Gaul! YoungCrassus, with that necessity which of coursewas on him of providingwinterfood for the seventh legionwhichhehadbeenordered to take intoAquitania,hasbeenobligedtosendoutforcornintotheneighbouringcountries.Ofcourseawell-instructedyounggeneral,suchaswasCrassus,hadtakenhostagesbeforehesenthismenoutamongstrangeandwildbarbarians.Butinspiteofthat,theVeneti, a maritime people of ancient Brittany, just in that country of theMorbihanwhitherwe now go to visit theworks of theDruids at Carnac andLocmariaker, absolutely detained his two ambassadors;—so called afterwards,thoughinhisfirstmentionofthemCæsarnamesthemaspræfectsandtribunesofthesoldiers.Vannes,thecapitalofthedepartmentoftheMorbihan,givesusatraceofthenameofthistribe.TheVeneti,whowerepowerfulinships,didnot

see why they should give their corn to Crassus. Cæsar, when he hears thatambassadors,—sacred ambassadors,—have been stopped, is filled with shameand indignation, and hurries off himself to look after the affair, having, aswemayimagine,beenabletoseeverylittleofIllyricum.

ThishorrorofCæsarinregardtohisambassadors,—inspeakingofwhichhealludestowhattheGaulsthemselvesfeltwhentheycametounderstandwhatathingtheyhaddoneinmakingambassadorsprisoners,—“legatos,”—anamethathasalwaysbeenheldsacredandinviolateamongallnations,—isverygreat,andmakes him feel that he must really be in earnest. We are reminded of theinjunctions, printed in Spanish, which the Spaniards distributed among theIndians of the continent, in the countries now called Venezuela and NewGranada,explainingtothepeople,whoknewnothingofSpanishorofprinting,howtheywereboundtoobeytheordersofadistantking,whohadtheauthorityofamoredistantPope,whoagain,—sotheyclaimed,—wasdelegatedbyamoredistantGod.Thepainofhistoryconsistsintheinjusticeofthewolftowardsthelamb, joined to the conviction that thus, and no otherwise, could the lamb bebroughttobetterthanasheepishmodeofexistence!ButCæsarwasinearnest.[7]Thefollowingisatranslationofthetenthsectionofthisbook;“Therewerethesedifficultiesincarryingonthewarwhichwehaveaboveshown.”—Healludestothe maritime capacities of the people whom he desires to conquer.—“Manythings,nevertheless,urgedCæsaron to thiswar;—thewrongsof thoseRomanknights who had been detained, rebellion set on foot after an agreedsurrender,”—thatanysuchsurrenderhadbeenmadewedonothear,thoughwedo hear, incidentally, that Crassus had taken hostages;—“a falling off fromalliance after hostages hadbeengiven; conspiracy among somany tribes; andthenthisfirstconsideration,thatifthissideofthecountryweredisregarded,theother tribes might learn to think that theymight take the same liberty. Then,whenhebethoughthimselfthat,astheGaulswerepronetorebellion,andwerequicklyandeasilyexcitedtowar,andthatallmen,moreover,arefondoflibertyandhateaconditionofsubjection,heresolvedthatitwouldbewell,ratherthanthat other states should conspire,”—and to avoid the outbreak on behalf offreedomwhichmightthusprobablybemade,—“thathisarmyshouldbedivided,andscatteredaboutmorewidely.”TreatingallGaulasachess-board,hesendsround toprovide that theTreviri shouldbekeptquiet.Headerswill rememberhowfarTrevesisdistantfromtheextremitiesofBrittany.TheBelgiansaretobelooked to, lest they should rise and come and help. The Germans are to bepreventedfromcrossingtheRhine.Labienus,who,duringtheGallicwars,wasCæsar’sgeneralhighest in trust, is toseetoall this.Crassusis togobackinto

Aquitania and keep the south quiet. Titurius Sabinus, destined afterwards to asad end, is sent with three legions,—eighteen thousand men,—among theneighbouring tribes of Northern Brittany and Normandy. “Young” DecimusBrutus,—Cæsar speaks of him with that kind affection which the epithetconveys, andwe remember, aswe read, that thisBrutus appears afterwards inhistoryasoneofCæsar’s slayers, inconjunctionwithhisgreaternamesake,—youngDecimusBrutus,thefutureconspiratorinRome,hasconfidedtohimthefleetwhichistodestroythesemuchlessguiltydistantconspirators,andCæsarhimself takes the command of his own legions on the spot.All this is told infewerwordsthanarehereusedindescribingthetelling,andthereaderfeelsthathehas todowithamightyman,whoseeyesareeverywhere,andofwhomanordinaryenemywouldcertainlysay,Surelythisisnoman,butagod.

Hetellsushowgreatwastheeffectofhisownpresenceontheshore,thoughthe battle was carried on under young Brutus at sea. “What remained of theconflict,” he says, after describing their manœuvres, “depended on valour, inwhich ourmenwere far away the superior; and thiswasmore especially truebecausetheaffairwascarriedonsoplainlyinthesightofCæsarandthewholearmythatnobravedeedcouldpassunobserved.Forallthehillsandupperlands,fromwhencetheviewdownupontheseawasclose,werecoveredbythearmy.”

Of course he conquers theVeneti and other sea-going tribes, even on theirown element.Whereupon they give themselves and all their belongings up toCæsar.Cæsar, desirous that the rights of ambassadors shall hereafter be betterrespected among barbarians, determines that he must use a little severity.“Gravius vindicandum statuit;”—“he resolved that the offence should beexpiated with more than ordinary punishment.” Consequently, he kills all thesenate,andsellsalltheothermenasslaves!Thepithybrevity,theunapologeticdignityofthesentence,ashepronounceditandtellsittous,isheartrending,but,atthisdistanceoftime,delightfulalso.“Itaque,omnisenatunecato,reliquossubcoronâ vendidit;”—“therefore, all the senate having been slaughtered, he soldtheothercitizenswithchapletsontheirheads;”—itbeingtheRomancustomsotomarkcaptivesinwarintendedforsale.Wecanseehimashewaveshishandandpasseson.Surelyhemustbeagod!

Hisgeneralsinthiscampaignareequallysuccessful.OneViridovix,aGaulup in theNormandycountry,—somewhere aboutAvranchesorStLo,wemayimagine,—is entrapped into a fight, and destroyed with his army. AquitaniasurrendersherselftoCrassus,aftermuchfighting,andgivesupherarms.

ThenCæsarreflectsthattheMoriniandtheMenapiihadasyetneverbowedtheirheadstohim.BoulogneandCalaisstandinthenowwell-knownterritoryof

theMorini, but theMenapii lie a long way off, up among themouths of theScheldt and the Rhine,—the Low Countries of modern history,—anuncomfortablepeoplethen,whowouldrushintotheirwoodsandmarshesafteraspell of fighting, and who seemed to have no particular homes or cities thatcouldbeattackedordestroyed. Itwasnearly theendofsummer justnow,andthedistancebetween,letussay,VannesinBrittany,andBreda,orevenAntwerp,seemstoustobeconsiderable,whenweremembertheconditionofthecountry,and the size ofCæsar’s army.But he had a fewweeks to fill up, and thenhemightfeel thatallGaulhadbeen“pacified.”Atpresenttherewasthishaughtylittle northern corner. “Omni Galliâ pacatâ, Morini Menapiiquesupererant;”—“all Gaul having been pacified, the Morini and Menapiiremained.”Hewas,moreover,nodoubtbeginningtoreflectthatfromtheMorinicouldbemade theshortest journey into thatwildUltimaThuleofan island inwhich lived theBritanni.Cæsar takesadvantageof thefewweeks,andattackstheseuncomfortablepeople.Whentheyretreatintothewoods,hecutsthewoodsdown. He does cut down an immense quantity of wood, but the enemy onlyrecede into thickerandbiggerwoods.Badweathercomeson, and the soldierscan no longer endure life in their skin tents. Let us fancy these Italiansencountering winter in undrained Flanders, with no walls or roofs to protectthem, and ordered to cut down interminablewoods!Had a ‘Times’ been thenwrittenandfiled,insteadofa“Commentary”fromthehandsoftheGeneral-in-chief,weshouldprobablyhaveheardofagooddealofsuffering.Asitis,weareonly told that Cæsar had to give up his enterprise for that year. He thereforeburnedalltheirvillages,laidwastealltheirfields,andthentookhisarmydownintoamorecomfortableregionsouthoftheSeine,andthereputthemintowinterquarters,—notmuchtothecomfortofthepeoplethereresiding.

CHAPTERV.FOURTHBOOKOF THEWAR INGAUL.—CÆSARCROSSES THERHINE, SLAUGHTERS THEGERMANS,ANDGOESINTOBRITAIN.—B.C.55.

InthenextyearcertainGermans,Usipetesandothers,crossedtheRhineintoGaul, not far from the sea, asCæsar tells us.He tells us again, thatwhen hedrovetheGermansbackovertheriver,itwasneartheconfluenceoftheMeuseand the Rhine.When we remember how difficult it was for Cæsar to obtaininformation,wemustacknowledge thathisgeographyas to thepassageof theRhineouttothesea,andofthejunctionoftheRhineandtheMeusebytheWaal,iswonderfully correct. The spot indicated as that atwhich theGermansweredrivenintotheriverwouldseemtobenearBommelinHolland,wheretheWaalandtheMeusejointheirwaters,attheheadoftheislandofBommel,whereFortStAndréstands,orstood.[8]

ThosewonderfulSuevi,amongwhomthemenalternatelyfightandplough,yearandyearabout,caringmore,however,forcattlethantheydoforcorn,whoaresocialistsinregardtoland,havingnoprivatepropertyintheirfields,—who,all of them, from their youth upwards, do justwhat they please,—large, bonymen,whowear,eveninthesecoldregions,eachsimplysomescantymorselofskincovering,—whobatheinriversalltheyearthrough,whodealwithtradersonlytosellthespoilsofwar,whocarebutlittlefortheirhorses,andride,whentheydoride,withoutsaddles,—thinkingnothingofmentowhomsuchdelicateappendages are necessary,—who drink no wine, and will have no neighboursnear them,—these ferocious Suevi have driven other German tribes over theRhineintoGaul.Cæsar,hearingthis,isfilledwithapprehension.Heknowstheweakness of his poor friends theGauls,—howprone they are to gossiping, ofwhatarestlesstemper.ItisinthecountryoftheMenapii,thetribewithwhichhedid not quite finish his little affair in the last chapter, that theseGermans aresettling;andthereisnoknowingwhattroubletheintrudersmaygivehimifheallowsthemtomakethemselvesathomeonthatsideoftheriver.SohehurriesofftogivehelptothepoorMenapii.

Ofcoursethereisasendingofambassadors.TheGermansacknowledgethattheyhavebeenturnedoutof theirownlandsbytheirbrethren, theSuevi,whoarebettermenthantheyare.Buttheyprofessthat,infighting,theSuevi,andtheSuevionly,aretheirmasters.NoteventheimmortalgodscanstandagainsttheSuevi.ButtheyalsoareGermans,andarenotatallafraidoftheRomans.Butin

thepropositionwhich theymake theyshowsome littleawe.WillCæsarallowthemtoremainwheretheyare,orallottothemsomeotherregiononthatsideoftheRhine?Cæsartells themthattheymaygoandlive, if theyplease,withtheUbii,—anothertribeofGermanswhooccupytheRhinecountry,probablywhereColognenowstands,orperhapsalittlenorthofit,andwhoseemalreadytohavebeenforcedover theRhine,—they,orsomeof them,—and tohavemadegoodtheir footing somewhere in the region inwhichCharlemagnebuilt his church,nowcalledAix-la-Chapelle.Theretheyare,Germansstill,andprobablyaresobecausetheseUbiimadegoodtheirfooting.TheUbiialsoareintroublewiththeSuevi; and if these intruderswill go and join theUbii,Cæsarwillmake it allstraightforthem.Theintrudershesitate,butdonotgo,andatlastattackCæsar’scavalry,notwithoutsomesuccess.Duringthisfightthereisdoubletreachery,—first on the part of theGermans, and then onCæsar’s part,—which is chieflymemorablefortheattackmadeonCæsarinRome.Itwasinconsequenceofthedeceit here practised that it was proposed by his enemies in the city that heshouldbegivenupbytheRepublictothefoe.Hadanysuchdecreebeenpassed,itwouldnothavebeeneasytogiveupCæsar.

The Germans are, of course, beaten, and they are driven into the river onthoselowandthenundrainedregionsinwhichtheRhineandtheMeuseandtheWaalconfusethemselvesandconfusetravellers;—eitherhere,ormuchhigherupthe riveratCoblentz;but the readerwill alreadyhave settled thatquestion forhimself at the beginning of the chapter. Cæsar speaks of these Germans asthough theywerealldrowned,—men,women,andchildren.Theyhadbroughttheirentirefamilieswith them,and,whenthefightingwentagainst them,withtheirentirefamiliestheyfledintotheriver.Cæsarwaspursuingthemafter thebattle,andtheyprecipitatedthemselvesoverthebanks.There,overcomebyfear,fatigue,andthewaters,theyperished.Therewascomputedtobeahundredandeightythousandofthemwhoweredestroyed;buttheRomanarmywassafetoaman.[9]

Then Cæsarmade up hismind to cross the river. It seems that he had nointentionofextendingtheempireoftheRepublicintowhathecalledGermany,but thathe thought it necessary to frighten theGermans.Thecavalryof thoseintrudingUsipetes had, luckily for them, been absent, foraging over the river;andhenowsenttotheSigambri,amongwhomtheyhadtakenrefuge,desiringthatthesehorsemenshouldbegivenuptohim.ButtheSigambriwillnotobey.TheGermansseemtohaveunderstoodthatCæsarhadGaulinhishands,todoashelikedwithit;buttheygrudgedhisinterferencebeyondtheRhine.Cæsar,however, alwaysmanaged tohavea setof friendsamonghisenemies, tohelp

himinadjustinghisenmities.WehaveheardoftheÆduiincentralGaul,andoftheRemiinthenorth.TheUbiiwerehisGermanfriends,whowereprobablyatthistimeoccupyingbothbanksoftheriver;andtheUbiiaskhimjust tocomeoverandfrightentheirneighbours.Cæsarresolvesupongratifyingthem.Andasitisnotconsistenteitherwithhissafetyorwithhisdignitytocrosstheriverinboats,hedeterminestobuildabridge.

Is there a schoolboy inEngland, or onewho has been a schoolboy, at anyCæsar-readingschool,whodoesnotrememberthosememorablewords,“Tignabina sesquipedalia,” with which Cæsar begins his graphic account of thebuildingofthebridge?Whenthebreadthoftheriverisconsidered,itsrapidity,andthedifficultywhichtheremusthavebeeninfindingtoolsandmaterialsforsuchaconstruction,inacountrysowildandsoremotefromRomancivilisation,thecreationofthisbridgefillsuswithadmirationforCæsar’sspiritandcapacity.Hedrovedownpiles into thebedof the river, twoand two,prone against thestream.Wecoulddothatnow,thoughhardlyasquicklyasCæsardidit;butweshouldwantcoffer-damsandsteam-pumps,patent rammers,andaclerkof theworks.Heexplainstousthathesobuiltthefoundationsthattheverystrengthofthestreamaddedto theirstrengthandconsistency. In tendays thewhole thingwasdone,andthearmycarriedover.Cæsardoesnottellusatwhatsuffering,orwith the lossofhowmanymen. It is the simplicityof everythingwhich is sowonderful in these Commentaries. We have read of works constructed bymodern armies, and of works which modern armies could not construct. WeremembertheroadupfromBalaclava,andtherailwaywhichwassentoutfromEngland.Weknow,too,whataretheaidsandapplianceswithwhichsciencehasfurnishedus.Butyetinnomodernwarfaredothedifficultiesseemtohavebeensolight,solittleworthyofmention,astheyweretoCæsar.Hemadehisbridgeand took over his army, cavalry and all, in ten days. There must have beendifficulty and hardship, and the drowning, we should fear, ofmanymen; butCæsarsaysnothingofallthis.

Ambassadors immediately are sent. From themoment inwhich the bridgewas begun, the Sigambri ran away and hid themselves in the woods. Cæsarburns all their villages, cuts down all their corn, and travels down into thecountryof theUbii.Hecomforts them;and tidingsofhisapproach then reachthose terrible Suevi. They make ready for war on a grand scale; but Cæsar,reflectingthathehadnotbroughthisarmyovertheriverforthesakeoffightingtheSuevi,andtellingusthathehadalreadydoneenoughforhonourandforthegoodofthecause,tookhisarmybackaftereighteendaysspentinthejourney,anddestroyedhisbridge.

ThencomesapassagewhichmakesaBritonvacillatebetweenshameathisownancientinsignificance,andangeratCæsar’smisapprehensionofhisancientcharacter.Therewere leftof the fightingseasonafterCæsarcamebackacrosstheRhinejustafewweeks;andwhatcanhedobetterwiththemthangooverandconquerBritannia?Thisfirstrecordofaninvasionuponuscomesinatthefag-endofachapter,andthe invasionwasmadesimplytofillupthesummer!Nobody,Cæsar tells us, seemed to know anything about the island; and yet itwasthefact that inallhiswarswiththeGauls, theGaulswerehelpedbymenout of Britain. Before he will face the danger with his army he sends over atrusty messenger, to look about and find out something as to the coasts andharbours.Thetrustymessengerdoesnotdaretodisembark,butcomesbackandtellsCæsarwhat he has seen fromhis ship.Cæsar, in themean time, has gottogetheragreatfleetsomewhereintheBoulogneandCalaiscountry;and,—sohe says,—messengers have come to him fromBritain,whither rumours of hispurpose have already flown, saying that they will submit themselves to theRoman Republic.Wemay believe just as much of that as we please. But heclearly thinks lessof theBoulogneandCalaispeople thanhedoesevenof theBritons,which is a comfort to us.When these people,—then calledMorini,—came to him, asking pardon for having dared to oppose himonce before, andofferinganynumberofhostages,andsaying that theyhadbeen ledonbybadadvice,Cæsaradmittedthemintosomedegreeofgrace;notwishing,ashetellsus, to be kept out of Britain by the consideration of such very small affairs.“Neque has tantularum rerum occupationes sibi Britanniæ anteponendasjudicabat.” We hope that the Boulogne and Calais people understand andappreciatethephrase.Havingtakenplentyofhostages,hedeterminestotrusttheBoulogneandCalaispeople,andprepareshisshipsforpassingtheChannel.Hestartsnearlyatthethirdwatch,—aboutmidnight,wemaypresume.Aportionofhisarmy,—thecavalry,—encountersomelittledelay,suchashasoftenoccurredonthesamespotsince,eventotravellerswithouthorses.HehimselfgotovertotheBritishcoastataboutthefourthhour.This,atmidsummer,wouldhavebeenaboutaquarterpasteight.Asitwasnowlateinthesummer,itmayhavebeennineo’clockinthemorningwhenCæsarfoundhimselfunderthecliffsofKent,andsawourarmedancestorsstandingalongallthehillsreadytomeethim.Hestayedatanchor,waitingforhisships,tillabouttwoP.M.Hiscavalrydidnotgetacross till four days afterwards. Having given his orders, and found a fittingmomentandafittingspot,Cæsarrunshisshipsupuponthebeach.

Cæsarconfessestoagooddealofdifficultyingettingashore.Whenweknowhowveryharditistoaccomplishthesamefeat,onthesamecoast,inthesedays,

withall theappliancesofmodernscience toaidus,and,aswemustpresume,withnoreal intentionon thepartof theCantii,ormenofKent, toopposeourlanding,wecanquite sympathisewithCæsar.The shipswere sobig that theycould not be brought into very shallow water. The Roman soldiers werecompelledtojumpintothesea,heavilyarmed,andtheretofightwiththewavesandwiththeenemy.ButtheBritons,havingtheuseofalltheirlimbs,knowingtheground,standingeitherontheshoreorjustrunningintotheshallows,madethe landing uneasy enough. “Nostri,”—our men,—says Cæsar, with all thesethingsagainst them,werenotallof themsoalertatfightingaswasusualwiththemondryground;—atwhichnoonecanbesurprised.

Cæsar had two kinds of ships—“naves longæ,” long ships for carryingsoldiers;and“navesonerariæ,”shipsforcarryingburdens.ThelongshipsdonotseemtohavebeensuchshipsofwarastheRomansgenerallyusedintheirsea-fights,butwerehandier,andmoreeasilyworked,thanthetransports.Thesehelaid broadside to the shore, and harassed the poor natives with stones andarrows. Then the eagle-bearer of the tenth legion jumped into the sea,proclaiming thathe, at any rate,woulddohisduty.Unless theywished to seetheireaglefallintothehandsoftheenemy,theymustfollowhim.“Jumpdown,hesaid,myfellow-soldiers,unlessyouwishtobetrayyoureagletotheenemy.IatleastwilldomydutytotheRepublicandtoourGeneral.Whenhehadsaidthiswithaloudvoice,hethrewhimselfoutoftheshipandadvancedtheeagleagainst theenemy.”Seeingandhearing this, themen leaped forth freely, fromthatshipandfromothers.Asusual,therewassomesharpfighting.“Pugnatumestabutrisqueacriter.” It isnearlyalways thesame thing.Cæsar throwsawaynoneofhisglorybyunderratinghisenemy.ButatlengththeBritonsfly.“ThisthingonlywaswantingtoCæsar’susualgoodfortune,”—thathewasdeficientin cavalrywherewith to ride on in pursuit, and “take the island!”Consideringhowveryshortatimeheremainsintheisland,wefeelthathiscomplaintagainstfortuneishardlywellfounded.Butthereisageneralsurrender,andaclaimingof hostages, and after a few days a sparkle of new hope in the breasts of theBritons.Astormarises,andCæsar’sshipsaresoknockedaboutthathedoesnotknow how he will get back to Gaul. He is troubled by a very high tide, notunderstandingthenatureofthesetides.Ashehadonlyintendedthisforalittletentative trip,—amere taste of a futurewarwithBritain,—he had brought nolarge supply of corn with him. Hemust get back, by hook or by crook. TheBritons,seeinghowitiswithhim,thinkthattheycandestroyhim,andmakeanattempttodoso.Theseventhlegionisingreatperil,havingbeensentouttofindcorn, but is rescued. Certain of his ships,—those which had been most

grievouslyhandledbythestorm,—hebreaksup,inorderthathemaymendtheotherswiththeirmaterials.Whenwethinkhowlongittakesustomendships,havingdockyards,andpatentslips,andallthingsready,thisismostmarvelloustous.Buthedoesmendhisships,andwhilesodoinghehasasecondfightwiththe Britons, and again repulses them. There is a burning and destroying ofeverythingfarandwide,agatheringofambassadorstoCæsaraskingforterms,ademand for hostages,—a double number of hostages now,—whom CæsardesiredtohavesentovertohimtoGaul,becauseatthistimeoftheyearhedidnotchoosetotrustthemtoshipsthatwereunseaworthy;andhehimself,withallhisarmy,getsback into theBoulogneandCalaiscountry.Two transportsonlyaremissing,which are carried somewhat lower down the coast.There are butthree hundred men in these transports, and these the Morini of those partsthreaten tokillunless theywillgiveup theirarms.ButCæsar sendshelp, andeven these three hundred are saved from disgrace. There is, of course, moreburningofhousesand layingwasteof fieldsbecauseof this littleattempt,andthenCæsarputshisarmyintowinterquarters.

What would have been the difference to the world if the Britons, as theysurelymight have done, had destroyed Cæsar and every Roman, and not leftevenashiptogetbacktoGaul?InlieuofthisCæsarcouldsendnewstoRomeof these various victories, and have a public thanksgiving decreed,—on thisoccasionfortwentydays.

CHAPTERVI.

FIFTHBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSAR’SSECONDINVASIONOFBRITAIN.—THEGAULSRISEAGAINSTHIM.—B.C.54.

ONhisreturnoutofBritain,Cæsar,asusual,wentovertheAlpstolookafterhisotherprovinces,andtoattendtohisbusinessinItaly;buthewasdeterminedtomakeanotherraidupontheisland.Hecouldnotyetassumethathehad“takenit,”andthereforeheleftminuteinstructionswithhisgeneralsastothebuildingofmoreships,and therepairof thosewhichhadbeensonearlydestroyed.HesendstoSpain,hetellsus,forthethingsnecessarytoequiphisships.Weneverhearofanydifficultyaboutmoney.WeknowthathedidobtainlargegrantsfromRome for the support of his legions; but no scruplewasmade inmakingwarmaintainwar, as far as suchmaintenance couldbeobtained.Cæsarpersonallywas in an extremity of debt when he commenced his campaigns. He hadborrowedanenormoussum,eighthundredandthirtytalents,orsomethingover£200,000, fromCrassus,—whowas specially the richRomanof thosedays,—beforehecouldtakechargeofhisSpanishprovince.Whenhiswarswereover,hereturnedtoRomewithagreattreasure;andindeedduringthesewarsinGaulhe expended large sums in bribing Romans. We may suppose that he foundhoards among the barbarians, as Lord Clive did in the East Indies. Clivecontentedhimselfwithtakingsome:Cæsarprobablytookall.

Havinggiventheorderabouthisships,hesettledalittlematterinIllyricum,taking care to raise some tribute there also. He allows but a dozen lines forrecordingthiswinterwork,andthentellsusthathehurriedbacktohisarmyandhis ships.His commandhadbeen sowell obeyed in regard tovessels, that hefindsready,ofthatspecialsortwhichhehadorderedwithonebankofoarsonlyon each side, asmany as six hundred, and twenty-eight of the larger sort.Hegiveshissoldiersverygreatcreditfortheirexertions,andsendshisfleettothePortus Itius.The exact spotwhichCæsar calledby this name thegeographershavenotidentified,butitissupposedtobebetweenBoulogneandCalais.Itmayprobablyhavebeen atWissant.Having seen that thingswere thus ready for asecond trip into Britain, he turns round and hurries off with four legions andeighthundredcavalry,—anarmyof25,000men,—intotheTrevescountry.Thereisaquarrelgoingontherebetweentwochieftainswhichitiswellthatheshouldsettle,—somewhat as the monkey settled the contest about the oyster. This,however,isamerenothingofanaffair,andheisbackagainamonghisshipsat

thePortusItiusinapageandahalf.HeresolvesupontakingfivelegionsofhisownsoldiersintoBritain,andtwo

thousand mounted Gauls. He had brought together four thousand of thesehorsemen,collectedfromallGaul,theirchiefsandnobles,notonlyasfightingallies,butashostagesthatthetribesshouldnotriseinrebellionwhilehisbackwasturned.Thesehedivides,takinghalfwithhim,andleavinghalfwiththreelegionsofhisownmen,underLabienus, intheBoulognecountry,asabasetohisarmy,tolookaftertheprovisions,andtoseethathebenotharassedonhisreturn. There is a little affair, however, with one of the Gaulish chieftains,DumnorixtheÆduan,whooughttohavebeenhisfastestfriend.Dumnorixrunsawaywith all theÆduan horsemen.Cæsar, however, sends after him and hashimkilled,andthenallthingsareready.Hestartswithaltogethermorethan800shipsatsunset,andcomesoverwithagentlesouth-westwind.HearrivesoffthecoastofBritainataboutnoon,butcanseenoneoftheinhabitantsonthecliff.Heimagines that theyhaveall fled, frightenedby thenumberofhis ships.Cæsarestablisheshiscamp,andproceeds thatsamenightabout twelvemiles into thecountry,—elevenmiles,wemaysay,asourmileislongerthantheRoman,—andtherehefindstheBritons.Thereissomefighting,afterwhichCæsarreturnsandfortifieshiscamp.Thentherecomesastormandknockshisshipsaboutterribly,—although he had found, as he thought, a nice soft place for them. But thetempest is very violent, and they are torn away from their anchors, and thrustupontheshore,anddashedagainsteachothertillthereisinfinitetrouble.Heisobliged to send over to Labienus, telling him to build more ships; and thosewhicharelefthedragsupovertheshoretohiscamp,inspiteoftheenormouslabour required indoing it.He is tendaysat thiswork,nightandday,andwemay imagine that his soldiers had not an easy time of it.When this has beendone, he advances again into the country after the enemy, and finds thatCassivellaunus is in command of the united forces of the different tribes.CassivellaunuscomesfromtheothersideoftheThames,overinMiddlesexorHertfordshire. TheBritons had not hitherto lived very peaceably together, butnow they agree that against the Romans they will act in union underCassivellaunus.

Cæsar’sdescriptionoftheislandisveryinteresting.Theinteriorisinhabitedbynatives,—orratherby“aborigines.”Cæsarstatesthisatleastasthetraditionofthecountry.ButthemaritimepartsareheldbyBelgianimmigrants,who,forthemost part, have broughtwith them from theContinent the names of theirtribes.Thepopulationisgreat,andthehouses,builtverylikethehousesinGaul,are numerous andvery thick together.TheBritons have a great deal of cattle.

Theyusemoney,havingeithercoppercoinorironringsofagreatweight.Tinisfoundinthemiddleoftheisland,and,aboutthecoast,iron.Butthequantityofironfoundissmall.Brasstheyimport.TheyhavethesametimberasinGaul,—onlytheyhaveneitherbeechnorfir.Haresandchickensandgeesetheythinkitwrongtoeat;buttheykeeptheseanimalsaspets.Theclimate,onthewhole,ismilder than inGaul.The island is triangular.One corner, that ofKent, has aneastern and a southern aspect. This southern side of the island hemakes 500miles,exceedingthetruthbyabout150miles.ThenCæsarbecomesalittlehazyinhisgeography,—tellingusthattheotherside,meaningthewesternlineofthetriangle,where Ireland lies, verges towardsSpain. Ireland, he says, is half thesizeofBritain,andaboutthesamedistancefromitthatBritainisfromGaul.InthemiddleofthechanneldividingIrelandfromBritainthereisanislandcalledMona,—theIsleofMan.Therearealsosomeotherislandswhichatmidwinterhave thirty continuous days of night. Here Cæsar becomes not only hazy butmythic.Butheexplainsthathehasseennothingofthishimself,althoughhehasascertained,byscientificmeasurement,thatthenightsinBritainareshorterthanontheContinent.OfcoursethenightsareshorterwithusinsummerthantheyareinItaly,andlongerinwinter.Thewesterncoasthemakesouttobe700mileslong; in sayingwhichhe isnearly100milesover themark.The third sidehedescribesaslookingtowardsthenorth.Hemeanstheeasterncoast.Thishecalls800 miles long, and exaggerates our territories by more than 200 miles. Themarvel,however,isthatheshouldbesonearthetruth.ThemenofKentarethemost civilised: indeed they are almost as good asGauls in this respect!Whatchangesdoesnottimemakeinthecomparativemeritsofcountries!Themeninthe interior live on flesh andmilk, and do not care for corn. Theywear skinclothing. They make themselves horrible with woad, and go about with verylonghair.Theyshaveclose,excepttheheadandupperlip.Thencomestheworsthabitofall;—tenoradozenmenhavetheirwivesincommonbetweenthem.

Wehaveaveryvividandbynomeansunflatteringaccountof thesingularagilityofourancestorsintheirmodeoffightingfromtheirchariots.“This,”saysCæsar,“isthenatureoftheirchariot-fighting.Theyfirstdriverapidlyaboutthebattle-field,—“per omnes partes,”—and throw their darts, and frequentlydisordertheranksbytheveryterroroccasionedbythehorsesandbythenoiseofthe wheels; and when they have made their way through the bodies of thecavalry,theyjumpdownandfightonfoot.Thenthecharioteersgoalittleoutofthe battle, and so place their chariots that they may have a ready mode ofreturningshould their friendsbepressedby thenumberof theirenemies.Thustheyunitetherapidityofcavalryandthestabilityofinfantry;andsoeffectivedo

theybecomebydailyuse andpractice, that theyare accustomed tokeep theirhorses,excitedastheyare,ontheirlegsonsteepandprecipitousground,andtomanageandturnthemveryquickly,andtorunalongthepoleandstandupontheyoke,”—bywhichthehorseswereheldtogetheratthecollars,—“andagainwiththegreatestrapiditytoreturntothechariot.”[10]Allwhichisverywonderful.

Of course there is a great deal of fighting, and the Britons soon learn byexperience to avoid general engagements andmaintain guerilla actions.CæsarbydegreesmakeshiswaytotheThames,andwithgreatdifficultygetshisarmyoverit.Hecanonlydothisatoneplace,andthatbadly.Thesiteofthisfordhedoesnotdescribetous.ItissupposedtohavebeenneartheplacewhichwenowknowasSunbury.Hedoes tellus thathismenwere sodeep in thewater thattheirheadsonlywereabovethestream.Buteventhustheyweresoimpetuousintheironslaught, that theBritonswouldnotwaitfor themontheoppositebank,but ran away. Soon there come unconditional surrender, and hostages, andpromisesoftribute.Cassivellaunus,whoishimselfbutausurper,andthereforehasmanyenemiesathome,endeavourstomakehimselfsecureinastrongplaceor town,which is supposed tohavebeenonornear the siteofourStAlbans.Cæsar, however, explains that the poor Britons give the name of a town,—“oppidum,”—to a spot in which they have merely surrounded some thickwoods with a ditch and rampart. Cæsar, of course, drives them out of theirwoodland fortress, and then there quickly follows another surrender, morehostages, and the demand for tribute. Cæsar leaves his orders behind him, asthoughtospeakweretobeobeyed.OneMandubratius,andnotCassivellaunus,is to be the future king in Middlesex and Hertfordshire,—that is, over theTrinobanteswholivethere.HefixestheamountoftributetobesentannuallybytheBritonstoRome;andheespeciallyleavesordersthatCassivellaunusshalldonomischieftotheyoungMandubratius.ThenhecrossesbackintoGaulattwotrips,—his ships takinghalf thearmy first andcomingback for theotherhalf;and he piously observes that though he had lost many ships when they werecomparativelyempty,hardlyonehadbeendestroyedwhilehissoldierswereinthem.

So was ended Cæsar’s second and last invasion of Britain. That he hadreducedBritain ashehad reducedGaulhe certainly couldnot boast;—thoughQuintus Cicero had written to his brother to say that Britannia was,—“confecta,”—finished.Thoughhehadtwicelandedhisarmyunderthewhitecliffs, and twice taken it away with comparative security, he had on bothoccasionsbeenmadetofeelhowterriblystronganallytotheBritonswasthatchannelwhichdividedthemfromtheContinent.Thereaderismadetofeelthat

on both occasions the existence of his army and of himself is in the greatestperil.Cæsar’s idea inattackingBritainwasprobably rather thatofmaking theGaulsbelievethathispowercouldreachevenbeyondthem,—couldextenditselfall round them, even into distant islands,—than of absolutely establishing theRomandominionbeyond thatdistantsea.TheBritonshadhelped theGauls intheir wars with him, and it was necessary that he should punish any whopresumedtogivesuchhelp.Whethertheorderswhichheleftbehindhimwereobeyedwedonotknow;butwemay imagine that the tributeexactedwasnotsenttoRomewithgreatpunctuality.Infact,Cæsarinvadedtheislandtwice,butdidnotreduceit.

Onhis return toGaul, nearly at the closeof the summer, he foundhimselfobliged todistributehis armyabout the countrybecauseof a great scarcityofprovisions.Therehadbeenadrought,andthecropshadfailed.Hithertohehadkept his army together during the winter; now he was obliged to divide hislegions,placingonewithonetribe,andanotherwithanother.Alegionandahalfhestationsundertwoofhisgenerals,L.TituriusSabinus,andL.AurunculeiusCotta,amongtheEburones,wholiveonthebanksoftheMeuseintheLiegeandNamurcountry,—averystoutpeople,whoarestillmuchaversetothedominionofRome.Inthiswayhethoughthemightbestgetoverthatdifficultyastothescarcityofprovisions;butyethesowellunderstoodthedangerofseparatinghisarmy,thatheiscarefultotellusthat,withtheexceptionofonelegionwhichhehad stationed in a very quiet country,—among theEssui,whereAlençon nowstands,—theywere all within a hundredmiles of each other. Nevertheless, inspiteof thisprecaution, therenowfelluponCæsar thegreatestcalamitywhichhehadeveryetsufferedinwar.

Duringall thesecampaigns, thedesireoftheGaulstofreethemselvesfromthepowerandthetyrannyofRomeneverceased;nordidtheirintentiontodosoeverfadeaway.Cæsarmusthavebeen to themasavenomousblight,orsomeevil divinity sent to afflict them for causes which they could not understand.Thereweretribeswhotruckledtohim,buthehadnorealfriendsamongthem.Ifany Gauls could have loved him, the Ædui should have done so; but thatDumnorix, theÆduan,who ran awaywith the horsemenof his tribewhenhewaswantedtohelpintheinvasionofBritain,had,beforehewaskilled,triedtodefendhimself,assertingvociferouslythathewasafreemanandbelongingtoafreestate.Hehadfailedtounderstandthat,inbeingadmittedtotheallianceofCæsar, he was bound to obey Cæsar. Cæsar speaks of it all with his godlikesimplicity,asthoughhesawnothingungodlikeintheworkhewasdoing.Therewas no touch of remorse in him, as he ordered men to be slaughtered and

villagestobeburned.Hewasabletolookatthosethingsastrifles,—aspartsofagreatwhole.Hefeltnomorethandoesthegentlemanwhosendsthesheepoutofhisparktobeslaughteredattheappointedtime.Whenheseemstobemostcruel,it isforthesakeofexample,—thatsomepoliticresultmayfollow,—thatGaulsmayknow,andItaliansknowalso,thattheymustbowthekneetoCæsar.Buttheheartofthereaderismadetobleedasheseestheunavailingstrugglesofthetribes.OnedoesnotspeciallylovetheÆdui;butDumnorixprotestingthathewillnotreturn,thatheisafreeman,ofafreestate,andthenbeingkilled,isamantobeloved.AmongtheCarnutes,whereChartresnowstands,Cæsarhassetupapetking,oneTasgetius;butwhenCæsar isaway inBritain, theCarnuteskillTasgetius.TheywillhavenopetofCæsar’s.AndnowthestoutEburones,who have two kings of their own over them, Ambiorix and Cativolcus,understanding that Cæsar’s difficulty is their opportunity, attack the Romancamp,withitslegionandahalfofmenunderTituriusandCotta.

Ambiorix, thechieftain, isverycrafty.Hepersuades theRomangenerals tosendambassadorstohim,andtothesehetellshisstory.Hehimself,Ambiorix,lovesCæsarbeyondall things.HasnotCæsardonehimgreat kindnesses?HewouldnotwillinglyliftahandagainstCæsar,buthecannotcontrolhisstate.Thefacts,however,arethus;anenormousbodyofGermanshascrossedtheRhine,and is hurrying on to destroy that Roman camp; and it certainly will bedestroyed,sogreatisthenumberoftheGermans.ThussaysAmbiorix;andthensuggestswhetheritwouldnotbewellthatTituriusandCottawiththeirnineorten thousandmen,—amerehandfulofmenagainstall theseGermanswhoarealreadyover theRhine;—would itnotbewell that theRomans shouldgoandjoinsomeoftheirbrethren,eitherthelegionthatisamongtheNerviitotheeast,underQuintusCicero,thebrotherofthegreatorator—orthatotherlegionwhichLabienushas,alittletothesouth,onthebordersoftheRemiandTreviri?Andinregardtoagoodturnonhisownpart,sogreatistheloveandvenerationwhichhe, Ambiorix, feels for Cæsar, that he is quite ready to see the Romans safethrough the territoriesof theEburones.HebegsTiturius andCotta to thinkofthis,andtoallowhimtoaidthemintheirescapewhileescapeispossible.ThetwoRomangeneralsdothinkofit.TituriusthinksthatitwillbewelltotaketheadviceofAmbiorix.Cotta,andwithhimmanyofthetribunesandcenturionsofthesoldiers, thinkthattheyshouldnotstirwithoutCæsar’sorders;—thinkalsothatthereisnothingbaserormorefoolishinwarfarethantoactonadvicegivenby an enemy. Titurius, however, is clear for going, and Cotta, after muchargument and some invective, gives way. Early on the next morning they allleavetheircamp,takingwiththemtheirbaggage,andmarchingforthasthough

throughafriendlycountry,—apparentlywithbeliefintheprofferedfriendshipofAmbiorix. The Eburones had of course prepared an ambush, and the Romanarmyisattackedbothbehindandbefore,andisthrownintoutterconfusion.

The legion, or legion and a half, with its two commanders, is altogetherdestroyed. Titurius goes out from his ranks to meet Ambiorix, and pray forpeace.Heis toldtothrowawayhisarms,andsubmittingtothedisgrace,caststhemdown.Then,whileAmbiorixismakingalongspeech,theRomangeneralissurroundedandslaughtered.Cottaiskilledfighting;asalsoaremorethanhalfthesoldiers.Therestgetbackintothecampatnight,andthen,despairingofanysafety, overwhelmedwith disgrace, conscious that there is no place for hope,theydestroythemselves.OnlyafewhaveescapedduringthefightingtotellthetaleinthecampofLabienus.

As a rule the reader’s sympathies are with the Gauls; but we cannot helpfeelingacertainregret thataRomanlegionshouldhavethusbeenwiledontodestruction through the weakness of its general. If Titurius could have beenmadetosufferaloneweshouldbearitbetter.Whenwearetoldhowthegallanteagle-bearer, Petrosidius, throws his eagle into the rampart, and then diesfightingbefore the camp,wewish thatAmbiorixhadbeen less successful.Ofthis,however,wefeelquitecertain,thattherewillcomeaday,andthatsoon,inwhichCæsarwillexactpunishment.

Having done so much, Ambiorix and the Eburones do not desist. Now, ifever, after so great a disgrace, andwith legions still scattered,mayCæsar beworsted.Q.Cicero iswith his legion among theNervii, and thitherAmbiorixgoes.TheNerviiarequiteready,andCiceroisattackedinhiscamp.Andhere,too,foralongwhileitgoesverybadlywiththeRomans;—sobadlythatCiceroishardly able toholdhis ramparts against the attacksmadeupon themby thebarbarians.Red-hotballsofclayandhotarrowsarethrownintothecamp,andthereisafire.ThemessengerssenttoCæsarforhelpareslainontheroad,andthe Romans begin to think that there is hardly a chance for them of escape.UnlessCæsarbewiththemtheyarenotsafe.Alltheirpower,theirprestige,theircertaintyofconquest,liesinCæsar.Cicerobehaveslikeaprudentandavaliantman;butunlesshehadatlastsucceededingettingaGaulishslavetotakealetterconcealedinadarttoCæsar,theenemywouldhavedestroyedhim.

ThereisalittleepisodeoftwoRomancenturions,PulfiusandVarenus,whowerealwaysquarrellingastowhichwasthebettermanofthetwo.Pulfiuswithmuchbravado rushesout among the enemy, andVarenus followshim.Pulfiusgetsintotrouble,andVarenusrescueshim.ThenVarenusisinadifficulty,andPulfius comes to his assistance.According to all chances ofwar, both should

have been killed; but both get back safe into the camp;—and nobody knowsfromthatdaytothiswhichwasthebetterman.Cæsar,ofcourse,hastenstotheassistanceofhislieutenant,havingsentwordofhiscomingbyaletterfastenedtoanotherdart,which,however,hardly reachesCicero in time tocomforthimbeforehesees thefiresbywhich thecominglegionswasted thecountryalongtheirlineofmarch.Thenthereismorefighting.Cæsarconquers,andQ.Cicerois rescued from his very disagreeable position. Labienus has also been indifficulty,stationed,asweremember,onthebordersoftheTreviri.TheTreviriwere quite as eager to attack him as the Eburones and Nervii to destroy thelegionsleftintheirterritories.Butbeforetheattackismade,thenewsofCæsar’svictory, travelling with wonderful speed, is heard of in those parts, and theTrevirithinkitbesttoleaveLabienusalone.

ButCæsarhasperceivedthat,althoughhehassooftenboastedthatallGaulwasat lastatpeace,allGaul isprepared tocarryon thewaragainsthim. It isduringthiswinter thatheseemstorealiseaconvictionthathispresenceinthecountryisnotpopularwiththeGaulsingeneral,andthathehasstillmuchtodobefore he canmake themunderstand that they are not freemen, belonging tofree states. The opposition to him has become so general that he himselfdetermines to remain in Gaul all the winter; and even after telling us of thedestructionof Indutiomarus, thechiefof theTreviri,byLabienus,hecanonlyboastthat—“Cæsarhad,afterthatwasdone,Gaulalittlequieter,”—alittlemorelikeasubjectcountryboundhandandfoot,—thanitwasbefore.DuringthisyearCæsar’sproconsularpoweroverhisprovinceswasextendedforasecondperiodoffiveyears.

CHAPTERVII.SIXTHBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—CÆSARPURSUESAMBIORIX.—THEMANNERSOFTHEGAULSANDOFTHEGERMANSARECONTRASTED.—B.C.53.

CÆSARbegins thenextcampaignbefore thewinter isover,having,aswehaveseen,beenforcedtocontinuethelastlongafterthewinterhadcommenced.TheGaulswerelearningtounitethemselves,andthingswerebecomingveryseriouswith him. One Roman army, with probably ten thousand men, had beenabsolutelydestroyed,withitsgeneralsTituriusSabinusandAurunculeiusCotta.Another under Quintus Cicero would have suffered the same fate, but forCæsar’shappyintervention.AthirdunderLabienushadbeenattacked.AllGaulhadbeenunderarms,orthinkingofarms,intheautumn;andthoughCæsarhadbeen able to report at the end of the campaign that Gaul,—his Gaul, as heintendedthatitshouldbe,—wasalittlequieter,neverthelessheunderstoodwellthathestillhadhiswork todobeforehecouldenteruponpossession.HehadalreadybeenthemasterofeightlegionsinGaul,containing48,000foot-soldiers,levied on the Italian side of the Alps. He had added to this a large body ofGaulishcavalryandlightinfantry,overandabovehiseightlegions.Hehadnowlostanentirelegionandahalf,besidesthegapswhichmusthavebeenmadeinBritain,andbythelossofthosewhohadfallenwhenattackedunderCicerobytheNervii.But hewould show theGauls thatwhen so treatedhe couldbeginagain,notonlywithrenewedbutwithincreasedforce.HewouldastoundthembyhisdisplayofRomanpower,“thinking that, for the future, itwouldgreatlyaffecttheopinionofGaulthatthepowerofItalyshouldbeseentobesogreatthat,ifanyreverseinwarweresuffered,notonlycouldtheinjurybecuredinashorttime,butthatthelosscouldberepairedevenbyincreasedforces.”Henotonlyleviesfreshtroops,butborrowsalegionwhichPompeycommandsoutsidethewallsofRome.He tellsus thatPompeyyieldshis legion to the“Republicand to Friendship.” The Triumvirate was still existing, and Cæsar’s greatcolleagueprobablyfeltthathehadnoalternative.InthiswayCæsarnotonlyre-establishedthelegionwhichhadbeenannihilated,butcompletestheothers,andtakesthefieldwithtwonewlegionsaddedtohisarmy.Heprobablynowhadasmanyaseightythousandmenunderhiscommand.

He first makes a raid against our old friends the Nervii, who had nearlyconqueredCicerobeforeChristmas,andwhowerealreadyconspiringagainwithcertain German and neighbouring Belgian tribes. The reader will perhapsremember that in the second book this tribewas said to have been so utterly

destroyed thathardly theirname remained.That,nodoubt,wasCæsar’sbeliefafterthegreatslaughter.Therehadbeen,however,enoughofthemleftnearlytodestroy Q. Cicero and his legion. Then Cæsar goes to Paris,—LutetiaParisiorum,ofwhichwenowhearforthefirsttime,—and,withthehelpofhisfriendstheÆduiandtheRemi,makesapeacewiththecentretribesofGaul,theSenones andCarnutes.Thenhe resolves upon attackingAmbiorixwith all hisheartandsoul.Ambiorixhaddestroyedhis legionandkilledhis twogenerals,andagainstAmbiorixhemustputforthallhisforce.ItissaidthatwhenCæsarfirstheardof thatmisfortuneheswore thathewouldnotcuthishairor shavehimselftillhewasavenged.Buthefeelsthathemustfirstdisposeofthosewhowouldnaturallybethealliesofthismuch-to-be-persecutedenemy.TheMenapii,with whom we may remember that he had never quite settled matters in hisformerwar,andwholiveonthesouthernbanksof theMeusenotfarfromthesea,havenotevenyetsent tohimmessengerstoaskforpeace.Heburnstheirvillages, takes their cattle, makes slaves of the men, and then binds them byhostagestohavenofriendshipwithAmbiorix.InthemeantimeLabienusutterlydefeatsthegreatnorth-easterntribe,theTreviri,whomhecunninglyalluresintofighting justbefore theyare joinedbycertainGermanswhoarecoming toaidthem.“QuemDeusvultperderepriusdementat.”TheseunfortunateGaulsandGermans fall into every trap that is laid for them. The speech which Cæsarquotes as having been made by Labienus to his troops on this occasion ismemorable. “Now,” saysLabienus, “you have your opportunity.Youhave gotyour enemy thoroughly at advantage. That valour which you have so oftendisplayedbeforethe‘Imperator,’Cæsar,displaynowundermycommand.ThinkthatCæsarispresent,andthathebeholdsyou.”TohavewrittenthusofhimselfCæsarmusthavethoughtofhimselfasofagod.HetellsthestoryasthoughitwerequitenaturalthatLabienusandthesoldiersshouldsoregardhim.

Afterthisbattle,inwhichtheTreviriareofcourseslaughtered,Cæsarmakesa second bridge over the Rhine, somewhat above the spot at which he hadcrossed before. He does this, he says, for two reasons,—first, because theGermans had sent assistance to theNervii; and secondly, lest his great enemyAmbiorix should find shelter among the Suevi. Then he suggests that theopportunity is a good one for saying something to his readers of the differentmanners of Gaul and of Germany. Among the Gauls, in their tribes, theirvillages, and even in their families, there are ever two factions, so that oneshouldalwaysbalancetheother,andneitherbecomesuperior.Cæsarsotellsusat this particular point of his narrative, because he is anxious to go back andexplainhow itwas thathehad taken thepartof theÆdui,andhad first come

into conflict with the Germans, driving Ariovistus back across the Rhine fortheir sake. In eastern Gaul two tribes had long balanced each other, each, ofcourse,strivingformastery,—theÆduiandtheSequani.TheSequanihadcalledin theaidof theGermans,and theÆduihadbeenveryhardly treated. In theirsufferings they had appealed to Rome, having had former relations of closeamity with the Republic. Divitiacus, their chief magistrate,—the brother ofDumnorixwhowas afterwardskilledbyCæsar’s order for running awaywiththeÆduancavalrybeforethesecondinvasionofBritain,—hadlivedforawhilein Rome, and had enjoyed Roman friendships, that of Cicero among others.TherewasagooddealofdoubtinRomeastowhatshouldbedonewiththeseÆdui;butatlast,asweknow,Cæsardecidedontakingtheirpart;andweknowalsohowhedroveAriovistusbackintoGermany,withthelossofhiswivesanddaughters.Thus it came topass,Cæsar tellsus, that theÆduiwereaccountedfirst of all theGauls in regard to friendshipwithRome;while theRemi,whocame tohisassistanceso readilywhen theBelgianswere inarmsagainsthim,wereallowedthesecondplace.

AmongtheGaulsthereare,hesays,twoclassesofmenheldinhonour,—theDruidsandtheknights;bywhichweunderstandthattwoprofessionsormodesof life,and twoonly,wereopen to thenobility,—thepriesthoodand thearmy.All the common people, Cæsar says, are serfs, or little better. They do nothesitate, when oppressed by debt or taxation, or the fear of some powerfulenemy, togive themselves into slavery, loving theprotection soobtained.TheDruids have the chief political authority, and can maintain it by the dreadfulpowerofexcommunication.Theexcommunicatedwretch isanoutlaw,beyondthepaleofcivil rights.Over theDruids isonegreatDruid,atwhosedeath theplace is filled by election among all the Druids, unless there be one soconspicuously first that no ceremony of election is needed. Theirmost sacredspot for worship is among the Carnutes, in the middle of the country. TheirdisciplineandmysteriescametothemfromBritain,andwhenanyveryknottypointarisestheygotoBritaintomakeinquiry.TheDruidsdon’tfight,andpaynotaxes.TheambitiontobeaDruidisverygreat;butthensoisthedifficulty.Twenty years of tuition is not uncommonly needed; for everything has to belearnedbyheart.Of their religioussecretsnothingmaybewritten.Theirgreatdoctrineisthetransmigrationofsouls;sothatmenshouldbelievethatthesoulneverdies,andthatdeath,therefore,orthatpartialdeathwhichwesee,neednotbe feared. They are great also in astronomy, geography, natural history,—andgeneraltheology,ofcourse.

The knights, or nobles, have no resource but to fight. Cæsar suggests that

beforetheblessingofhisadventtheyweredriventothedisagreeablenecessityoffightingyearlywitheachother.OfallpeopletheGauls,hesays,arethemostgiventosuperstition;insomuchso,thatinalldangersanddifficultiestheyhaverecoursetohumansacrifices,inwhichtheDruidsaretheirministers.Theyburntheirvictims toappease theirdeities,and,bypreference,willburn thievesandmurderers,—thegodslovingbestsuchpollutedvictims,—but,indefaultofsuch,will have recourse to an immolation of innocents. Then Cæsar tells us thatamong the gods they chiefly worship Mercury, whom they seem to haveregardedasthecleverestofthegods;buttheyalsoworshipApollo,Mars,Jove,andMinerva,ascribing to themtheattributeswhichareallowedthembyothernations.Howtheworshipof theGreekandRomangodsbecamemingledwiththereligionoftheDruidswearenottold,nordoesCæsarexpresssurprisethatitshouldhavebeenso.CæsargivestheRomannamesofthesegods,buthedoesnotintendustounderstandthattheyweresocalledbytheGauls,whohadtheirown names for their deities. The trophies ofwar they devote toMars, and inmany states keep large stores of such consecrated spoils. It is not often that aGaulwill commit the sacrilege of appropriating to his own use anything thusmadesacred;butthepunishmentofsuchoffence,whenitiscommitted,isdeathbytorture.There is thegreatestvenerationfromsonsto theirfathers.Until thesoncanbeararmshedoesnotapproachhisfather,orevenstandinpublicinhispresence.Thehusband’sfortuneismadetoequalthewife’sdowry,andthenthepropertyiscommonbetweenthem.Thisseemswellenough,andthelawwouldsuittheviewsofBritishwivesofthepresentday.ButthenextGaulishcustomisnotsowellworthyofexample.Husbandshavethepoweroflifeanddeathovertheirwivesandchildren;andwhenanymanofmarkdies,iftherebecauseforsuspicion, his wives are examined under torture, and if any evil practice beconfessed, they are then tortured to death. We learn from this passage thatpolygamywasallowedamongtheGauls.TheGaulshavegrandfunerals.Thingswhichhavebeendear to thedepartedareburnedat theseceremonies.AnimalswerethusburnedinCæsar’stime,butinformerdaysslavesalso,anddependantswhohadbeenspeciallyloved.Thebest-governedstatesareveryparticularinnotallowing rumours as to state affairs to be made matter of public discussion.Anythingheardistobetoldtothemagistrate;butthereistobenodiscussiononpublicaffairsexcept in thepubliccouncil.Somuchwehearof thecustomsoftheGauls.

TheGermansdiffer from theGauls inmany things.TheyknownothingofDruids, nor do they care for sacrifices. Theyworship onlywhat they see andenjoy,—thesun,and fire,and themoon.Theyspend their time inhuntingand

war,andcarelittleforagriculture.Theyliveonmilk,cheese,andflesh.Theyarecommunistsastothesoil,andstaynolongerthanayearonthesameland.Thesecustomstheyfollowlesttheyshouldlearntopreferagriculturetowar;lesttheyshouldgrowfondofbroadpossessions,sothattherichshouldoppressthepoor;lest theyshouldby toomuchcomfortbecomeafraidofcoldandheat; lest theloveofmoneyshouldgrowamongthem,andonemanshouldseektobehigherthan another. From all which it seems that the Germans were not withoutadvancedideasinpoliticaleconomy.

ItisagreatpointwiththeGermanstohavenonearneighbours.Forthesakeofsafetyandindependence,eachtribelovestohaveawidemargin.Inwarthechieftainshavepoweroflifeanddeath.Intimeofpeacetherearenoappointedmagistrates,but thechiefs in thecantonsdeclare justiceandquell litigationaswell as they can. Thieving in a neighbouring state,—not in his own,—ishonourable toaGerman.Expeditionsfor thievingare formed,whichmenmayjoinornotastheyplease;butwoebetidehimwho,havingpromised,fails.Theyaregood to travelling strangers.Therewasa timewhen theGaulswerebettermen than theGermans, and could come intoGermany and takeGerman land.Evennow,saysCæsar,thereareGaulishtribeslivinginGermanyafterGermanfashion.But thenearnessof theProvince toGaulhas taught theGauls luxury,andsoithascometopassthattheGaulsarenotasgoodinbattleastheyusedtobe. It is interesting togather fromall thesenotices theprogressof civilisationthroughthepeoplesofEurope,andsomehintastowhathasbeenthoughttobegoodandbadforhumanitybyvariousracesbeforethetimeofChrist.

CæsarthentellsusofagreatHercynianforest,beginningfromthenorthofSwitzerland and stretching away to the Danube. A man in nine days wouldtraverseitsbreadth;buteveninsixtydaysamancouldnotgettotheendofitlengthwise. We may presume that the Black Forest was a portion of it. Itcontainsmanysingularbeasts,—bisonswithonehorn;elks,whicharelikegreatstags, but which have no joints in their legs, and cannot lie down,—nor, ifknockeddown,cantheygetup,—whichsleepleaningagainsttrees;butthetreessometimesbreak,andthentheelkfallsandhasabadtimeofit.Thenthereistheurus, almost asbigas anelephant,which sparesneithermannorbeast. It is agreat thing to kill a urus, but no one can tame them, even when young. TheGermans are fondofmounting the horns of this animalwith silver, andusingthemfordrinking-cups.

Cæsar does very little over among the Germans. He comes back, partlydestroys his bridge, and starts again in search of Ambiorix. His lieutenantBasilusnearlytakesthepoorhuntedchieftain,butAmbiorixescapes,andCæsar

moralises about fortune. Ambiorix, the reader will remember, was joint-kingovertheEburoneswithoneCativolcus.Cativolcus,whoisold,findinghowhispeopleareharassed,curseshisbrotherkingwhohasbrought thesesorrowsonthenation,andpoisonshimselfwiththejuiceofyew-tree.

AllthetribesintheBelgiccountry,GaulsaswellasGermans,werenowverymuch harassed. They all had helped, or might have helped, or, if left tothemselves,mightatsomefuturetimegivehelptoAmbiorixandtheEburones.Cæsar divides his army, but still goes himself in quest of his victim into thedamp,uncomfortablecountriesnearthemouthsoftheScheldtandMeuse.Hereheismuchdistractedbetweenhisburningdesiretoextirpatethatraceofwickedmen overwhomAmbiorix had been king, and his anxiety lest he should losemoreofhisownmenintheworkthanthewickedraceisworth.HeinvitestheneighbouringGaulstohelphiminthework,sothatGaulsshouldperishinthoseinhospitable regions rather thanhisown legionaries.This,however, is fixed inhismind,thatatribewhichhasbeenguiltyofsoterribleanoffence,—whichhasdestroyed inwar an armyof his, just as hewouldhavedelighted todestroy aGaulish army,—must be extirpated, so that its very namemay cease to exist!“Protalifacinore,stirpsacnomencivitatistollatur.”

Cæsar,individinghisarmy,hadstationedQ.Cicerowithonelegionandtheheavy baggage and spoils of the army, in a fortress exactly at that spot fromwhich Titurius Sabinus had been lured by the craft of Ambiorix. CertainGermans,theSigambri,havinglearnedthatallthepropertyoftheEburoneshadbeen given up byCæsar as a prey to anywhowould take it, had crossed theRhinethattheymightthusfilltheirhands.ButitissuggestedtothemthattheymayfilltheirhandsmuchfullerbyattackingQ.Ciceroinhiscamp;andtheydoattackhim,whenthebestpartofhisarmyisawaylookingforprovisions.Thatspecial spot in the territory of the Eburones is again nearly fatal to a Romanlegion. But theGermans, not knowing how to press the advantage they gain,returnwith theirspoilacross theRhine,andCæsaragaincomesup likeagod.ButhehasnotasyetdestroyedAmbiorix,—whoindeed isnot takenat last,—and expresses his great disgust and amazement that the coming of theseGermans,whichwasplannedwith theviewof injuringAmbiorix,shouldhavedoneinsteadsogreataservicetothatmonstrouslywickedchieftain.

HedoeshisverybesttocatchAmbiorixinperson,offeringgreatrewardsandinducinghismen toundergoallmannerofhardships in thepursuit.Ambiorix,however, with three or four chosen followers, escapes him. But Cæsar is notwithoutrevenge.HeburnsallthevillagesoftheEburones,andalltheirhouses.Hesolayswastethecountrythatevenwhenhisarmyisgonenotasoulshould

be able to live there. After that he probably allowed himself to be shaved.Ambiorixisseenhereandisseenthere,butwithhairbreadthchanceseludeshispursuer. Cæsar, having thus failed, returns south, as winter approaches, toRheims,—Durocortorum;andjusttellingusinfourwordshowhehadoneAccotortured todeathbecauseAccohadheadedaconspiracy in themiddleofGaulamong the Carnutes and Senones, and how he outlawed and banished otherswhomhecouldnotcatch,heputshislegionsintowinterquarters,andagaingoesbacktoItalytoholdassizesandlookafterhisinterestsamidthegreataffairsoftheRepublic.

CHAPTERVIII.

SEVENTHBOOKOFTHEWARINGAUL.—THEREVOLTOFVERCINGETORIX.—B.C.52.

IN openinghis account of his seventh campaignCæsarmakes almost theonlyreference to theaffairsofRomewhichwe find in thesememoirs.Clodiushasbeenmurdered.Weknow, too, thatCrassushadbeenkilled at theheadofhisarmy in the east, and that, at the death of Clodius, Pompey had been createdDictator in the city with the name of sole Consul. Cæsar, however, onlymentionsthemurderofClodius,andthengoesontosaythattheGauls,knowinghowimportanttohimmustbetheaffairsofRomeatthismoment,thinkthathecannot now attend to them, and that, in his absence, they may shake off theRomanyoke.TheaffairsofRomemustindeedhavebeenimportanttoCæsar,if,asnodoubtistrue,hehadalreadybeforehiseyesasettledcourseofactionbywhich tomakehimselfsupreme in theRepublic.Clodius, thedemagogue,wasdead,whomhenevercouldhaveloved,butwhomithadnotsuitedhimtotreatasanenemy.Crassus,too,wasdead,whom,onaccountofhiswealth,Cæsarhadadmittedasacolleague.Pompey,thethirdtriumvir,remainedatRome,andwasnowsoleConsul;Pompeywho,onlytwelvemonthssince,hadsofondlygivenuphislegionforthesakeoftheRepublic,—andforfriendship.Cæsar,nodoubt,foresaw by this time that the struggle must be at last between himself andPompey.Theveryformsoftheoldrepublicanrulewerebeingturnedadrift,andCæsarmust have known, as Pompey also knew, andClodius had known, andevenCrassus, that a newpowerwould becomeparamount in the city.But thehandstowrestsuchpowermustbeverystrong.Andthedayhadnotyetquitecome.Having spent six summers in subduingGaul,Cæsarwouldnot lose theprestige, the power, the support,which such a territory, really subdued,wouldgivehim.Things,doubtless,were importantatRome,but itwas stillhismostpoliticcoursetoreturnovertheAlpsandcompletehiswork.Beforethewinterwasoverheheardthatthetribeswereconspiring,becauseitwasthoughtthatatsuchanemergencyCæsarcouldnotleaveItaly.

ThislastbookoftheCommentary,aswrittenbyCæsar,tellsthestoryofthegallant Vercingetorix, one of the Arverni,—the modern Auvergne,—whosefather,Celtillus,issaidtohavesoughtthechieftainshipofallGaul,andtohavebeenkilledonthataccountbyhisownstate.VercingetorixiscertainlytheheroofthesewarsontheGaulishside,thoughwehearnothingofhimtillthisseventhcampaign. The conspiracy against Rome is afloat, the Carnutes, whose chief

town isGenabum,—Orleans,—having commenced it.Vercingetorix exciteshisown countrymen to join, but is expelled from their town, Gergovia, for theattempt.TheArverni,oratleasttheirchiefmen,feartoopposetheRomans;butVercingetorix obtains a crowdof followers out in the country, andperseveres.Menofothertribescometohim,fromasfarnorthasParis,andwestfromtheOcean.Heassumessupremepower,andenactsandcarriesoutmostseverelawsforhisguidanceduring thewar.Foranygreateroffenceheburns theoffenderaliveandsubjectshimtoallkindsoftorments.Foranysmallfaulthecutsoffaman’sears,pokesoutoneofhiseyes,andsendshimhome,thathemaybeanexamplevisibletoallmen.Bythreatsofsuchpunishmenttothosewhodonotjoinhim,andbyinflictingsuchonthosewhodoandarethenuntruetohimorlukewarm,hegetstogetheragreatarmy.Cæsar,whoisstillinItaly,hearsofallthis, and having made things comfortable with Pompey, hurries into theprovince.Hetellsusofhisgreatdifficultyinjoininghisarmy,—ofthenecessitywhichisincumbentonhimofsecuringeventheRomanProvincefrominvasion,and of the manner in which he breaks through snow-clad mountains, theCevennes,ata timeof theyear inwhichsuchmountainsweresupposed tobeimpassable.Heisforcedintofightingbeforethewinterisover,because,unlesshedoesso,thefewfriendshehasinGaul,—theÆdui,forinstance,—willhavebeengainedoverby theenemy.Thismade itverydifficult,Cæsar tellsus, forhimtoknowwhattodo;buthedecidesthathemustbeginhiscampaign,thoughitbewinterstill.

Cæsar,movinghisarmyaboutwithwonderfulquickness, takes three townsinthecentreofGaul,ofwhichGenabum,Orleans,isthefirst,andthusprovideshimselfwithfood.Vercingetorix,whenhehearsoftheselosses,greatlytroubledinhismindthatCæsarshouldthusheenabledtoexistontheprovisionsgatheredbytheGauls,determinestoburnalltheGaulishtownsinthoseparts.Hetellshispeople that there is nothing else for them in their present emergency, and thatthey must remember when they see their hearths smoking and their propertydestroyed, that it would be, or ought to be, muchmore grievous for them toknowthattheirwivesandchildrenwouldbecomeslaves,asundoubtedlywouldbetheirfate,ifCæsarwereallowedtoprevail.Theorderisgiven.Twentycitiesbelongingtoonetribeareburnedtotheground.Thesamethingisdoneinotherstates.Butthereisoneverybeautifulcity,thegloryofthecountryround,whichcan,theysay,besoeasilydefendedthatitwillbeacomfortratherthanaperiltothem. Avaricum, the present Bourges,—must that also be burned? May notAvaricumbespared?VercingetorixisallforburningAvaricumashehasburnedtheothers;butheallowshimselftobepersuaded,andthecityisspared—forthe

time.Cæsar, of course, determines to take Avaricum; but he encounters great

difficulties.Thecattlehavebeendrivenaway.Thereisnocorn.ThosewretchedÆdui do almost nothing for him; and theBoii,who are their neighbours, andwho,atthebest,arebutapoorscantypeople,areequallyunserviceable.Somedayshisarmyisabsolutelywithoutfood;butyetnowordofcomplaintisheard“unworthy of the majesty and former victories of the Roman people.” Thesoldiersevenbeghimtocontinuethesiegewhenheofferstoraiseitbecauseofthehardshipstheyareenduring.Letthemendureanything,theysay,butfailure!“MoreoverCæsar,whenhewouldaccosthis legionsonebyoneat theirwork,andwouldtellthemthathewouldraisethesiegeiftheycouldbutillbeartheirprivations,wasimploredbyallofthemnottodothat.Theysaidthatformanyyears under his command they had so well done their duty that they hadundergone no disgrace, had never quitted their ground leaving aughtunfinished,”—except the subjugation ofBritain theymight perhaps have said,—“thattheywouldbenowdisgracediftheyshouldraiseasiegewhichhadbeencommenced; that they would rather bear all hardships than not avenge theRoman citizens who had perished at Genabum by the perfidy of the Gauls.”Cæsarputsthesewordsintothemouthsofhislegionaries,andaswereadthemwebelievethatsuchwastheexistingspiritofthemen.Cæsar’ssoldiersnowhadlearnedbetterthantocrybecausetheywereafraidoftheirenemies.

Then we hear that Vercingetorix is in trouble with the Gauls. The Gauls,whentheyseetheRomanssonearthem,thinkthattheyaretobebetrayedintoCæsar’s hands, and they accuse their leader. But Vercingetorixmakes them aspeech, andbrings up certainRomanprisoners to give evidence as to the evilcondition of the Roman army. Vercingetorix swears that these prisoners aresoldiers from the Roman legions, and so settles that little trouble; but Cæsar,defendinghislegionaries,assertsthatthemensousedweresimplyslaves.

Vercingetorix is in his camp at some little distance from Avaricum, whileCæsar is determined to take the city. We have the description of the siege,concise,graphic,andclear.Wearetoldofthenatureofthewalls;howtheGaulsweregoodatminingandcountermining;how they flunghotpitchandboilinggreaseontheinvaders;howthiswaskeptup,oneGaulafteranothersteppingontothebodyofhisdyingcomrade;howatlasttheyresolvedtoquitthetownandmaketheirwaybynighttothecampofVercingetorix,butwerestoppedbytheprayersoftheirownwomen,whofearedCæsar’smercies;—andhowatlastthecitywas taken.We cannot but execrate Cæsar when he tells us coolly of theresult. They were all killed. The old, the women, and the children, perished

altogether,slaughteredbytheRomans.Outoffortythousandinhabitants,CæsarsaysthatabouteighthundredgotsafelytoVercingetorix.OfcoursewedoubttheaccuracyofCæsar’sfigureswhenhetellsusofthenumbersoftheGauls;butwedo not doubt that but a few escaped, and that all but a fewwere slaughtered.When, during the last campaign, the Gauls at Genabum (Orleans) haddeterminedonrevoltagainstCæsar,certainRomantraders—usurersforthemostpart,whohadthereestablishedthemselves—werekilled.Cæsargivesthisasthecause,andsufficientcause,forthewholesaleslaughterofwomenandchildren!Onereflectsthatnototherwise,perhaps,couldhehaveconqueredGaul,andthatGaul had to be conquered; butwe cannot for themoment but abhor themancapableofsuchwork.Vercingetorixbearshislossbravely.HeremindstheGaulsthathadtheytakenhisadvicethecitywouldhavebeendestroyedbythemselvesandnotdefended;hetellsthemthatallthestatesofGaularenowreadytojoinhim; and he prepares to fortify a camp after the Roman fashion. Hitherto theGauls have fought either from behind the walls of towns, or out in the opencountrywithoutotherprotectionthanthatofthewoodsandhills.

Then there is another episode with those unsatisfactory Ædui. There is aquarrelamongthemwhoshallbetheirchiefmagistrate,—acertainoldmanoracertain young man,—and they send to Cæsar to settle the question. Cæsar’shandsareveryfull;but,asheexplains,itisessentialtohimthathisalliesshallbekeptinduesubordinateorder.Hethereforeabsolutelygoesinpersontooneoftheircities,anddecidesthattheyoungmanshallbethechiefmagistrate.But,as he seldom does anything for nothing, he begs that ten thousand Æduaninfantry and all the Æduan cavalry may be sent to help him againstVercingetorix.TheÆduihavenoalternativebut to comply.Their compliance,however, isnotaltogetherofa friendlynature.Theoldmanwhohasbeenputout of the magistracy gets hold of the Æduan general of the forces; and theÆduanarmytakesthefield,—tohelp,notCæsar,butVercingetorix!Thereisalargeamountof lyingand treacheryamong theÆdui,andofcourse tidingsofwhatisgoingonarecarriedtoCæsar.Overandoveragainthesepeopledeceivehim,betrayhim,andendeavourtoinjurehiscause;buthealwaysforgivesthem,orpretendstoforgivethem.ItishispolicytoshowtotheGaulshowgreatcanbethefriendshipandclemencyofCæsar.IfhewouldhaveburnedtheÆduiandsparedBourgesweshouldhave likedhimbetter;but then,hadhedoneso,hewouldnothavebeenCæsar.

WhileCæsaristhustroubledwithhisallies,hehastroubleenoughalsowithhis enemies. Vercingetorix, with his followers, after that terrible reverse atAvaricum,—Bourges,—goesintohisowncountrywhichweknowasAuvergne,

andthereencampshisarmyonahighhillwithaflattop,calledGergovia.AllofuswhohavevisitedClermonthaveprobablyseenthehill.Vercingetorixmakesthree camps for his army on the hill, and theArverni have a town there. TheGaulhassoplacedhimselfthatthereshallbearivernotcapableofbeingfordedbetween himself and Cæsar. But the Roman general makes a bridge and setshimselfdownwithhislegionsbeforeGergovia.Thelimitsofthislittleworkdonot admit of any detailed description of Cæsar’s battles; but perhaps there isnonemore interesting than this siege.The threeGaulishcampsare taken.Thewomen of Gergovia, thinking that their town is taken also, leaning over thewalls,imploremercyfromtheRomans,andbegthattheymaynotbetreatedashavethewomenofAvaricum.CertainleadingRomansoldiersabsolutelyclimbup into the town.The readeralso thinks thatCæsar is toprevail,ashealwaysdoesprevail.Butheisbeatenback,andhastogiveitup.Onthisoccasionthegallant Vercingetorix is the master of the day, and Cæsar excuses himself byexplaininghowitwasthathislegionsweredefeatedthroughtherashcourageofhisownmen,andnotbybadgeneralshipofhisown.And itprobablywasso.ThereaderalwaysfeelsinclinedtobelievetheCommentary,evenwhenhemaymostdislikeCæsar.Cæsaragainmakeshisbridgeovertheriver,theAllier,andretiresintotheterritoryofhisdoubtfulfriendstheÆdui.Hetellsushimselfthatinthataffairhelost700menand46officers.

ItseemsthatatthistimeCæsarwithhiswholearmymusthavebeeningreatdangerofbeingdestroyedbytheGauls.WhyVercingetorixdidnotfollowuphisvictory and preventCæsar from escaping over theAllier is not explained.NodoubttherequirementsofwarfarewerenotknowntotheGaulastheyweretotheRoman.Asitwas,Cæsarhadenoughtodotosavehisarmy.TheÆdui,ofcourse,turnedagainsthimagain.AllhisstoresandtreasureandbaggagewereatNoviodunum,—Nevers,—atownbelongingtotheÆdui.Theseareseizedbyhisallies, who destroy all that they cannot carry away, and Cæsar’s army is indanger of being starved. Everything has been eaten up where he is, and theLoire,withoutbridgesorfords,wasbetweenhimandacountrywherefoodwastobefound.Hedoescrosstheriver,theÆduihavingsupposedthatitwouldbeimpossible. He finds a spot in which his men can wade across with theirshoulders just above the waters. Bad as the spot is for fording, in his greatdifficultyhemakestheattemptandaccomplishesit.

ThenthereisanaccountofabattlewhichLabienusisobligedtofightupnearParis.He has four legions awaywith him there, and having heard ofCæsar’smisfortuneatGergovia,knowshowimperativeitisthatheshouldjoinhischief.Hefightshisbattleandwinsit,andCæsartellsthestoryquiteasenthusiastically

asthoughhehimselfhadbeentheconqueror.Whenthisdifficultyisovercome,LabienuscomessouthandjoinshisImperator.

TheGaulsarestilldeterminedtodriveCæsaroutoftheircountry,andwiththisobjectcalltogetheragreatcouncilatBibracte,whichwasthechieftownoftheÆdui. It was afterwards calledAugustodunum,which has passed into themodern name Autun. At this meeting, theÆdui, who, having been for someyears past bolstered up by Rome, think themselves the first of all the Gauls,demandthatthechiefauthorityintherevoltagainstRome,—nowthattheyhaverevolted,—shallbeintrustedtothem.AnÆduanchief,theythink,shouldbethecommander-in-chief in thiswar againstRome.Whohasdone somuch for therevoltas theÆdui,whohave thrownover their friends theRomans,—nowforaboutthetenthtime?ButVercingetorixisunanimouslyelected,andtheÆduanchiefsaredisgusted.Thenthereisanotherbattle.Vercingetorixthinksthatheisstrong enough to attack the enemy asCæsar is going down south towards theProvince. Cæsar, so says Vercingetorix, is in fact retreating. And, indeed, itseemsthatCæsarwasretreating.ButtheGaulsarebeatenandfly,losingsomethreethousandoftheirmenwhoareslaughteredinthefight.VercingetorixshutshimselfupinatowncalledAlesia,andCæsarpreparesforanothersiege.

The taking of Alesia is the last event told in Cæsar’s Commentary on theGallic War, and of all the stories told, it is perhaps the most heartrending.Civilisation was never forwarded in a fashion more terrible than that whichprevailed at this siege. Vercingetorix with his whole army is forced into thetown,andCæsarsurroundsitwithditches,works,lines,andramparts,sothatnooneshallbeabletoescapefromit.Beforethisiscompleted,andwhilethereisyetawayopenofleavingthetown,theGaulishchiefsendsouthorsemen,whoaretogotoallthetribesofGaul,andconvenethefightingmentothatplace,sothatbytheirnumbers theymayraise thesiegeandexpel theRomans.Wefindthatthesehorsemendoastheyarebidden,andthatagreatGaulishconferenceisheld, at which it is decided how many men shall be sent by each tribe.Vercingetorixhasbeenvery touching inhisdemand thatall this shallbedonequickly.Hehasfoodforthetownforthirtydays.Probablyitmaybestretchedtolast a little longer. Then, if the tribes are not true to him, he and the eightythousand souls he has with him must perish. The horsemen make good theirescapefromthetown,andVercingetorix,withhiseightythousandhungrysoulsaroundhim,preparestowait.Itseemstous,whenwethinkwhatmusthavebeentheGalliaofthosedays,andwhenwerememberhowfarthirtydayswouldnowbe for sufficing for such a purpose, that the difficulties to be overcomewereinsuperable.ButCæsarsaysthatthetribesdidsendtheirmen,eachtribesending

the number demanded, except the Bellovaci,—the men of Beauvais,—whodeclaredthattheychosetowagewarontheirownaccount;buteventhey,outofkindness,lenttwothousandmen.CæsarexplainsthatevenhisownbestfriendsamongtheGauls,—amongwhomwasoneCommius,whohadbeenveryusefultohiminBritain,andwhomhehadmadekingoverhisowntribe,theAtrebates,—at this conjuncture of affairs felt themselves bound to join the nationalmovement. This Commius had even begged for the two thousand men ofBeauvais.Sogreat,saysCæsar,wastheuniteddesireofGaultorecoverGallicliberty, that theywere deterred from coming by nomemory of benefits or offriendship. Eight thousand horsemen and two hundred and forty thousandfootmenassembledthemselvesintheterritoriesoftheÆdui.Alesiawasnorthofthe Ædui, amidst the Lingones. This enormous army chose its generals, andmarchedofftoAlesiatorelieveVercingetorix.

Butthethirtydayswerepast,andmorethanpast,andthemenandwomeninAlesiawerestarving.NotidingseverhadreachedAlesiaoftheprogresswhichwasbeingmadeinthegatheringoftheirfriends.Ithadcometobeverybadwiththem there. Somewere talking of unconditional surrender.Others proposed tocuttheirwaythroughtheRomanlines.ThenoneCritognatushadasuggestiontomake,andCæsargivesusthewordsofhisspeech.IthasbeencommonwiththeGreek andLatin historians to put speeches into themouths of certain orators,adding thewordswhen thematter has comewithin either their knowledge orbelief.Cæsardoesnotoftenthusriskhiscredibility;butonthisoccasionhedoesso.Wehave thespeechofCritognatus,wordforword.Of thosewhospeakofsurrenderhethinkssomeanlythathewillnotnoticethem.AstothatcuttingawaythroughtheRomanlines,whichmeansdeath,heisofopinionthattoenduremisfortuneisgreater thantodie.Manyamancandiewhocannotbravelyliveandsuffer.Letthemendurealittlelonger.Whydoubtthetruthandconstancyofthetribes?Thenhemakeshissuggestion.Letthosewhocanfight,andarethususeful,—eatthosewhoareuselessandcannotfight;andthuslivetilltheleviesofallGaulshallhavecometotheirsuccour!ThosewhohaveauthorityinAlesiacannotquitebring themselves to this,but theydo thatwhich ishorrible in thenextdegree.Theywillturnoutofthetownalltheold,alltheweak,andallthewomen.After that,—if thatwill not suffice,—then theywill begin to eat eachother.Thetownbelongs,ordidbelong,toapeoplecalledtheMandubii,—nottoVercingetorixorhistribe;andtheMandubii,withtheirchildrenandwomen,arecompelledtogoout.

But whither shall they go? Cæsar has told us that there was a margin ofgroundbetweenhislinesandthecitywall,—anenclosedspacefromwhichthere

wasnoegressexcept intoCæsar’scampor into thebesieged town.Herestandthese weak ones,—aged men, women, and children,—and implore Cæsar toreceive them into his camp, so that theymay pass out into the open country.Theretheystoodassupplicants,onthatnarrowmarginofgroundbetweentwoarmies. Their own friends, having no food for them, had expelled them fromtheir ownhomes.WouldCæsarhavemercy?Cæsar,with awaveof his hand,declinestohavemercy.Hetellsuswhathehimselfdecidestodoineightwords.“AtCæsar,depositis invallocustodiis, recipiprohibebat.” “ButCæsar,havingplacedguardsalongtherampart,forbadethattheyshouldbereceived.”Wehearnomoreofthem,butweknowthattheyperished!

The collected forces of Gaul do at last come up to attempt the rescue ofVercingetorix,—andindeedtheycomeintime;weretheyablebycomingtodoanything?TheyattackCæsarinhiscamp,andagreatbattleisfoughtbeneaththeeyes of themen inAlesia. ButCæsar is very careful that thosewho now arehemmedupinthetownshallnot jointhemselvestotheGaulswhohadspreadoverthecountryallaroundhim.WehearhowduringthebattleCæsarcomesuphimself,andisknownbythecolourofhiscloak.Weagainfeel,aswereadhisaccountof the fighting, that theGaulsnearlywin, and that theyought towin.Butatlasttheyaredrivenheadlonginflight,—alltheleviesofallthetribes.TheRomanskillverymany:werenotthelabourofkillingtoomuchforthem,theymightkillall.Ahugecrowd,however,escapes,andthemenscatterthemselvesbackintotheirtribes.

On thenextdayVercingetorixyieldshimselfand thecity toCæsar.Duringthe late battle he and his men shut up within the walls have been simplyspectatorsofthefighting.Cæsarissittinginhislinesbeforehiscamp;andtherethechieftains,withVercingetorixattheirhead,arebroughtuptohim.PlutarchtellsusastoryofthechieftainridingupbeforeCæsar, todeliverhimself,withgilt armour, on a grand horse, caracolling and prancing.We cannot fancy thatany horse out ofAlesia, could, after the siege, have been fit for such holidayoccasion. The horses out of Vercingetorix’s stables had probably been eatenmany days since. Then Cæsar again forgives the Ædui; but Vercingetorix istaken as a prisoner to Rome, is kept a prisoner for six years, is then led inCæsar’sTriumph,and,afterthesesixyears,isdestroyed,asavictimneededforCæsar’sglory,—thatsohonourmaybedonetoCæsar!Cæsarputshisarmyintowinter quarters, and determines to remain himself in Gaul during the winter.WhenhisaccountofthesethingsreachesHome,a“supplication”oftwentydaysisdecreedinhishonour.

This is the end of Cæsar’s Commentary “DeBelloGallico.” Thewarwascarriedonfortwoyearsmore;andamemoirofCæsar’sdoingsduringthosetwoyears,—B.C. 51 and 50,—was written, after Cæsar’s manner, by one AulusHirtius. There is no pretence on the writer’s part that this was the work ofCæsar’shands,asinashortprefacehemakesanauthor’sapologyforventuringto continue what Cæsar had begun. The most memorable circumstance ofCæsar’s warfares told in this record of two campaigns is the taking ofUxellodunum,atowninthesouth-westofFrance,thesiteofwhichisnotnowknown.Cæsartookthetownbycuttingoffthewater,andthenhorriblymutilatedthe inhabitantswhohaddared to defend their ownhearths. “Cæsar,” says thishistorian,“knowingwell thathisclemencywasacknowledgedbyallmen,andthatheneednotfearthatanypunishmentinflictedbyhimwouldbeattributedtothecrueltyofhisnature,perceivingalsothathecouldneverknowwhatmightbetheendofhispolicyifsuchrebellionsshouldcontinuetobreakout,thoughtthatotherGauls should be deterred by the fear of punishment.” So he cut off thehandsofallthosewhohadbornearmsatUxellodunum,andturnedthemaimedwretchesadriftupontheworld!Andhisapologistadds,thathegavethemlifesothatthepunishmentofthesewickedones,—whohadfoughtfortheirliberty,—mightbethemoremanifesttotheworldatlarge!ThiswasperhapsthecrowningactofCæsar’scruelty,—defended,aswesee,bythecharacterhehadachievedforclemency!

Soon after this Gaul was really subdued, and then we hear the firstpreparatorynotesofthecomingcivilwar.AnattemptwasmadeatRometoruinCæsarinhisabsence.Oneoftheconsulsoftheyear,—B.C.51,—endeavouredtodeprivehimoftheremainderofthetermofhisproconsulship,andtodebarhimfromseekingthesuffragesofthepeoplefortheconsulshipinhisabsence.Twoof his legions are also demanded from him, and are surrendered by him. Theorder,indeed,isforonelegionfromhimandonefromPompeius;buthehashadwithhim,asthereaderwillremember,alegionborrowedfromPompeius;—andthusinfactCæsariscalledupontogiveuptwolegions.Andhegivesthemup,—notbeingasyetquitereadytopasstheRubicon.

CHAPTERIX.FIRSTBOOKOFTHECIVILWAR.—CÆSARCROSSESTHERUBICON.—FOLLOWSPOMPEYTOBRUNDUSIUM.—ANDCONQUERSAFRANIUSINSPAIN.—B.C.49.

CÆSAR now gives us his history of that civil war in which he and PompeycontendedforthemasteryoverRomeandtheRepublic.InhisfirstCommentaryhehadrecordedhiscampaignsinGaul,—campaignsinwhichhereducedtribeswhichwere, ifnothostile, at any rate foreign, andbyhis success inwhichhecarried on and maintained the potency, traditions, and purport of the RomanRepublic.ItwastheambitionoftheRomantobemasteroftheknownworld.InhisideasnomoreoftheworldwasreallyknownthanhadbecomeRoman,andanyextensiontothelimitsofthisworldcouldonlybemadebytheadditionofso-calledbarbarous tribes to thenumberofRomansubjects. In reducingGaul,therefore,andinfightingwiththeGermans,andingoingovertoBritain,CæsarwasdoingthatwhichallgoodRomanswishedtoseedone,andwasrivallingintheWest thegreatdeedswhichPompeyhadaccomplished for theRepublic intheEast. In thissecondCommentaryhe is forced todealwithasubjectwhichmusthavebeenlessgratifyingtoRomanreaders.Herelates tousthevictorieswhich hewonwithRoman legions over other legions equallyRoman, andbywhichhesucceededindestroyingthelibertyoftheRepublic.

ItmustheacknowledgedonCæsar’sbehalfthatintruthlibertyhadfalleninRome before Cæsar’s time. Power had produced wealth, and wealth hadproduced corruption. The tribes ofRomewere bought and sold at the variouselections, and a few great oligarchs, either of this faction or of that, dividedamong themselves the places of trust and honour and power, and did sowithhands ever open for the grasping of publicwealth.Anhonestmanwith cleanhandsandaconscience,withscruplesandaloveofcountry,becameunfittedforpublicemployment.Catointhesedayswassimplyridiculous;andevenCicero,thoughhewasatrimmer,wastoohonestforthetimes.Lawswerewrestedfromtheirpurposes,andtheveryTribunes[11]ofthepeoplehadbecometheworstoftyrants. It was necessary, perhaps, that there should be a master;—so at leastCæsar thought.Hehad,nodoubt, seen thisnecessityduringall theseyearsoffightinginGaul,andhadresolvedthathewouldnotbelessthanFirstintheneworderofthings.SohecrossedtheRubicon.

ThereaderofthissecondCommentarywillfinditlessalluringthanthefirst.Thereislessinitofadventure,lessofnewstrangelife,andlessofthatsound,

healthy,joyousfeelingwhichsprangfromathoroughconvictiononCæsar’spartthatincrushingtheGaulshewasdoingathoroughlygoodthing.Tous,andourwayof thinking, his doings inGaulwere stainedwith terrible cruelty.Tohimand to his Romans they were foul with no such stain. How other Romanconquerors acted to other conquered peopleswemay learn from the fact, thatCæsar obtained a character for great mercy by his forbearance in Gaul. Healwayswritesasthoughhewerefreefromanystingofconscience,ashetellsusofthepunishmentswhichpolicycalleduponhimtoinflict.Butashewritesofthese civilwars, there is an absenceof this feelingof perfect self-satisfaction,andatthesametimeheismuchlesscruel.HecatombsofGauls,whethermenorwomen or children, he could see burned or drowned or starved, mutilated ortortured,withoutashudder.Hecouldgivethecommandforsuchoperationswithlessremorsethanwefeelwhenweorderthedestructionofalitterofundesirablepuppies.ButhecouldnotbringhimselftoslayRomanlegionaries,eveninfairfighting,withanythinglikeself-satisfaction.Inthishewaseithersoft-heartedorhad a more thorough feeling of country than generals or soldiers who havefoughtincivilcontestssincehistimehaveshown.IntheWarsoftheRosesandinthoseofCromwellwerecognisenosuchfeeling.TheAmericangeneralswerenotsorestrained.ButCæsarseemstohavevaluedaRomanlegionarymorethanatribeofGauls.

Neverthelesshecrossed theRubicon.Wehaveallheardof thiscrossingoftheRubicon, butCæsar says nothing about it. TheRubiconwas a little river,now almost if not altogether unknown, running into the Adriatic betweenRavenna and Ariminum,—Rimini,—and dividing the provinces of so-calledCisalpineGaulfromtheterritoryundertheimmediateruleofthemagistracyofRome.Cæsarwas,sotosay,athomenorthoftheRubicon.Hewasinhisownprovince,andhadall thingsunderhiscommand.Buthewas forbiddenby thelaws even to enter the territory of Rome proper while in the command of aRomanprovince;andtherefore,incrossingtheRubicon,hedisobeyedthelaws,andputhimselfinoppositiontotheconstitutedauthoritiesofthecity.Itdoesnotappear,however,thatverymuchwasthoughtofthis,orthatthepassageoftheriverwasintruthtakenasthespecialsignofCæsar’spurpose,orasadeedthatwasirrevocableinitsconsequences.TherearevariousprettystoriesofCæsar’shesitation as he stood on the brink of the river, doubting whether he wouldplungetheworldintocivilwar.Wearetoldhowaspiritappearedtohimandledhimacrossthewaterwithmartialmusic,andhowCæsar,declaringthatthediewascast,wentonandcrossedthefatalstream.Butall thiswasfable, inventedonCæsar’sbehalfbyRomanswhocameafterCæsar.Cæsar’spurposewas,no

doubt,wellunderstoodwhenhebroughtoneofhislegionsdownintothatcornerof his province, but offers to treat with him on friendly termsweremade byPompeyandhispartyafterhehadestablishedhimselfontheRomansideoftheriver.

Whenthecivilwarbegan,Cæsarhadstill,accordingtotheassignmentmadetohim,twoyearsandahalfleftofhisallottedperiodofgovernmentinthethreeprovinces;buthisvictoriesandhispowerhadbeenwatchedwithanxiouseyesfromRome,andtheSenatehadattemptedtodecreethatheshouldberecalled.Pompey was no longer Cæsar’s friend, nor did Cæsar expect his friendship.Pompey,whohad latelyplayedhiscardsbutbadly,andmusthave felt thathehadplayedthembadly,hadbeenfreedfromhisbondagetoCæsarbythedeathofCrassus,thethirdtriumvir,bythedeathofJulia,Cæsar’sdaughter,andbythecourseofthingsinRome.IthadbeenanunnaturalalliancearrangedbyCæsarwiththeviewofclippinghisrival’swings.ThefortunesofPompeyhadhithertobeensobright, thathealsohadseemed tobedivine.Whilestillaboy,hehadcommanded and conquered, women had adored him, the soldiers hadworshippedhim.SullahadcalledhimtheGreat;and,aswearetold,hadraisedhishattohimintokenofhonour.HehadbeenallowedthegloryofaTriumphwhile yet a youth, and had triumphed a second time before he had reachedmiddle life.Hehad triumphed again a third time, and the threeTriumphshadbeenwoninthethreequartersoftheglobe.Inallthingshehadbeensuccessful,andinallthingshappy.Hehaddriventheswarmingpiratesfromeveryharbourin the Mediterranean, and had filled Rome with corn. He had returned aconquerorwithhislegionsfromtheEast,andhaddaredtodisbandthem,thathemight live again as a private citizen. And after that, when it was thoughtnecessarythatthecityshouldbesaved,inherneed,fromthefactionsofherowncitizens, he had been made sole consul. It is easier now to understand thecharacterofPompeythanthepositionwhich,byhisunvariedsuccesses,hehadmadeforhimselfinthemindsbothofthenoblesandofthepeople.Evenuptothis time, even after Cæsar’s wars in Gaul, there was something of divinityhanging aboutPompey, inwhich theRomansof the city trusted.Hehadbeenimperious,but calm inmannerand self-possessed,—allowingnoone tobehisequal, but not impatient in making good his claims; grand, handsome, lavishwhenpolicyrequiredit,rapaciouswhenmuchwasneeded,neverself-indulgent,heartless, false, cruel, politic, ambitious, very brave, and a Roman to thebackbone.But he had this failing, thisweakness;—when the time for the laststrugglecame,hedidnotquiteknowwhatitwasthathedesiredtodo;hedidnotclearlyseehisfuture.Thethingstobedoneweresogreat,thathehadnotceased

to doubt concerning them when the moment came in which doubt was fatal.Cæsar saw it all, and never doubted. That little tale ofCæsar standing on thebridge over the Rubicon pondering as to his future course,—divided betweenobedienceandrebellion,—isverypretty.Buttherewasnosuchpondering,andnosuchdivision.Cæsarknewverywellwhathemeantandwhathewanted.

Cæsarisfullofhiswrongsashebeginshissecondnarrative.Hetellsushowhis own friends are silenced in the Senate and in the city; how his enemies,Scipio,Cato,andLentulus theconsul,prevail;hownoone isallowed tosayawordforhim.“Pompeyhimself,”hesays,“urgedonbytheenemiesofCæsar,andbecausehewasunwillingthatanyoneshouldequalhimselfinhonour,hadturned himself altogether from Cæsar’s friendship, and had gone back to thefellowship of their common enemies,—enemieswhomhe himself had createdforCæsarduring the timeof theiralliance.At thesame time,consciousof thescandalofthosetwolegionswhichhehadstoppedontheirdestinedroadtoAsiaandSyriaandtakenintohisownhand,hewasanxiousthatthequestionshouldbereferredtoarms.”ThosetwolegionsareverygrievoustoCæsar.Onewasthelegion,which, aswe remember,Pompeyhadgivenup to friendship,—and theRepublic.When, in thebeginningof thesecontestsbetweenthe tworivals, theSenate had decided on weakening each by demanding from each a legion,PompeyhadaskedCæsarfortherestitutionofthatwhichhehadsokindlylent.Cæsar, too proud to refuse payment of the debt, had sent that to his formerfriend,andhadalsosentanotherlegion,asdemanded,totheSenate.Theywererequired nominally for service in theEast, andnowwere in the hands of himwhohadbeenCæsar’s friendbuthadbecomehis enemy. It is nowonder thatCæsar talks of the infamy or scandal of the two legions! He repeats hiscomplaintastothetwolegionsagainandagain.

In themonthof JanuaryCæsarwas atRavenna, just northof theRubicon,and in his own province.Messages pass between him and the Senate, and heproposeshis terms.TheSenatealsoproposes its terms.Hemust laydownhisarms,orhewillbeesteemedanenemybytheRepublic.AllRomeisdisturbed.The account is Cæsar’s account, but we imagine that Rome was disturbed.“SoldiersarerecruitedoverallItaly;armsaredemanded,taxesareleviedonthemunicipalities,andmoneyistakenfromthesacredshrines;alllawsdivineandhumanaredisregarded.”ThenCæsarexplainstohissoldiershiswrongs,andthecrimes of Pompey. He tells them how they, under his guidance, have beenvictorious,howunderhim theyhave“pacified”allGaulandGermany,andhecallsuponthemtodefendhimwhohasenabledthemtodosuchgreatthings.Hehasbutonelegionwithhim,butthatlegiondeclaresthatitwillobeyhim,—him

and the tribunes of the people, some of whom, acting on Cæsar’s side, havecomeoverfromRometoRavenna.Wecanappreciatethespiritofthisallusiontothetribunes,sothattheremayseemtobestillsomelinkbetweenCæsarandthecivicauthorities.Whenthesoldiershaveexpressedtheirgoodwill,hegoestoAriminum,andsotheRubiconispassed.

There are still moremessages. Cæsar expresses himself as greatly grievedthathe shouldbe subjected to somuch suspense,neverthelesshe iswilling tosuffer anything for the Republic;—“omnia pati reipublicæ causâ.” Only letPompeygotohisprovince,letthelegionsinandaboutRomebedisbanded,letall the old forms of free government be restored, and panic be abolished, andthen,—when that is done,—all difficulties may be settled in a few minutes’talking.TheconsulsandPompeysendbackwordthatifCæsarwillgobackintoGaulanddismisshisarmy,PompeyshallgoatoncetoSpain.ButPompeyandtheconsulswiththeirtroopswillnotstirtillCæsarshallhavegivensecurityforhisdeparture.Eachdemands that theother shall first abandonhisposition.Ofcourseallthesemessagesmeannothing.

Cæsar, complaining bitterly of injustice, sends a portion of his small armystill farther into the Roman territory. Marc Antony goes to Arezzo with fivecohorts,andCæsaroccupiesthreeothercitieswithacohorteach.ThemarvelisthathewasnotattackedanddrivenbackbyPompey.Wemayprobablyconcludethatthesoldiers,thoughunderthecommandofPompey,werenottrustworthyasagainstCæsar.AsCæsarregretshistwolegions,sonodoubtdothetwolegionsregret their commander.At any rate, the consular forceswithPompeyand theconsulsandahostof senators retreat southwards toBrundusium,—Brindisi,—intendingtoleaveItalybytheportwhichweshallallusebeforelongwhenwego eastwards. During this retreat, the first blood in the civil war is spilt atCorfinium, a town which, if it now stood at all, would stand in the Abruzzi.Cæsarthereisvictorinasmallengagement,andobtainspossessionofthetown.The Pompeian officers whom he finds there he sends away, and allows themeventocarrywiththemmoneywhichhebelievestohavebeentakenfromthepublic treasury.ThroughouthisroutesouthwardthesoldiersofPompey,—whohadheretoforebeenhis soldiers,—return tohim.Pompeyand the consuls stillretreat, and still Cæsar follows them, though Pompey had boasted,when firstwarned to beware of Cæsar, that he had only to stamp upon Italian soil andlegionswouldarisefromtheearthreadytoobeyhim.Heknows,however,thataway from Rome, in her provinces, in Macedonia and Achaia, in Asia andCilicia, inSicily,Sardinia,andAfrica, inMauritaniaand the twoSpains, thereareRoman legionswhichasyetknownoCæsar. Itmaybebetter forPompey

thatheshouldstamphisfootsomewhereoutof Italy.Atanyratehesends theobedientconsulsandhisattendantsenatorsovertoDyrrachiuminIllyriawithapartofhisarmy,andfollowswiththeremainderassoonasCæsarisathisheels.Cæsarmakesaneffort to intercepthimandhis fleet,but in thathe fails.ThusPompeydesertsRomeandItaly,—andneveragainseestheimperialcityorthefairland.

Cæsar explains to uswhy he does not follow his enemy and endeavour atoncetoputanendtothestruggle.Pompeyisprovidedwithshippingandheisnot; and he is aware that the force of Rome lies in her provinces.Moreover,RomemaybestarvedbyPompey,unlesshe,Cæsar,cantakecarethatthecorn-growingcountries,whicharethegranariesofRome,areleftfreefortheuseofthecity.HemustmakesureofthetwoGauls,andofSardinia,andofSicily,ofAfrica too, if itmaybepossible.Hemustwin tohiscause the twoSpains,ofwhichatleastthenorthernprovincewasatpresentdevotedtoPompey.HesendsonelieutenanttoSardiniawithalegion,anothertoSicilywiththreelegions,—andfromSicilyoverintoAfrica.TheseprovinceshadbeenallottedtopartisansofPompey; butCæsar is successfulwith themall.ToCato, thevirtuousman,hadbeenassignedthegovernmentofSicily;butCatofindsnoPompeianarmyready for his use, and, complaining bitterly that he has been deceived andbetrayed by the head of his faction, runs away, and leaves his province toCæsar’sofficers.CæsardeterminesthathehimselfwillcarrythewarintoSpain.

Buthefounditnecessaryfirst togo toRome,andCæsar, inhisaccountofwhathedid there,hardly tellsus thewhole truth.Wequitegoalongwithhimwhenheexplainstousthat,havingcollectedwhatsortofaSenatehecould,—forPompeyhadtakenawaywithhimsuchsenatorsashecouldinducetofollowhim,—andhaving proposed to thismeagreSenate that ambassadors should besent to Pompey, theSenate accepted his suggestion; but that nobody could beinduced to go on such an errand. Pompey had already declared that all whoremainedatRomewerehisenemies.AnditmayprobablybetruethatCæsar,ashesays,foundacertaintribuneofthepeopleatRomewhoopposedhiminallthathewasdoing,thoughweshouldimaginethattheoppositionwasnotviolent.But his real object in going to Rome was to lay hand on the treasure of theRepublic,—thesanctiusærarium,—whichwaskept in the templeofSaturn forspecialemergenciesofState.Thatheshouldhavetakenthiswedonotwonder;—butwedowonderthatheshouldhavetakenthetroubletosaythathedidnotdo so.Heprofesses that hewas sohinderedby that vexatious tribune, that hecouldnotaccomplishthepurposesforwhichhehadcome.Buthecertainlydidtakethemoney,andwecannotdoubtbutthathewenttoRomeespeciallytoget

it.Cæsar, on hisway to Spain, goes toMarseilles,which, under the name of

Massilia,wasatthistime,asitisnow,themostthrivingmercantileportontheMediterranean.ItbelongedtotheprovinceofFurtherGaul,butitwasinfactacolony of Greek traders. Its possession was now necessary to Cæsar. Themagistrates of the town, when called upon for their adhesion, gave a mostsensibleanswer.TheyprotestthattheyareveryfondofCæsar,andveryfondofPompey.They don’t understand all these affairs ofRome, and regret that twosuch excellentmen should quarrel. In themean time they prefer to hold theirowntown.Cæsarspeaksofthisdecisionasaninjurytohimself,andisinstigatedbysuchwrongsagainsthimtobesiegethecity,whichhedoesbothbylandandsea,leavingofficersthereforthepurpose,andgoingonhimselftoSpain.

At this time all Spain was held by three officers, devoted to the cause ofPompey,though,fromwhathasgonebefore,itisclearthatCæsarfearsnothingfromthesouth.Afraniuscommandedinthenorthandeast,holdingthesouthernspurs of the Pyrenees. Petreius, whowas stationed in Lusitania, in the south-west,accordingtoagreement,hurriesuptotheassistanceofAfraniusassoonasCæsar approaches. The Pompeian andCæsarian armies are brought into closequarters in the neighbourhood of Ilerda (Lerida), on the little river Sicoris, orSegre, which runs into the Ebro. They are near the mountains here, and thenatureofthefightingiscontrolledbytherapidityandsizeoftherivers,andtheinequalityof theground.Cæsardescribes thecampaignwithgreatminuteness,imparting to it awonderful interest by the clearness of his narrative.AfraniusandPetreiusholdthetownofIlerda,whichisfullofprovisions.Cæsarisverymuchpressedbywant,asthecornandgrasshavenotyetgrown,andthecountrysupplies of the former year are almost exhausted. So great are his difficulties,that tidings reachRome thatAfranius has conquered him.Hearing this,manywhowere still clinging to thecity,doubtfulas to the side theywould take,goaway to Pompey. But Cæsar at last manages to make Ilerda too hot for thePompeiangenerals.Hetakeshisarmyoveroneriverincoracles,suchashehadseeninBritain;heturnsthecourseofanother;fordsathird,breakingthecourseof the stream by the bulk of his horses; and bridges a fourth. Afranius andPetreius find that theymust leave Ilerda, andescapeover theEbro among thehalf-barbarous tribe further south, andmake theirway, if possible, among theCeltibri,—gettingoutofAragonintoCastile,asthedivisionwasmadeinafter-ages.Cæsar gives us as one reason for this intendedmarch on the part of hisenemies, that Pompey was well known by those tribes, but that the name ofCæsarwasanameasyetobscuretothebarbarians.Itwasnot,however,easyfor

Afranius to pass over the Ebro without Cæsar’s leave, and Cæsar will by nomeansgivehimleave.He intercepts thePompeians,andnowturnsupon themthatterribleengineofwantfromwhichhehadsufferedsomuch.Hecontinuessotodrivethemabout,stillnorthoftheEbro,thattheycangetatnowater;andatlasttheyarecompelledtosurrender.

During the latter days of this contest the Afranians, as they are called—Romanlegionaries,asarethesoldiersofCæsar—fraternisewiththeirbrethreninCæsar’s camp, and there is something of free intercourse between the twoRoman armies. The upshot is that the soldiers of Afranius resolve to givethemselves up toCæsar, bargaining, however, that their owngenerals shall besecure.Afraniusiswillingenough;buthisbrother-general,Petreius,withmoreoftheRomanatheart,willnothearofit.Weshallhearhereafterthestrangefateof thisPetreius.Hestops theconspiracywithenergy,and forces fromhisownmen, and even from Afranius, an oath against surrender. He orders that allCæsar’s soldiers found in their camp shall be killed, and, as Cæsar tells us,brings back the affair to the old form of war. But it is all of no avail. TheAfranians are sodrivenby thewantofwater, that the twogenerals are at lastcompelledtocapitulateandlaydowntheirarms.

FivewordswhichareusedbyCæsarinthedescriptionofthisaffairgiveusastronginstanceofhisconcisenessintheuseofwords,andofthecapabilityforconciseness which the Latin language affords. “Premebantur Afranianipabulatione,aquabanturægre.”“ThesoldiersofAfraniusweremuchdistressedinthematterofforage,andcouldobtainwateronlywithgreatdifficulty.”ThesetwentywordstranslatethosefivewhichCæsaruses,perhapswithfairaccuracy;but many more than twenty would probably have been used by any Englishhistorianindealingwiththesamefacts.

Cæsartreatshiscompatriotswiththeutmostgenerosity.SomanyconqueredGaulshewouldhavesoldasslaves,slaughteringtheirleaders,orhewouldhavecutofftheirhands,orhavedriventhemdownupontheriverandhaveallowedthemtoperishinthewaters.ButhisconqueredfoesareRomansoldiers,andhesimply demands that the army of Afranius shall be disbanded, and that theleadersofitshallgo,—whithertheyplease.Hemakesthemaspeechinwhichheexplainshowbadlytheyhavetreatedhim.Neverthelesshewillhurtnoone.Hehas borne it all, and will bear it, patiently. Let the generals only leave theProvince,andletthearmywhichtheyhaveledbedisbanded.Hewillnotkeepasoldier who does not wish to stay with him, and will even pay those whomAfraniushasbeenunabletopayoutofhisownfunds.ThosewhohavehousesandlandinSpainmayremainthere.Thosewhohavenonehewillfirstfeedand

afterwards take back, if not to Italy, at any rate to the borders of Italy. Thepropertywhich his own soldiers have taken from them in the chances ofwarshallberestored,andheoutofhisownpocketwillcompensatehisownmen.Heperformshispromise, and takesall thosewhodonotchoose to remain, to thebanks of the Var, which divides the Province from Italy, and there sets themdown, full, no doubt, of gratitude to their conqueror. Never was there suchclemency,—or,wemaysay,betterpolicy!Cæsar’swholecampaigninSpainhadoccupiedhimonlyfortydays.

In themean timeDecimusBrutus, towhomwe remember that Cæsar hadgiventhecommandoftheshipswhichhepreparedagainsttheVenetiinthewestofGaul,andwhowashereaftertobeoneofthosewhoslewhimintheCapitol,obtains a naval victory over themuchmore numerous fleet of theMassilians.They had prepared seventeen big ships,—“naves longæ” they are called byCæsar,—and of these Brutus either destroys or takes nine. In his next bookCæsarproceedstotellushowthingswentonatMarseillesbothbyseaandlandafterthisaffair.

CHAPTERX.SECONDBOOKOFTHECIVILWAR.—THETAKINGOFMARSEILLES.—VARROINTHESOUTHOFSPAIN.—THEFATEOFCURIOBEFOREUTICA.—B.C.49.

INhischronicleoftheGallicwar,Cæsarineachbookcompletedthenarrativeofayear’s campaign. In treatingof the civilwarhedevotes the first and secondbooksto thedoingsofoneyear.Thereare threedistinctepisodesof theyear’scampaignnarrated in the second;—the takingofMarseilles, the subjugationofthesouthernprovinceofSpain,—ifthatcanbesaidtobesubjugatedwhichgaveitselfupveryreadily,—andthedestructionofaRomanarmyinAfricaunderthehands of a barbarian king. But of all Cæsar’s writings it is perhaps the leastinteresting, as it tells us but little of what Cæsar did himself,—and in factcontainschieflyCæsar’srecordsofthedoingsofhislieutenantsbyseaandland.

HebeginsbytellingusoftheenormousexertionsmadebothbythebesiegersandbythebesiegedatMassilia,whichtownwasnowheldbyDomitiusonthepartofPompey,—tosupplementwhomatseaacertainNasidiuswassentwithalargefleet.YoungBrutus,aswillberemembered,wasattackingtheharbouronbehalfofCæsar,andhadalreadyobtainedavictoryovertheMassiliansbeforeNasidiuscameup;andTrebonius,alsoonthepartofCæsar,wasbesiegingthetown from the land. ThisDecimusBrutuswas one of those conspiratorswhoafterwardsconspiredagainstCæsarandslewhim,—andTreboniuswasanotherofthenumber.ThewiseGreeksofthecity,—morewisethanfortunate,however,—hadexplainedtoCæsarwhenhefirstexpressedhiswishtohavethetownonhisside,thatreallytothemtherewasnodifferencebetweenPompeyandCæsar,bothofwhomtheylovedwithalltheirhearts,—buttheyhadbeencompelledtobecomepartisansofPompey, thePompeiangeneralDomitiusbeing thefirst toentertheirtown;andnowtheyfindthemselvesobligedtofightasPompeiansindefence of their wealth and their homes. Thus driven by necessity, they fightwellanddotheirverybesttofavourthesidewhichwemusthenceforwardcallthatoftheRepublicasagainstanautocrat;—for,duringthissiegeofMarseilles,CæsarhadbeenappointedDictator,andalawtothateffecthadbeenpassedatRome,wherethepassingofsuchalawwasnodoubteasyenoughintheabsenceofPompey,oftheconsuls,andofallthesenatorswhowerePompey’sfriends.

TheMassilianshadnowchosentheirside,andtheydotheirverybest.Wearetold that the Cæsarean troops, from the high ground onwhich Trebonius hadplaced his camp, could look down into the town, and could see “how all the

youthwho had been left in the city, and all the elderswith their children andwives,andthesentinelsof thecity,eitherstretchedtheirhandstoheavenfromthe walls, or, entering the temples of the immortal gods, and throwingthemselvesbefore their sacred images,prayed that theheavenlypowerswouldgivethemvictory.Norwasthereoneamongthemwhodidnotbelievethatontheresultofthatdaydependedallthattheyhad,”—namely,liberty,property,andlife; for the Massilians, doubtless, had heard of Avaricum, of Alesia, and ofUxellodunum.“Whenthebattlewasbegun,”saysCæsar,“theMassiliansfailednotatallinvalour;but,mindfulofthelessonstheyhadjustreceivedfromtheirtownsmen,foughtwiththebeliefthatthepresentwastheironlyopportunityofdoing aught for their own preservation; and that to those who should fall inbattle,lossoflifewouldonlycomealittlesoonerthantotheothers,whowouldhavetoundergothesamefate,shouldthecitybetaken.”Cæsar,ashewrotethis,doubtlessthoughtofwhathehaddoneinGaulwhenpolicydemandedfromhimanextremityofcruelty;and,sowriting,heenhancedtheclemencywithwhich,as he is about to tell us, he afterwards treated theMassilians.When the timecameitdidnotsuithimtodepopulatearichtown,thetradeofwhosemerchantswasbeneficialboth toRomeand to theProvince.He is about to tellusofhismercy, and therefore explains tousbeforehandhow littlewasmercy expectedfromhim.Wefeelthateverylinehewritesisweighed,thoughthetimeforsuchweighingmusthavebeenveryshortwithonewhosehandsweresofullaswerealwaysthehandsofCæsar.

Nasidius,whomwemay call Pompey’s admiral,was of no use at all. TheMassilians,temptedbyhiscoming,attackbravelytheshipwhichbearstheflagof young Brutus; but young Brutus is too quick for them, and the unhappyMassiliansruntwooftheirbiggestvesselsagainsteachotherintheirendeavourtopinthatoftheCæsareanadmiralbetweenthem.TheMassilianfleetisutterlydispersed.Five are sunk, four are taken:onegetsoffwithNasidius,who runsaway,makingnoefforttofight;whohasbeensentthere,—soCæsarhints,—byPompey,nottogiveassistance,butonlytopretendtogiveassistance.Oneshipgetsbackintotheharbourwiththesadtidings;andtheMassilians—despairingonlyforamomentatthefirstblushofthebadnews—determinethattheirwallsmaystillbedefended.

The town was very well supplied with such things as were needed fordefence,thepeoplebeingaprovidentpeople,wellinstructedandcivilised,withmeansattheircommand.Wearetoldofgreatpolestwelvefeetlong,withsharpironheads to them,which thebesiegers could throwwith such force from theenginesontheirwallsastodrivethemthroughfourtiersofthewickercratesor

stationaryshieldswhichtheCæsareansbuiltupfortheirprotection,—believingthatnoforcecoulddriveaweaponthroughthem.AswereadofthiswecannotbutthinkofArmstrongandWhitfieldguns,andironplates,andgranitebatteries,andearthworks.Theseterribledarts,thrownfrom“balistæ,”areverysoreupontheCæsareans;theythereforecontriveanimmensetower,sohighthatitcannotbereachedbyanyweapon,sobuiltthatnowoodormaterialsubjecttofireshallbeontheoutside,—whichtheyerectstorybystory,ofverygreatstrength.Andastheyraisethisstepbystep,eachstoryissecuredagainstfireandagainsttheenemy.Thereader,—probablynotanengineerhimself,—isdisposedtothinkashestrugglesthroughthisminutedescriptionoftheerectionwhichCæsargives,andendeavourstorealisethewayinwhichitisdone,thatCæsarmusthimselfhave served specially as an engineer. But in truth he was not at this siegehimself,andhadnothingtodowiththeplanningofthetower,andmustinthisinstanceatleasthavegotawrittendescriptionfromhisofficer,—asheprobablydidbeforewhenhebuilt thememorablebridgeover theRhine.Andwhen thetowerisfinished,theymakealongcoveredwayorshed,—musculumormuscleCæsar calls it; andwith this they form for themselves a passage from the bigtowertoaspecialpointinthewallsofthetown.Thismuscleissostrongwithitsslopingroofthatnothingthrownuponitwillbreakorburnit.TheMassilianstrytubsofflamingpitch,andgreatfragmentsofrock;but thesesimplyslip to theground,andarepulledawaywithlongpolesandforks.AndtheCæsareans,fromthe height of their great tower, have so terrible an advantage! TheMassilianscannotdefendtheirwall,andabreachismade,oralmostmade.

TheMassilianscandonomore.Theverygodsareagainstthem.Sotheyputonthehabitofsupplicants,andgoforthtotheconquerors.TheywillgivetheircitytoCæsar.Cæsarisexpected.WillTreboniusbesogoodastowaittillCæsarcomes? IfTrebonius should proceedwith hiswork so that the soldiers shouldabsolutely get into the town, then;—Trebonius knows very well what wouldhappenthen.Alittledelaycannothurt.NothingshallbedonetillCæsarcomes.Asithappens,Cæsarhasalreadyespeciallyorderedthatthecityshallbespared;andakindoftruceismade,toenduretillCæsarshallcomeandtakepossession.Treboniushasadifficultyinkeepinghissoldiersfromtheplunder;buthedoesrestrainthem,andbesiegersandbesiegedareatrest,andwaitforCæsar.

But these Massilians are a crafty people. The Cæsarean soldiers, havingagreed to wait, take it easily, and simply amuse themselves in these days ofwaiting. When they are quite off their guard, and a high wind favours thescheme, the Massilians rush out and succeed in burning the tower, and themuscle,andtherampart,andthesheds,andalltheimplements.Eventhoughthe

towerwasbuiltwithbrick,itburnsfreely,—sogreatisthewind.ThenTreboniusgoes towork,anddoes it all again.Because there isnomorewood left roundaboutthecamp,hemakesarampartofanewkind,—hithertounheardof,—withbricks.DoubtlesstheCæsareansoldiershadfirsttomakethebricks,andwecanimaginewhatwere their feelings in reference to theMassilians. But howeverthatmaybe,theyworksowellandsohardthattheMassilianssoonseethattheirlatesuccessisofnoavail.Nothingislefttothem.Neitherperfidynorvalourcanavail them, and now again they give themselves up. They are starved andsufferingfrompestilence,theirfortificationsaredestroyed,theyhavenohopeofaid from without,—and now they give themselves up,—intending no fraud.“Sesedederesinefraudeconstituunt.”Domitius,thePompeiangeneral,managestoescapeinaship.Hestartswiththreeships,but theoneinwhichhehimselfsailsaloneescapesthehandsof“young”Brutus.SurelynowwillMarseillesbetreatedwithworsetreatmentthanthatwhichfellontheGaulishcities.ButsuchisbynomeansCæsar’swill.Cæsar takes theirpublic treasureand their ships,andremindingthemthathesparesthemratherfortheirnameandoldcharacterthan for any merits of theirs shown towards him, leaves two legions amongthem, and goes toRome.AtAvaricum,when theGauls had fought to defendtheirownliberties,hehaddestroyedeverybody;—atAlesiahehaddecreedthedeathofeveryinhabitantwhentheyhadsimplyaskedhimleavetopassthroughhiscamp;—atUxellodunumhehadcutoffthehandsandpokedouttheeyesofGaulswhohaddared to fight for their country.But theGaulswerebarbarianswhomitwasnecessary thatCæsarshouldpacify.TheMassilianswereGreeks,andacivilisedpeople,—andmightbeuseful.

BeforecomingontoMarseillestherehadbeenalittlemoreforCæsartodoinSpain,where,aswastoldinthelastchapter,hehadjustcompelledAfraniusandPetreiustolaydowntheirarmsanddisbandtheirlegions.Joinedwiththemhad been a third Pompeian general, one Varro,—a distinguishedman, thoughnot, perhaps, a great general,—of whom Cæsar tells us that with his RomanpolicyheveeredbetweenPompeianandCæsareantacticstill,unfortunatelyforhimself, he declared for Pompey and the wrong side, when he heard thatAfraniuswashavinghisownwayintheneighbourhoodofLerida.ButVarroisin thesouthofSpain, inAndalusia,—orBætica,as itwas thencalled,—andinthis southernprovinceofSpain it seems thatCæsar’s causewasmorepopularthanthatofPompey.Cæsar,atanyrate,hasbutlittledifficultywithVarro.ThePompeianofficerisdesertedbyhislegions,andgiveshimselfupveryquickly.Cæsar does not care to tell us what he did with Varro, but we know that hetreated his brotherRomanwith the utmost courtesy.Varrowas a very learned

man, and a friend ofCicero’s, and onewhowrote books, andwas a credit toRome as a man of letters if not as a general.We are told that he wrote 490volumes, and that he lived to be eighty-eight,—a fate very uncommon withRomanswhomeddledwithpublicaffairsinthesedays.CæsarmadeeverythingsmoothinthesouthofSpain,restoringthemoneyandtreasureswhichVarrohadtakenfromthetowns,andgivingthankstoeverybody.ThenhewentonoverthePyreneestoMarseilles,andmadethingssmooththere.

But in themean time thingswerenotatall smooth inAfrica.ThenameofAfrica was at this time given to a small province belonging to the Republic,lyingtotheeastofNumidia,inwhichCarthagehadstoodwhenCarthagewasacity,containingthatpromontorywhichjutsouttowardsSicily,andhavingUticaas itsRoman capital. It has been already said thatwhenCæsar determined togainpossessionofcertainprovincesoftheRepublicbeforehefollowedPompeyacross theAdriatic,he senta lieutenantwith three legions intoSicily,desiringhimtogoontoAfricaassoonasthingsshouldhavebeenarrangedintheislandaftertheCæsareanfashion.TheSicilianmatterisnotverytroublesome,asCato,the virtuous man, in whose hands the government of the island had beenintrusted on behalf of the Republic, leaves it on the arrival of the Cæsareanlegions,complainingbitterlyofPompey’sconduct.ThenCæsar’slieutenantgoesover to Africa with two legions, as commanded, proposing to his army theexpulsion of one Attius Varus, who had, according to Cæsar’s story, takenirregular possession of the province, keeping it on behalf of Pompey, but notallowingthegovernorappointedbytheRepublicsomuchastoputhisfootontheshore.This lieutenantwasagreat favouriteofCæsar,bynameCurio,whohad been elected tribune of the people just when the Senate was making itsattempttorecallCæsarfromhiscommandinGaul.Inthatemergency,CurioastribunehadbeenofservicetoCæsar,andCæsarlovedtheyoungman.Hewasone of those who, though noble by birth, had flung themselves among thepeople, as Catiline had done andClodius,—unsteady, turbulent, unscrupulous,vicious,needy,fondofpleasure,rapacious,butwelleducated,brave,andclever.Cæsarhimselfhadbeensuchamaninhisyouth,andcouldeasilyforgivesuchfaults in the character of one who, in addition to such virtues as have beennamed,possessedthatfartherandgreatervirtueoflovingCæsar.CæsarexpectedgreatthingsfromCurio,andtrustedhimthoroughly.Curio,withmanyshipsandhis twolegions, lands inAfrica,andprepares towin theprovinceforhisgreatfriend.Hedoesobtainsomelittleadvantage,sothatheiscalled“Imperator”byhis soldiers,—a name not given to a general till he has been victorious in thefield; but it seems clear, from Cæsar’s telling of the story, that Curio’s own

officersandownsoldiersdistrustedhim,andweredoubtfulwhethertheywouldfollow him, or would take possession of the ships and return to Sicily;—orwouldgoover toAttiusVarus,whohadbeen their commander in ItalybeforetheyhaddesertedfromPompeytoCæsar.Acouncilofwarisheld,andthereismuchdoubt. It isnotonlyorchieflyofAttiusVarus, theirRomanenemy, thattheyareafraid;but there is Juba in theirneighbourhood, thekingofNumidia,whowill certainly fight forVarusandagainstCurio.He isPompey’sdeclaredfriend, and equally declared as Cæsar’s foe. He has, too, special grounds ofquarrel against Curio himself; and if he comes in person with his army,—bringingsuchanarmyashecanbringifhepleases,—itwillcertainlygobadlywithCurio,shouldCuriobedistantfromhiscamp.ThenCurio,notcontentwithhiscouncilofwar,andanxiousthathissoldiersshouldsupporthiminhisdesiretofight,makesaspeech to the legionaries.Wemustremember,ofcourse, thatCæsargivesusthewordsofthisspeech,andthatCæsarmusthimselfhaveputthewordstogether.

Itisbeguninthethirdperson.He,—thatisCurio,—tellsthemenhowusefulthey were to Cæsar at Corfinium, the town at which they went over fromPompeytoCæsar.Butinthesecondsentencehebreaksintothefirstpersonandputs theverywords intoCurio’smouth.“Foryouandyour services,”hesays,“werecopiedbyallthetowns;norisitwithoutcausethatCæsarthinkskindlyofyou,andthePompeiansunkindly.ForPompey,havinglostnobattle,butdrivenby the resultofyourdeed, fled from Italy.Me,whomCæsarholdsmostdear,andSicilyandAfricawithoutwhichhecannotholdRomeandItaly,Cæsarhasintrusted to your honour. There are some who advise you to desert me,—forwhatcanbemoredesirabletosuchmenthanthattheyatthesametimeshouldcircumventme, and fasten upon you a foul crime?... But you,—have you notheardof the thingsdonebyCæsar inSpain,—twoarmiesbeaten, twogeneralsconquered, twoprovinces gained, and all this done in forty days from that onwhich Cæsar first saw his enemy? Can those who, uninjured, were unable tostand against him, resist him now that they are conquered? And you, whofollowedCæsarwhen victory on his sidewas uncertain, now that fortune hasdeclaredherself,willyougoovertotheconqueredsidewhenyouareabouttorealise the reward of your zeal?... But perhaps, though you love Cæsar, youdistrustme. Iwill not saymuch ofmy own deserts towards you,—which areindeed less asyet than I hadwishedoryouhad expected.”Then,having thusdeclaredthathewillnotspeakofhimself,hedoesventuretosayafewwordsonthesubject.“ButwhyshouldIpassovermyownwork,andtheresult thathasbeenasyetachieved,andmyownfortuneinwar?IsitdispleasingtoyouthatI

broughtoverthewholearmy,safe,withoutlosingaship?That,asIcame,atmyfirst onslaught, I should have dispersed the fleet of the enemy? That, in twodays,Ishouldhavebeentwicevictoriouswithmycavalry;thatIshouldhavecutout two hundred transports from the enemy’s harbour; that I should have soharassed theenemy thatneitherby landnor seacould theyget food to supplytheirwants?Willitpleaseyoutorepudiatesuchfortuneandsuchguidance,andto connect yourself with the disgrace at Corfinium, the flight from Italy,”—namely,Pompey’sflighttoDyrrachium,—“thesurrenderofSpain,andtheevilsofthisAfricanwar?IindeedhavewishedtobecalledCæsar’ssoldier,andyouhavecalledmeyourImperator. If it repentsyouofhavingdoneso, Igiveyoubackthecompliment.Givemebackmyownname,lestitseemthatinscornyouhavecalledmebythattitleofhonour.”

Thisisveryspirited;andthemerelyrhetoricalassertionbyCæsarthatCuriothusspoketohissoldiersisinitselfinteresting,asshowingusthewayinwhichthe legionaries were treated by their commanders, and in which the greatestgeneral,ofthatorofanyage,thoughtitnaturalthataleadershouldaddresshistroops.Itisofvalue,also,asshowingthedifficultyofkeepinganylegiontruetoeither side in a civil war, in which, on either side, the men must fight for acommander they had learned to respect, and against a commander theyrespected,—thecommander ineachcasebeingaRomanImperator.Curio, too,asweknow,wasamanwhoonsuchanoccasioncouldusewords.Butthatheused the words here put into his mouth, or any words like them, is veryimprobable.Cæsarwasanxioustomakethebestapologyhecouldforthegallantyoungfriendwhohadperishedinhiscause,andhasshownhislovebymakingthemanhelovedmemorabletoallposterity.

But before the dark hour comes upon him the youngman has a gleam ofsuccess,which, had he really spoken thewords put into hismouth byCæsar,wouldhaveseemed to justify them.Heattacks thearmyofhis fellow-Roman,Varus, andbeats it, driving it back intoUtica.He then resolves tobesiege thetown, and Cæsar implies that he would have been successful through theCæsareansympathiesofthetownsmen,—haditnotbeenfortheapproachoftheterrible Juba.Thencomesa rumourwhich reachesCurio,—andwhich reachesVarustooinsidethetown,—thattheNumidiankingishurryingtothescenewithallhisforces.Hehasfinishedanotheraffair thathehadonhand,andcannowlook to his Roman friends,—and to his Roman enemies. Juba craftily sendsforward his præfect, or lieutenant, Sabura, with a small force of cavalry, andCurio is led to imagine that Jubahasnotcome,and thatSaburahasbeensentwith scanty aid to the relief of Varus. Surely he can give a good account of

Saburaand thatsmallbodyofNumidianhorsemen.WeseefromtheveryfirstthatCurioisdoomed.Cæsar,inafewtouchingwords,makeshisapology.“Theyoung man’s youth had much to do with it, and his high spirit; his formersuccess, too,andhisown faith inhisowngood fortune.”There isnowordofreproach.Curiomakesanotherspeechtohissoldiers.“Hastentoyourprey,”hesays, “hasten toyourglory!”Theydohasten,—after such a fashion thatwhentheforemostofthemreachSabura’stroops,thehindermostofthemarescatteredfarbackontheroad.TheyarecuttopiecesbyJuba.Curioisinvitedbyoneofhisofficerstoescapebacktohistent.ButCæsartellsusthatCuriointhatlastmomentrepliedthathavinglostthearmywithwhichCæsarhadtrustedhim,hewouldneveragainlookCæsarintheface.Thathedidsaysomesuchwordsasthese,andthattheywererepeatedbythatofficertoCæsar,isprobableenough.“So,fighting,heisslain;”—andthereisanendofthemanwhomCæsarloved.

What thenhappenedwasverysadforaRomanarmy.Manyhurrydowntotheshipsat thesea;butthereissomuchterror,somuchconfusion,andthingsaresobadlydone,thatbutveryfewgetovertoSicily.TheremainderendeavourtogivethemselvesuptoVarus;afterdoingwhich,couldtheyhavedoneit,theirposition would not have been very bad. A Roman surrendering to a Romanwould,attheworst,butfindthathewascompelledtochangehisparty.ButJubacomesup andclaims themashisprey, andVarusdoesnotdare tooppose thebarbarian king. Juba kills themost of them, but sends a few,whomhe thinksmayservehispurposeandaddtohisglory,backtohisownkingdom.IndoingwhichJubabehavednoworsethanCæsarhabituallybehavedinGaul;butCæsaralwayswritesasthoughnotonlyaRomanmustregardaRomanasmorethanaman,butasthoughalsoallothersmustsoregardRomans.Andbymakingsuchassertionsintheirownbehalf,Romansweresoregarded.WearethentoldthatthebarbariankingofNumidiarodeintoUticatriumphant,withRomansenatorsinhistrain;andthenamesoftwospecialRomansenatorsCæsarsendsdowntoposterityashavingbeenamongthatbasenumber.Asfaraswecansparethem,theyshallbespared.

OfJubatheking,andofhisfate,weshallhearagain.

CHAPTERXI.THIRDBOOKOFTHECIVILWAR.—CÆSARFOLLOWSPOMPEYINTOILLYRIA.—THELINESOFPETRAANDTHEBATTLEOFPHARSALIA.—B.C.48.

CÆSARbeginsthelastbookofhislastCommentarybytellingusthatthiswastheyearinwhichhe,Cæsar,wasbythelawpermittedtonameaconsul.HenamesPubliusServiliustoactinconjunctionwithhimself.Themeaningofthisis,that,asCæsarhadbeencreatedDictator,PompeyhavingtakenwithhimintoIllyriathe consuls of the previous year, Cæsar was now the only magistrate underwhoseauthorityaconsulcouldbeelected.Nodoubthedidchoosetheman,buttheelectionwassupposed tohavebeenmade inaccordancewith the formsoftheRepublic.HeremainedatRomeasDictatorforelevendays,duringwhichhemadevariouslaws,ofwhichthechiefobjectwastolessentheinsecuritycausedby the disruption of the ordinary course of things; and then hewent down toBrindision the trackofPompey.Hehad twelve legionswithhim,butwasbutbadlyoffforshipsinwhichtotransportthem;andheownsthatthehealthofthemen is bad, an autumn in the south of Italy having been very severe onmenaccustomed to thehealthyclimateofGauland thenorthofSpain.Pompey,hetells us, had had a whole year to prepare his army,—a whole year, withoutwarfare,andhadcollectedmenandshipsandmoney,andallthatsupportwhichassent gives, from Asia and the Cyclades, from Corcyra, Athens, Bithynia,Cilicia, Phœnicia,Egypt, and the free states ofAchaia.He hadwith himnineRomanlegions,andisexpectingtwomorewithhisfather-in-lawScipiooutofSyria.HehasthreethousandarchersfromCrete,fromSparta,andfromPontus;hehastwelvehundredslingers,andhehasseventhousandcavalryfromGalatia,Cappadocia, andThrace.A valorous prince fromMacedonia had brought himtwohundredmen,allmounted.FivehundredofGalatianandGermancavalry,whohadbeenlefttooverawePtolemyinEgypt,arebroughttoPompeybythefilialcareofyoungCnæus.Hetoohadarmedeighthundredoftheirownfamilyretainers,andhadbroughtthemarmed.AntiochusofCommagenasendshimtwohundredmountedarchers,—mercenaries,however,not sentwithoutpromiseofhighpayment.Dardani,—menfromthelandofoldTroy,Bessi,fromthebanksof the Hebrus, Thessalians andMacedonians, have all been crowded togetherunder Pompey’s standard.We feel that Cæsar’s mouth waters as he recountsthem.ButwefeelalsothatheispreparingforthetriumphantrecordinwhichheisabouttotellusthatalltheseswarmsdidhescattertothewindsofheavenwiththehandfulofRomanlegionarieswhichheat lastsucceededin landingon the

shoresofIllyria.Pompeyhasalsocollectedfromallparts“frumentivimmaximam”—“agreat

powerofcornindeed,”asanIrishmanwouldsay,translatingthewordsliterally.Andhehascoveredtheseaswithhisships,soastohinderCæsarfromcomingoutof Italy.Hehaseightvice-admirals tocommandhisvarious fleets,—allofwhomCæsarnames;andoverthemall,asadmiral-in-chief,isBibulus,whowasjoint-consulwithCæsarbeforeCæsarwent toGaul, andwhowas soharassedduringhisconsulshipbytheCæsareansthatheshuthimselfupinhishouse,andallowedCæsartoruleassoleconsul.Nowheisabout totakehisrevenge;butthevengeanceofsuchaoneasBibuluscannotreachCæsar.

CæsarhavingledhislegionstoBrindisi,makesthemaspeechwhichalmostbeatsinimpudenceanythingthatheeversaidordid.Hetellsthemthatastheyhavenownearlyfinishedallhisworkforhim;—theyhaveonlygot tolaylowthe Republic with Pompey the Great, and all the forces of the Republic—towhich, however, have to be addedKingPtolemy inEgypt,KingPharnaces inAsia,andKingJubainNumidia;—theyhadbetterleavebehindthematBrindisiall their little property, the spoils of former wars, so that they may pack thetighter in theboats inwhichhemeans to send themacross to Illyria,—ifonlythey can escape the mercies of ex-Consul Admiral Bibulus. There is nosuggestion that at any future time they will recover their property. For theirfuturehopestheyaretotrustentirelytoCæsar’sgenerosity.Withoneshouttheydeclare their readiness toobeyhim.He takesover seven legions, escaping thedangersof those“rocksofevil fame,” theAcrocerauniaofwhichHorace tellsus,—andescapingBibulusalso,whoseemstohaveshuthimselfupinhisshipashedidbeforeinhishouseduringtheconsulship.Cæsarseemstohavemadethepassage with the conviction that had he fallen into the hands of Bibuluseverythingwouldhavebeenlost.AndwithordinaryprecautionanddiligenceonthepartofBibulussuchwouldhavebeentheresult.Yethemakestheattempt,—trustingtotheFortuneofCæsar,—andhesucceeds.HelandsataplacewhichhecallsPalæsteonthecoastofEpirus,considerablytothesouthofDyrrachium,inIllyria. At Dyrrachium Pompey had landed the year before, and there is nowstoredthatwealthofprovisionofwhichCæsarhasspoken.ButBibulusat lastdetermines to be active, and he does manage to fall upon the empty vesselswhichCæsarsendsbacktofetchtheremainderofhisarmy.“Havingcomeuponthirtyofthem,hefallsuponthemwithallthewrathoccasionedbyhisownwantofcircumspectionandgrief,andburns them.And in thesamefirehekills thesailorsandthemastersofthevessels,—hopingtodeterothers,”Cæsartellsus,“bytheseverityofthepunishment.”Afterthatwearenotsorrytohearthathe

potters about on the seas very busy, but still incapable, and that he dies, as itseems,ofabrokenheart.Hedoesindeedcatchoneshipafterwards,—notladenwith soldiers, but coming on a private venture, with children, servants, andsuchlike, dependants and followers of Cæsar’s camp. All these, including thechildren,Bibulusslaughters,downto thesmallestchild.Wehave,however, torememberthatthestoryistoldbyCæsar,andthatCæsardidnotloveBibulus.

Marc Antony has been left at Brindisi in command of the legions whichCæsarcouldnotbringacrossathisfirsttripforwantofsufficientship-room,andis pressed very much by Cæsar to make the passage. There are attempts attreatiesmade,butaswereadtheaccountwefeelthatCæsarisonlyobtainingthedelaywhichisnecessarytohimtillheshallhavebeenjoinedbyAntony.Wearetold howby this time the camps ofCæsar andPompey have been brought sonear together that they are separatedonlyby the riverApsus,—forCæsar hadmoved northwards towards Pompey’s stronghold. And the soldiers talkedtogether across the stream; “nor, the while, was any weapon thrown,—bycompact between those who talked.” Then Cæsar sends Vatinius, as hisambassador,downtotherivertotalkofpeace;andVatiniusdemandswithaloudvoice“whetheritshouldnotbeallowedtocitizenstosendlegatestocitizens,totreatofpeace;—athingthathasbeenallowedeventodesertersfromthewildsofthePyreneesand to robbers,—especiallywith soexcellent anobject as thatofhinderingcitizensfromfightingwithcitizens.”Thisseemssoreasonable,thataday is named, and Labienus,—who has deserted from Cæsar and becomePompeian,—comes to treatonone sideof the river, andVatiniuson theother.But,—so Cæsar tells the story himself,—the Cæsarean soldiers throw theirweaponsattheiroldgeneral.Theyprobablycannotendurethevoiceorsightofonewhomtheyregardasarenegade.Labienusescapesundertheprotectionofthosewhoarewithhim,—butheisfullofwrathagainstCæsar.“Afterthis,”sayshe,“letusceasetospeakoftreaties,fortherecanbenopeaceforustillCæsar’sheadhasbeenbroughttous.”ButthecolloquiesoverthelittlestreamnodoubtansweredCæsar’spurpose.

Cæsar is very anxious to get his legions over from Italy, and even scoldsAntonyfornotbringingthem.Thereisastory,—whichhedoesnottellhimself,—thatheputhimselfintoasmallboat, intendingtocrossovertoBrindisiinastorm,tohurrymatters,andthatheencouragedtheawe-struckmasteroftheboatbyremindinghimthathewouldcarry“Cæsarandhisfortunes.”Thestorygoesontosaythatthesailorsattemptedthetrip,butweredrivenbackbythetempest.

At last there springs up a south-west wind, and Antony ventures with hisflotilla,—although the war-ships of Pompey still hold the sea, and guard the

Illyrian coast. But Cæsar’s general is successful, and the second half of theCæsareanarmyiscarriednorthwardbyfavouringbreezestowardstheshoreintheverysightofPompeyandhissoldiersatDyrrachium.Twoships,however,lag behind and fall into the hands of one Otacilius, an officer belonging toPompey.The twoships,onefullof recruitsand theotherofveterans,agree tosurrender,Otaciliushavingswornthathewillnothurtthemen.“Hereyoumaysee,”saysCæsar,“howmuchsafetytomenthereis inpresenceofmind.”Therecruits do as they have undertaken, and give themselves up;—whereuponOtacilius,altogetherdisregardinghisoath,likeatrueRoman,killseverymanofthem.Buttheveterans,disregardingtheirwordalso,andknowingnodoubttoafraction theworthof thewordofOtacilius, run their ship ashore in thenight,and,withmuchfighting,getsafetoAntony.Cæsarimpliesthattherecruitsevenwouldhaveknownbetterhadtheynotbeensea-sick;butthatevenbilge-waterandbadweathercombinedhadfailedtotouchtheancientcourageoftheveteranlegionaries. They were still good men—“item conflictati et tempestatis etsentinævitiis.”

WearethentoldhowMetellusScipio,comingoutofSyriawithhislegionsintoMacedonia,almostsucceedsinrobbingthetempleofDianaofEphesusonhisway.Hegets togetherabodyofsenators,whoare togiveevidencethathecounts themoneyfairlyashetakesitoutof thetemple.But letterscomefromPompeyjustasheisintheact,andhedoesnotdaretodelayhisjourneyeventocompletesopleasantatransaction.HecomestomeetPompeyandtosharehiscommandatthegreatbattlethatmustsoonbefought.Wehear,too,howCæsarsends his lieutenants into Thessaly and Ætolia and Macedonia, to try whatfriendshehasthere,totakecities,andtogetfood.HeisnowinalandwhichhasseemedspeciallytobelongtoPompey;butevenheretheyhaveheardofCæsar,andtheGreeksaresimplyanxioustobefriendswiththestrongestRomanoftheday. They have to judge which will win, and to adhere to him. For the poorGreeksthereismuchdifficultyinformingajudgment.PresentlyweshallseethewayinwhichCæsargivesalessononthatsubjecttothecitizensofGomphi.InthemeantimehejoinshisownforcestothoselatelybroughtbyAntonyoutofItaly,andresolvesthathewillforcePompeytoafight.

Wemay divide the remainder of this last book of the secondCommentaryintotwoepisodes,—thefirstbeingthestoryofwhatoccurredwithinthelinesatPetra,andthesecondtheaccountofthecrowningbattleofPharsalia.InthefirstPompeywasthevictor,—butthevictory,greatasitwas,haswonfromtheworldverylittlenotice.Inthesecond,asall theworldknows,Cæsarwastriumphantand henceforward dominant. And yet the affair at Petra should have made a

Pharsalia unnecessary, and indeed impossible. Two reasons have conspired tomake Pompey’s complete success at Petra unimportant in theworld’s esteem.This Commentary was written not by Pompey but by Cæsar; and then,unfortunatelyforPompey,PharsaliawasallowedtofollowPetra.

ItisnotveryeasytounravelCæsar’sstoryofthedoingsofthetwoarmiesatPetra.Nor,were thiseversoeasy,wouldour limitsor thepurportof this littlevolumeallowus to attempt togive thatnarrative in full toour readers.Cæsarhadmanagedto join the legionswhichhehadhimselfbroughtfromItalywiththosewhich had crossed afterwardswithAntony, andwas now anxious for abattle.Hismen,thoughfewerinnumberthantheywhofollowedPompey,werefitforfighting,andknewalltheworkofsoldiering.Pompey’smenwereforthemost part beginners;—but they were learning, and every week added to theirexperiencewasaweekinPompey’sfavour.Withhopeofforcingabattle,CæsarmanagedtogethisarmybetweenDyrrachium,inwhichwerekeptallPompey’sstores and wealth of war, and the army of his opponent, so that Pompey, asregardedanyapproachbyland,wasshutofffromDyrrachium.Buttheseawasopentohim.Hisfleetwaseverywhereonthecoast,whileCæsarhadnotashipthatcoulddaretoshowitsbowuponthewaters.

Therewasa steep rockypromontory some fewmilesnorthofDyrrachium,fromwhencetherewaseasyaccesstothesea,calledPetra,ortherock.Atthispoint Pompey could touch the sea, but between Petra andDyrrachiumCæsarheldthecountry.Here,onthisrock, takinginfortheuseofhisarmyacertainsomewhatwideamountofpasturageatthefootoftherock,Pompeyplacedhisarmy,andmade intrenchmentsall roundfromsea tosea, fortifyinghimself,asall Roman generals knew how to do, with a bank and ditch and twenty-fourturrets andearthworks thatwouldmake theplaceabsolutely impregnable.ThelengthofhislineswasfifteenRomanmiles,—morethanthirteenEnglishmiles,—sothatwithinhisworkshemighthaveasmuchspaceaspossibletogivehimgrassforhishorses.Soplaced,hehadalltheworldathisbacktofeedhim.NotonlycouldhegetatthatwealthofstoreswhichhehadamassedatDyrrachium,andwhichweresafefromCæsar,butthecoastsofGreece,andAsia,andEgyptwereopentohisships.Twothingsonlywerewantingtohim,—sufficientgrassforhishorses,andwater.Butall thingswerewanting toCæsar,—exceptgrassandwater.TheIllyriancountryathisbackwasonesounproductive,beingroughand mountainous, that the inhabitants themselves were in ordinary times feduponimportedcorn.AndPompey,foreseeingsomethingofwhatmighthappen,had taken care to empty the storehouses and to leave the towns behind himdestituteandimpoverished.

NeverthelessCæsar,havinggotthebodyofhisenemy,asitwere,imprisonedat Petra, was determined to keep his prisoner fast. So round and in front ofPompey’slineshealsomadeotherlines,fromseatosea.HebeganbyerectingturretsandplacingsmalldetachmentsonthelittlehillsoutsidePompey’slines,soastopreventhisenemyfromgettingthegrass.Thenhejoinedthesetowersbylines,andin thiswaysurroundedtheother lines,—thinkingthatsoPompeywouldnotbeabletosendouthishorsemenforforage;andagain,thatthehorsesinside at Petra might gradually be starved; and again “that thereputation,”—“auctoritatem,”—“which in the estimation of foreign nationsbelonged chiefly to Pompey in this war, would be lessened when the storyshouldhavebeentoldovertheworldthatPompeyhadbeenbesiegedbyCæsar,anddidnotdaretofight.”

Weare,perhaps,toomuchdisposedtothink,—readingourhistorysomewhatcursorily,—thatCæsaratthistimewaseverybody,andthatPompeywashardlyworthytobehisfoe.SuchpassagesintheCommentaryasthatabovetranslated,—theyarenotmany,butafewsuffice,—showthatthisideaiserroneous.Uptothisperiod in their jointcoursesPompeyhadbeen thegreaterman;Cæsarhaddone very much, but Pompey had done more—and now he had on his sidealmostall thatwaswealthyand respectable inRome.He led theConservativeparty,andwasstillconfident thathehadonly tobidehis time,andthatCæsarmustfallbeforehim.CæsarandtheCæsareansweretohimasthespiritsoftheRevolutionwereinFrancetoLouisXVI.,toCharlesX.,andtoLouis-Philippe,beforetheyhadmadetheirpowerscredibleandformidable;astheReformBillandCatholic Emancipationwere to suchmen asGeorge IV. and Lord Eldon,whileyet they couldbeopposed andpostponed. Itwas impossible toPompeythat thesweepingsofRome,evenwithCæsarandCæsar’sarmytohelp them,shouldatlastprevailoverhimselfandovertheRomanSenate.“Hewassaidatthattime,”weareagaintranslatingCæsar’swords,“tohavedeclaredwithboastsamong his own people, that he would not himself deny that as a general heshould be considered to beworthless if Cæsar’s legions should now extricatethemselves from the position in which they had rashly entangled themselveswithout very great loss”—“maximo detrimento”—loss that should amountwellnightodestruction.Andhewasallbutrightinwhathesaid.

Therewasagreatdealoffightingfortheplotsofgrassanddifferentbitsofvantage-ground,—fightingwhichmusthavetakenplacealmostentirelybetweenthetwolines.ButCæsarsufferedunderthisdisadvantage,thathisworks,beingmuchthelongest,requiredthegreatestnumberofmentoerectthemandprolongthemandkeeptheminorder;whereasPompey,whointhisrespecthadtheleast

todo,havingtheinnerline,wasprovidedwithmuchthegreaternumberofmento do it.Cæsar’smen, being veterans, had always the advantage in the actualfighting; but in the mean time Pompey’s untried soldiers were obtaining thatexperiencewhichwassomuchneededbythem.NeverthelessPompeysufferedverymuch.Theycouldnotgetwaterontherock,andwhenheattemptedtosinkwells,Cæsarsopervertedthewater-coursesthatthewellsgavenowater.Cæsartellsusthatheevendammedupthestreams,makinglittlelakestoholdit,sothatit should not trickle down in its underground courses to the comfort of hisenemies; but we should have thought that any reservoirs so made must soonhaveoverflownthemselves,andhavebeenuselessfortheintendedpurpose.InthemeantimeCæsar’smenhadnobreadbutwhatwasmadeofacertainwildcabbage,—“chara,”—whichgrewthere,which theykneadedupwithmilk,andlived upon it cheerfully, though it was not very palatable. To show thePompeians the sort of farewithwhich real veterans couldbe content tobreaktheirfasts,theythrewloavesofthiscompositionacrossthelines;fortheywereclosetogether,andcouldtalktoeachother,andthePompeiansdidnothesitatetotwittheirenemieswiththeirwantofprovisions.ButtheCæsareanshadplentyofwater,—andplentyofmeat;andtheyassureCæsarthattheywouldrathereatthebarkoffthetreesthanallowthePompeianstoescapethem.

But there was always this for Cæsar to fear,—that Pompey should land adetachment behind his lines and attack him at the back. To hinder thisCæsarmade another intrenchment,with ditch andbank, running at right angles fromtheshore,andwasintendingtojointhistohismainworkbyatransverselineoffortificationsrunningalongthatshortportionofthecoastwhichlaybetweenhisfirstlinesandthesecond,whentherecameuponhimthedisasterwhichnearlydestroyed him.While hewas digging his trenches and building his turrets thefightingwassofrequentthat,asCæsartellsus,ononedaythereweresixbattles.Pompey lost two thousand legionaries,whileCæsar lost nomore than twenty;buteveryCæsareanengagedinacertainturretwaswounded,andfourofficerslost their eyes.Cæsar estimates that thirty thousand arrowswere thrownuponthemendefendingthistower,andtellsusofoneScæva,anofficer,whohadtwohundredandthirtyholesmadebythesearrowsinhisownshield.[12]Wecanonlysurmisethatitmusthavebeenaverybigshield,andthattheremusthavebeenmuchtroubleincountingtheholes.Cæsar,however,wassomuchpleasedthathegaveScævaalargesumofmoney,—somethingover£500,and,allowinghimto skip over six intermediate ranks, made him at once first centurion—orPrimipilusofthelegion.Weremembernootherrecordofsuchquickpromotion—inprose.Thereis,indeed,thewell-knowncaseofacommonsailorwhodida

gallantactionandwasmadefirst-lieutenantonthespot;butthatistoldinverse,andthecommonsailorwasalady.

TwoperfidiousGaulstowhomCæsarhadbeenverykind,butwhomhehadbeenobligedtocheckonaccountofcertaingrosspeculationsofwhichtheyhadbeenguilty,though,ashetellsus,hehadnottimetopunishthem,wentovertoPompey, and told Pompey all the secrets of Cæsar’s ditches, and forts, andmounds,—finished and unfinished.Before that,Cæsar assures us, not a singlemanofhishadgoneovertotheenemy,thoughmanyoftheenemyhadcometohim.ButthoseperfidiousGaulsdidaworldofmischief.Pompey,hearinghowfarCæsarwasfromhavinghisworksalongthesea-shorefinished,gottogetherahugefleetofboats,andsucceededatnightinthrowingalargebodyofhismenashore between Cæsar’s two lines, thus dividing Cæsar’s forces, and comingupon them in theirweakest point. Cæsar admits that therewas a panic in hislines,andthattheslaughterofhismenwasverygreat.Itseemsthattheverysizeofhisownworksproducedtheruinwhichbefelthem,forthedifferentpartsofthemweredividedonefromanother,sothatthemeninonepositioncouldnotsuccourthoseinanother.TheaffairendedinthetotalroutoftheCæsareanarmy.Cæsaractually fled,andhadPompeyfollowedhimwemustsuppose that thentherewouldhavebeenanendofCæsar.Heacknowledgesthatinthetwobattlesfoughtonthatdayhelost960legionaries,32officers,and32standards.

AndthenCæsartellsusastoryofLabienus,whohadbeenhismosttrustedlieutenant in the Gallic wars, but who had now gone over to Pompey, notchoosing to fight against the Republic. Labienus demanded of Pompey theCæsarean captives, and caused them all to be slaughtered, asking them withscornwhetherveteranssuchastheywereaccustomedtorunaway.CæsarisveryangrywithLabienus;butLabienusmighthavedefendedhimselfbysayingthattheslaughterofprisonersofwarwasacustomhehad learned inGaul.As forthosewordsof scorn,Cæsar couldhardlyhaveheard themwithhisownears,and we can understand that he should take delight in saying a hard thing ofLabienus.

Pompey was at once proclaimed Imperator. And Pompey used the name,thoughthevictoryhad,alas!beengainedoverhisfellow-countrymen.“SogreatwastheeffectofallthisonthespiritsandconfidenceofthePompeians,thattheythoughtnomoreofthecarryingonofthewar,butonlyofthevictorytheyhadgained.” And then Cæsar throws scorn upon the Pompeians, making his ownapology in the same words. “They did not care to remember that the smallnumberofoursoldierswasthecauseoftheirtriumph,orthattheunevennessofthe ground and narrowness of the defiles had aught to do with it; or the

occupation of our lines, and the panic of our men between their doublefortifications;orourarmycutintotwoparts,sothatonepartcouldnothelptheother.Nordidtheyaddtothisthefactthatourmen,pressedastheywere,couldnotengagethemselvesinafairconflict,andthattheyindeedsufferedmorefromtheir own numbers, and from the narrowness of the ravines, than from theenemy. Nor were the ordinary chances of war brought to mind,—how smallmatters, such as some unfounded suspicion, a sudden panic, a rememberedsuperstition,maycreategreatmisfortune;norhowoftenthefaultofageneral,orthemistakeofanofficer,maybringinjuryuponanarmy.Buttheyspreadabroadthereportofthevictoryofthatdaythroughoutalltheworld,sendingforthlettersand talesas though theyhadconquered solelyby theirownvalour,norwas itpossible that there should after this be a reverseof their circumstances.”Suchwas the affair of Petra, bywhich the relative position in theworld-history ofCæsarandPompeywasverynearlymadethereverseofwhatitis.

Cæsarnowacknowledges thathe isdriven tochange thewholeplanofhiscampaign. He addresses a speech to his men, and explains to them that thisdefeat, like that at Gergovia, may lead to their future success. The victory atAlesia had sprung from the defeat of Gergovia, because the Gauls had beeninducedtofight;andfromthereversesenduredwithinthelinesofPetramightcomethesamefortune;—forsurelynowthearmyofPompeywouldnotfearabattle.Somefewofficershepunishesanddegrades.Hisownwordsrespectinghisarmyafter theirdefeatarevery touching.“Sogreatagriefhadcome fromthis disaster upon the whole army, and so strong a desire of repairing itsdisgrace,thatnoonenowdesiredtheplaceoftribuneorcenturioninhislegion;andall,bywayofself-imposedpunishment,subjected themselves to increasedtoil;andeverymanburnedwithadesire to fight.Somefrom thehigher ranksweresostirredbyCæsar’sspeech,thattheythoughtthattheyshouldstandtheirgroundwheretheywere,andfightwheretheystood.”ButCæsarwastoogoodageneralforthat.Hemovesontowardsthesouth-east,andinretreatinggetsthebetterofPompey,who followshimwithonlyhalfaheart.Aftera shortwhilePompeygivesupthepursuit.Hisfather-in-law,Scipio,hasbroughtagreatarmyfrom theeast, and is inThessaly.Aswe read thiswecannot fail to rememberhow short a time since itwas thatCæsar himselfwasPompey’s father-in-law,andthatPompeywasCæsar’sfriendbecause,withtoouxoriousalove,heclungtoJulia,hisyoungwife.PompeynowgoeseastwardtounitehisarmytothatofScipio;andCæsar,makinghiswayalsointoThessalybyamoresouthernroute,joins certain forces under his lieutenant Calvinus, who had been watchingScipio, and who barely escaped falling into Pompey’s hands before he could

reachCæsar. Butwherever Fortune or Chance could interfere, theGodswerealwayskindtoCæsar.

ThenCæsartellsusofhistreatmentoftwotownsinThessaly,GomphiandMetropolis. Unluckily for the poor Gomphians, Cæsar reaches Gomphi first.Now the fame of Pompey’s victory at Petra had been spread abroad; and theGomphians,who,—togivethemtheirdue,—wouldhavebeenjustaswillingtofavourCæsarasPompey,andwhoonlywanted tobeon thewinningside thattheymightholdtheirlittleowninsafety,believedthatthingsweregoingbadlywith Cæsar. They therefore shut their gates against Cæsar, and sent offmessengerstoPompey.TheycanholdtheirtownagainstCæsarforalittlewhile,butPompeymustcomequicklytotheiraid.Pompeycomesbynomeansquickenough,and theGomphians’capacity tohold theirown isveryshort-lived.Atabout three o’clock in the afternoon Cæsar begins to besiege the town, andbeforesunsethehastakenit,andgivenittobesackedbyhissoldiers.ThemenofMetropoliswere alsogoing to shut theirgates, but luckily theyhear just intimewhathadhappenedatGomphi,—andopentheminstead.WhereuponCæsarshowersprotectionuponMetropolis;andalltheothertownsofThessaly,hearingwhathadbeendone,learnwhatCæsar’sfavourmeans.

Pompey,havingjoinedhisarmytothatofScipio,sharesallhishonourswithhis father-in-law.Whenwehear thisweknow thatPompey’spositionwasnotcomfortable,andthathewasunderconstraint.Hewasamanwhowouldsharehis honour with no one unless driven to do so. And indeed his command atpresentwasnot apleasantone. Itwasmuch for aRomancommander tohavewithhimtheRomanSenate,—butthesenatorssoplacedwouldbeapttobelessobedient than trained soldiers. They even accuse him of keeping them inThessaly because he likes to lord it over such followers. But they were,nevertheless, all certain that Cæsar was about to be destroyed; and, even inPompey’scamp,theyquarrelovertherewardsofvictorywhichtheythinkthattheywillenjoyatRomewhentheiroligarchyshallhavebeenre-establishedbyPompey’sarms.

BeforethegreatdayarrivesLabienusagainappearsonthescene;andCæsarputsintohismouthaspeechwhichheofcourseintendsustocomparewiththeresultofthecomingbattle.“Donotthink,OPompey,thatthisisthearmywhichconquered Gaul and Germany,”—where Labienus himself was second incommandunderCæsar.“Iwaspresentatallthosebattles,andspeakofathingwhichIknow.Averysmallpartofthatarmyremains.Manyhaveperished,—asamatter of course in so many battles. The autumn pestilence killed many inItaly.Manyhavegonehome.Manyhavebeenleftontheothershore.Haveyou

notheardfromourownfriendswhoremainedbehindsick,thatthesecohortsofCæsar’s were made up at Brindisi?”—made up but the other day, Labienusimplies.“Thisarmy,indeed,hasbeenrenewedfromleviesinthetwoGauls;butallthatithadofstrengthperishedinthosetwobattlesatDyrrachium;”—inthecontests,thatis,withinthelinesofPetra.UponthisLabienusswearsthathewillnotsleepundercanvasagainuntilhesleepsasvictoroverCæsar;andPompeyswears the same, and everybody swears. Then they all go away full of thecomingvictory.Wedaresaytherewasagreatdealoffalseconfidence;butasforthewordswhich Cæsar puts into themouth of Labienus, we knowwell howmuchcauseCæsarhadtodislikeLabienus,andwedoubtwhethertheywereeverspoken.

At length the battle-field is chosen,—near the town of Pharsalus, on thebanksoftheriverEnipeusinThessaly.Thebattlehasacquiredworld-widefameas that of Pharsalia,whichwe have been taught to regard as the name of theplainonwhichitwasfought.NeitherofthesenamesoccurintheCommentary,nordoes that of the river; and the actual spot onwhich thegreat contest tookplaceseemstobeamatterofdoubtevennow.ThegroundisTurkishsoil,—nearto themountainswhich separatemodernGreece fromTurkey, and is notwelladapted for the researches of historical travellers.Cæsar hadbeenkeepinghismenonthemarchclose toPompey, tillPompeyfoundthathecouldnolongerabstainfromfighting.ThencameLabienuswithhisvaunts,andhisoath,—andatlengththedayandthefieldwerechosen.Cæsaratanyratewasready.AtthistimeCæsarwasfifty-twoyearsold,andPompeywasfiveyearshiselder.

Cæsar tells us that Pompey had 110 cohorts, or eleven legions. Had thelegionsbeenfull,Pompey’sarmywouldhavecontained66,000legionaries;butCæsar states their number at 45,000, or something over two-thirds of the fullnumber.Hedoesnotforget totellusonceagainthatamongtheseelevenwerethetwolegionswhichhehadgivenupinobediencetothedemandoftheSenate.Pompeyhimself,with these twovery legions, placedhimself on the left awayfrom the river; and there also were all his auxiliaries,—not counted with thelegionaries,—slingers, archers, and cavalry. Scipio commanded in the centrewiththelegionshehadbroughtoutofSyria.SoCæsartellsus.“WelearnfromothersourcesthatLentuluscommandedPompey’srightwing,lyingontheriver—andDomitius,whomwerememberastryingtoholdMarseillesagainstyoungBrutus and Trebonius, the left. Cæsar had 80 cohorts, or eight legions,whichshouldhavenumbered48,000menhadhislegionsbeenfull;—but,ashetellsus,he ledbut 22,000 legionaries, so that his ranksweredeficient bymore than ahalf.Aswashiscustom,hehadhistenthlegiontotheright,awayfromtheriver.

The ninth, terribly thinned by what had befallen it within the lines at Petra,joined to the eleventh, lay next the river, forming part of Cæsar’s left wing.Antonycommandedtheleftwing,DomitiusCalvinus,whomCæsarsometimescallsbyonenameandsometimesbytheother,thecentre,—andSullatheright.Cæsarplacedhimselftotheright,withhistenthlegion,oppositetoPompey.Asfaraswecanlearn,therewasbutlittleinthenatureofthegroundtoaideitherofthem;—andsothefightbegan.

Thereisnotmuchcomplication,andperhapsnogreatinterest,intheaccountof theactualbattleas it isgivenbyCæsar.Cæsarmakesaspeechtohisarmy,whichwas,aswehavealreadylearned,andashetellsusnow,theaccustomedthing to do. No falser speech was ever made byman, if he spoke the wordswhichhehimselfreports.Hefirstofallremindsthemhowtheythemselvesarewitnesses thathehasdonehisbest to insurepeace;—andthenhecalls to theirmemorycertainmocktreatiesastopeace,inwhich,whenseekingdelay,hehadpretendedtoengagehimselfandhisenemy.Hehadneverwasted,hetoldthem,thebloodofhissoldiers,nordidhedesiretodeprivetheRepublicofeitherarmy—“alterutro exercitu”—of Pompey’s army or of his own. They were bothRoman,andfarbeitfromhimtodestroyaughtbelongingtotheRepublic.Wemust acknowledge that Cæsar was always chary of Roman life and Romanblood.Hewouldspareitwhenitcouldbespared;buthecouldspillitlikewaterwhenthespillingofitwasnecessarytohisend.Hewasverypolitic;butasfortenderness,—neitherhenoranyRomanknewwhatitwas.

Then there is a story of one Crastinus, who declares that whether dead oralivehewill pleaseCæsar.He throws the firstweapon against the enemyanddoespleaseCæsar.Buthehastopleasebyhisdeath,forheiskilledinhiseffort.

Pompeyordersthathisfirstrankshallnotleaveitsordertoadvance,butshallreceivetheshockofCæsar’sattack.Cæsarpointsouttousthatheiswronginthis, because the very excitement of a first attack gives increased energy andstrengthtothemen.Cæsar’slegionariesaretoldtoattack,andtheyrushoverthespaceinterveningbetweenthefirstrankstodoso.Buttheyaresowell trainedthat they pause and catch their breath before they throw their weapons. Thentheythrowtheirpilesanddrawtheirswords,andtheranksofthetwoarmiesareclosepittedagainsteachother.

ButPompeyhadthoughtthathecouldwinthebattle,almostwithoutcallingon his legionaries for any exertion, by the simple strategic movement of hisnumerouscavalryandauxiliaries.HeoutnumberedCæsaraltogether,butinthesearms he could overwhelm himwith a cloud of horsemen and of archers. ButCæsaralsohadknownof theseclouds.He foughtnowasalwayswitha triple

rank of legionaries,—but behind his third rank,—or rather somewhat to theirright shoulder,—hehaddrawnupa choicebodyofmenpicked fromhis thirdline,—afourthlineasitwere,—whosebusinessitwastostandagainstPompey’scloudswhentheattemptshouldbemadebythesecloudsupontheirrightflank.Cæsar’ssmallbodyofcavalrydidgivewaybeforethePompeianclouds,andthehorsemenandthearchersandtheslingerssweptrounduponCæsar’sflank.Buttheyswept roundupondestruction.Cæsargave theword to that fourth lineofpickedmen. “Illi—they,” says Cæsar, “ran forward with the greatest rapidity,andwith their standards in advanceattacked thecavalryofPompeywith suchviolencethatnoneofthemcouldstandtheirground;—sothatallnotonlywereforcedfromtheground,butbeingatoncedriveninpanic,theysoughttheshelterofthehighestmountainsnearthem.Andwhentheywerethusremoved,allthearchersandtheslingers,desolateandunarmed,withoutanyonetotakecareofthem,werekilledinheaps.”SuchisCæsar’saccountofPompey’sgreatattackofcavalrywhichwastowinthebattlewithoutgivingtroubletothelegions.

Cæsar acknowledges that Pompey’s legionaries drew their swords bravelyandbegantheirshareofthefightingwell.Thenatoncehetellsusofthefailureonthepartofthecavalryandoftheslaughterofthepoorauxiliaryslingers,andintheverynextsentencegivesustounderstandthatthebattlewaswon.ThoughPompey’slegionsweresomuchmorenumerousthanthoseofCæsar,wearetoldthat Cæsar’s third line attacked the Pompeian legionaries when they were“defessi”—worn out. The few cohorts of pickedmenwho in suchmarvellousmannerhaddispersedPompey’s clouds, followingon their success, turned theflank of Pompey’s legions and carried the day. That it was all as Cæsar saystherecanbe littledoubt.Thathewon thebattle therecan,wepresume,benodoubt.Pompeyatonceflewtohiscampandendeavouredtodefendit.Butsuchdefencewas impossible, andPompeywasdriven to seek succour in flight.Hefoundahorse and a fewcompanions, anddidnot stop till hewason the sea-shore.Thenhegotonboardaprovision-vessel,andwasheardtocomplainthathe had been betrayed by those verymen fromwhose hands he had expectedvictory.

We are told with much picturesque effect how Cæsar’s men, hungry,accustomed to endurance, patient in all their want, found Pompey’s campprepared for victory, and decked in luxurious preparation for the senatorialvictors.Coucheswerestrewn,andplatewasputout,andtablesprepared,andthetentsofthesehappyoneswereadornedwithfreshivy.Thesenatorialhappyoneshave but a bad time of it, either perishing in their flight, or escaping into thedesertsolitudesofthemountains.Cæsarfollowsuphisconquest,andontheday

afterthebattlecompelsthegreatbodyofthefugitivestosurrenderatdiscretion.Hesurroundsthemonthetopofahillandshutsthemoutfromwater,andtheydosurrenderatdiscretion.Withstretched-outhands,proneupontheearth,theselate conquerors, the cream of the Roman power, who had so lately sworn toconquereretheyslept,weepingbegformercy.Cæsar,havingsaidafewwordstothemofhisclemency,gavethemtheirlives.Herecommendsthemtothecareofhisownmen,anddesiresthattheymayneitherbeslaughterednorrobbed.

Cæsar says he lost only 200 soldiers in that battle—and among them 30officers,allbravemen.ThatgallantCrastinuswasamongthe30.OfPompey’sarmy15,000hadbeenkilled,and24,000hadsurrendered!180standardsand9eaglesweretakenandbroughttoCæsar.Thenumbersseemtoustobealmostincredible,whetherwelookatthosegiventousinregardtotheconquerorortheconquered.Cæsar’saccount,however,ofthatday’sworkhashithertobeentakenasauthoritative,anditistoolatenowtoquestionit.AfterthisfashionwasthebattleofPharsaliawon,andtheso-calledRomanRepublicbroughttoanend.

ButCæsarbynomeansthoughtthathisworkwasdone;—norindeedwasitnearlydone.ItwasnowclearlyhisfirstdutytopursuePompey,—whom,shouldheescape, theoutsideprovincesanddistant alliesof theRepublicwould soonsupplywithanotherarmy.“CæsarthoughtthatPompeywastobepursuedtotheneglecting of all other things.” In themean timePompey,who seems to havebeen panic-struck by hismisfortune, fledwith a few friends down theÆgeanSea, picked his youngwife up at an island as hewent, andmade hisway toEgypt.Thestoryofhismurderby thosewhohad theyoungKingofEgypt intheirkeepingiswellknownandneednotdetainus.Cæsartellsitveryshortly.Pompey sends to young Ptolemy for succour and assistance, trusting to pastfriendshipbetweenhimselfandtheyoungking’sfather.Ptolemyisinthehandsofeunuchs,adventurers,andcut-throatsoldiers,andhasnovoiceofhisowninthematter.ButtheseruffiansthinkitwelltohavePompeyoutoftheway,andtherefore they murder him. Achillas, a royal satrap, and Septimius, a Romansoldier,goouttoPompey’svessel,asmessengersfromtheking,andinducehimto come down into their boat. Then, in the very sight of his wife, he isslaughtered,andhisheadiscarriedawayasproofofthedeed.SuchwastheendofPompey, forwhomno fortunehad seemed to be toogreat, tillCæsar cameuponthescene.WearetoldbytheRomanpoet,Lucan,whotookthebattleofPharsaliaashisdifficulttheme,thatCæsarcouldbearnosuperior,andPompeynoequal.Thepoetprobablywishedtomakethelatterthemoremagnanimousbythecomparison.Tous,asweexaminethecharacterofthetwogenerals,Cæsarseemsatleastasjealousofpowerashisson-in-law,andcertainlywasthemore

successfulofthetwoinextrudingallothersfromashareinthepowerwhichhecoveted.Pompeyinthetriumvirateadmittedhisjuniortomore,ashemusthavefeltit,thanequalpower:Cæsarinthetriumviratesimplymadeastepping-stoneofthegreatmanwhowashiselder.PompeyatThessalywasforcedtodivideatleastthenameofhispowerwithScipio,hislastfather-in-law:butCæsarnevergaveashredofhismantletobewornbyanothersoldier.

Inspeaking,however,ofthecharacterofPompey,andincomparingitwiththatofhisgreaterrival, itmayprobablybesaidofhimthat inallhiscontests,bothmilitaryandpolitical,hewasgovernedbyaloveofoldRome,andoftheRepublic as the greatest national institutionwhich theworld had ever known,andbyafeelingwhichwecallpatriotism,andofwhichCæsarwas,—perhaps,wemay say, too great to be capable. Pompey desired to lead, but to lead thebelovedRepublic.Cæsar,caringnothingforthethingsofold,withnoreverencefor thepast, utterlydestituteof that tenderness forour former footstepswhichmakessomanyofusclingwithpassionatefondnesstoconvictederrors,desiredtocreateoutofthedustoftheRepublic,—whichfateandhisgeniusallowedhimto recast as he would,—something which should be better and truer than theRepublic.

The last seven chapters of the third book of this Commentary form acommencement of the record of the Alexandrine war,—which, beyond thoseseven chapters,Cæsar himself did notwrite. That he should havewritten anyCommentaryamidst thenecessary toilsofwar, and theperhapsmorepressingemergenciesofhispoliticalcondition, isoneof thegreatestmarvelsofhumanpower.Hetellsusnow,thathavingdelayedbutafewdaysinAsia,hefollowedPompey first toCyprus and then toEgypt, takingwithhimashis entire armythreethousandtwohundredmen.“Therest,wornoutwithwounds,andbattles,andtoil,andthegreatnessofthejourney,couldnotfollowhim.”ButhedirectedthatlegionsshouldbemadeupforhimfromtheremnantsofPompey’sbrokenarmy,and,withagodliketrustintheobedienceofabsentvassals,hewentontoEgypt.HetellsusthathewaskeptinAlexandriabyEtesianwinds.Butweknowalso that Cleopatra came to him at Alexandria, requiring his services in hercontestforthecrownofEgypt;andknowingatwhatpricesheboughtthem,wedoubt the persistent malignity of the Etesian winds, Had Cleopatra been aswarthyNubian,assomehaveportrayedher,Cæsar,wethink,wouldhaveleftAlexandria though the Etesian winds had blown in his very teeth. All windsfilledCæsar’ssails.CæsargetspossessionofCleopatra’sbrotherPtolemy,who,inaccordancewith their father’swill,was tohave reigned inconjunctionwithhis sister, and the Alexandrians rise against him in great force. He slays

Photinus,theservantofKingPtolemy,hashisownambassadorslain,andburnstheroyalfleetofEgypt,—burningwith it,unfortunately, thegreaterpartof theroyallibrary.“ThesethingswerethebeginningoftheAlexandrinewar.”ThesearethelastwordsofCæsar’slastCommentary.

CHAPTERXII.

CONCLUSION.

HAVING concluded his ten short chapters descriptive of the ten books of theCommentaries written by Cæsar himself, the author of this little Volume hasfinishedhisintendedtask,—andasheisspeciallyanxiousnot tobethoughttohave made an attempt at writing history, he would not add any concludingwords,were it not that three otherCommentaries ofCæsar’s three otherwarswereaddedtoCæsar’sCommentariesbyotherwriters.ThereistheCommentaryontheAlexandrinewar,—writtenprobablybyHirtius,theauthorofthelastbookof theGallicwar; and twoCommentarieson theAfricanwar and theSpanishwar,—written,asthecriticsseemtothink,byoneOppius,afriendwhomCæsarlovedandtrusted.TheAlexandrinewarwasawarofitself,inwhichCæsarwasinvolvedbyhismatchlessaudacityinfollowingPompeyintoEgypt,andperhapsby the sweetness of Cleopatra’s charms. And this led also to a war in AsiaMinor,theaccountofwhichisincludedwiththatofhisEgyptiancampaign.TheAfricanwar,andthatafterwardscarriedoninSpainwiththeobjectofcrushingout the sparks of Pompeian revolt against his power, are simply the latterportionsofthecivilwar,andtheirrecordsmighthavebeenwrittenaschaptersaddedtotheCommentary“DeBelloCivili.”

Alexandria,whenCæsar landedthereinpursuitofPompeyandhadofferedtohimasagracefultributeonhisfirstarrivaltheheadofhismurderedrival,wasa city almost as populous and quite as rich as Rome; and in the city, andthroughoutthemorefertilepartsofEgypt,therewasacrowdofRomansoldiersleft there to support and to overawe the throne of the Ptolemies. Cæsar, withhardlymorethanhalfafulllegiontosupporthim,entersAlexandriaasthoughobedience were due to him by all in Egypt as Roman consul. He at oncedemands an enormous sum of money, which he claims as due to himselfpersonallyforservicesrenderedtoaformerPtolemy;hetakespossessionofthepersonofPtolemytheyoungking,—andistakenpossessionofbyCleopatra,theyoungking’ssister,whowasjoint-heirwithherbrothertothethrone.InallhiscareertherewasperhapsnothingmoreaudaciousthanhisconductinEgypt.TheAlexandrians,orratherperhapstheRomanarmyinEgyptundertheleadingofthe young king’s satraps, rise against Cæsar, and he is compelled to fortifyhimself in the town.Hecontrives,however, toburnall theEgyptian fleet,andwithitunfortunatelytheroyallibrary,asweweretoldbyhimselfattheendof

thelastCommentary.HeatlengthallowsPtolemytogo,givinghimbacktotheEgyptians, and thinking that the youngking’s presencemay serve to allay theenmityoftheAlexandrians.TheyoungkingweptatleavingCæsar,anddeclaredthat even his own kingdomwas not so dear to him as the companionship ofCæsar.Butthecraftyfalse-facedboyturnsagainstCæsarassoonasheisfreetodoso.Cæsarneverwasingreaterdanger;andasonereadsonefeelsone’sselftobe deprived of the right to say that nomore insane thingwas ever done thanCæsardidwhenheswaggered intoAlexandriawithoutanarmyathisback,—onlybytheremembrancethatCæsarwasCæsar.First,becausehewantedsomereadymoney,andsecondly,becauseCleopatrawaspretty,CæsarnearlylosttheworldinEgypt.

But there comes to his help a barbarian ally,—a certain Mithridates ofPergamus,aputativesonofthegreatMithridatesofPontus.MithridatesbringsanarmytoCæsar’srescue,anddoesrescuehim.AgreatbattleisfoughtontheNile,—abattlewhichwouldhavebeenimpossibletoCæsarhadnotMithridatescome to his aid,—and the Egyptians are utterly dispersed. Young Ptolemy isdrowned; Cleopatra is settled on her throne; and Egypt becomes subject toCæsar.ThenCæsarhurriesintoAsia,findingitnecessarytoquellthearroganceof a barbarian who had dared to defeat a Roman general. The unfortunateconquerorisPharnaces,theundoubtedsonofMithridatesofPontus.ButCæsarcomes,andsees,andconquers.HeengagesPharnacesatZela,anddestroyshisarmy; and then, we are told, inscribed upon his banners those insolent words—“Veni,vidi,vici.”HehadalreadybeenmadeDictatorof theRomanEmpirefor an entire year, and had revelled with Cleopatra at Alexandria, and wasbecomingamonarch.

Thesewerethecampaignsoftheyear47B.C.,andtherecordofthemismadeintheCommentary“DeBelloAlexandrino.”

InthemeantimethingshavenotbeengoingaltogethersmoothlyforCæsarinItaly, althoughhis friends atRomehavemadehimDictator.His soldiershavemutiniedagainsttheirofficers,andagainsthisauthority;andagreatcompanyofPompeians is collected in that province of Africa in which poor Curio wasconqueredbyJuba,—whenJubahadRomansenatorswalking inhis train,andCæsar’sarmywasdestroyed.TheprovincecalledbythenameofAfricalayjustoppositetoSicily,andwasblessedwiththatRomancivilisationwhichbelongedtothepossessionsoftheRepublicwhichwerenearesttoRome,thegreatcentreofall things. It isnowthestrongholdof theRepublicanfaction,—asbeing theone spot of Roman ground in which Cæsar had failed of success. Pompey,indeed, is no more, but Pompey’s two sons are here,—and Scipio, Pompey’s

father-in-law, whom Pompey had joined with himself in the command atPharsalus. Labienus is here,who, since he turned fromCæsar, has beenmorePompeian thanPompeyhimself;andAfranius, towhomCæsarwassokind inSpain;andPetreiusandKingJuba,—ofwhoma joint storyhasyet tobe told;andVarus,who held the province against Curio;—and last of all there is thattowerof strength, thegreatCato, themostvirtuousand impracticableofmen,who, in spiteofhisvirtue, is always in thewrong, andofwhom theworld atlargeonlyremembersthathewasfondofwine,andthathedestroyedhimselfatUtica.

They are all at Utica,—and to them for the present Utica is Rome. TheyestablishaSenate;andScipio,whoisunworthyofthegreatnamehebears,andisincompetentasageneral,ismadecommander-in-chief,becauseCatodecidesthat law and routine so require. Scipio had been consul,—had been jointcommanderwithPompey,—andhisrankisthehighest.Thesameargumenthadbeenusedwhenhewas joined in that command,—that itwas fitting that suchpowershouldbegiventohimbecausehewasofconsularrank.ThecommandoftheRepublicanfleethadbeenintrustedtoBibulusonthesameground.WeneverhearofCæsarsobestowingpromotion.Heindeedisnowandagainledawaybyanotherfault,trustingmensimplybecausehelovesthem,—bywhatwemaycallfavouritism,—ashedidwhenheallowedCuriotolosehisarmyinAfrica,andthus occasioned all this subsequent trouble. As we read of Scipio’s rank werememberthatwehaveheardofsimilarcauseforill-judgedpromotioninlatertimes. The Pompeians, however, collect an enormous army. They have tenRomanlegions,andaresupported,moreover,bythewholeforceofKingJuba.This army,we are told, is as numerous as thatwhich Pompey commanded atPharsalus. There is quarrelling among them for authority; quarrelling as tostrategy;jealousyastothebarbarian,withacknowledgedinabilitytoactwithouthim;—andthereaderfeelsthatitisallinvain.Cæsarcomes,havingquelledthemutiny of his own old veterans in Italy by a fewwords.He has gone amongthem fearingnothing; theydemand their discharge—hegrants it.They requirethe rewardswhich they think tobe theirdue, andhe tells them that they shallhave theirmoney,—whenhehaswon itwithother legions.Thenheaddressesthemnotassoldiers,butas“citizens”—“Quirites;”andthattheycannotstand;itimpliesthattheyarenolongertheinvinciblesoldiersofCæsar.Theyrallyroundhim;thelegionsarere-formed,andhelandsinAfricawithasmallarmyindeed,—at first with little more than three thousand men,—and is again nearlydestroyed in the very first battle.But after a fewmonths campaigning the oldstoryhas tobe toldagain.Agreatbattle is fought atThapsus, ayear and five

monthsafterthatofPharsalia,andtheRepublicisroutedagainandforever.ThecommentatortellsusthatonthisoccasiontheferocityofCæsar’sveteranswassogreat,thatbynoentreaties,bynocommands,couldtheybeinducedtoceasefromthespillingofblood.

Butof thedestructionof the leadersseparatestoriesare toldus.OfCato isthe first story, and that best known to history. He finds himself obliged tosurrender the town ofUtica to Cæsar; and then, “he himself having carefullysettled his own affairs, and having commended his children to Lucius Cæsar,who was then acting with him as his quæstor, with his usual gait andcountenance, soas tocauseno suspicion,he tookhis swordwithhim intohisbedroomwhenitwashis timetoretire torest,—andsokilledhimself.”Scipioalsokilledhimself.AfraniuswaskilledbyCæsar’ssoldiers.Labienus,and thetwo sons of Pompey, andVarus, escaped into Spain. Then comes the story ofKing JubaandPetreius. Jubahadcollectedhiswivesandchildren, andallhiswealthofgoldandjewelsandrichapparel,intoatownofhiscalledZama;andthere he had built a vast funeral-pile, on which, in the event of his beingconquered by Cæsar, he intended to perish,—meaning that his wives andchildren anddependants and rich treasures should all beburnedwithhim.So,when he was defeated, he returned to Zama; but his wives and children anddependants, being lessmagnificentlyminded than their king, andknowinghisroyal purpose, and being unwilling to become ornaments to his euthanasia,would not let him enter the place. Then he went to his old Roman friendPetreius,andtheytwosatdowntogethertosupper.Petreiuswashewhowouldnot allowAfranius to surrender to Cæsar at Lerida.When they have supped,Juba proposes that they shall fight each other, so that one at least may diegloriously.Theydofight,andPetreiusisquicklykilled.“Jubabeingthestronger,easilydestroyedtheweakerPetreiuswithhissword.”Thenthebarbariantriedtokill himself; but, failing, got a slave to finish thework.ThebattleofThapsuswasfought,B.C.47.NumidiaismadeaprovincebyCæsar,andsoAfricaiswon.WemaysaythattheRomanRepublicdiedwithCatoatUtica.

TheSpanishwar,whichaffordedmatterfor thelastCommentary, isamerestampingoutoftheembers.Cæsar,aftertheaffairinAfrica,goestoRome;andthe historian begins his chronicle by telling us that he is detained there“muneribusdandis,”—bythedistributionofrewards,—keepinghispromise,nodoubt, to those veterans whom he won back to their military obedience bycallingthem“Quirites,”orRomancitizens.[13]ThesonsofPompey,CnæusandSextus,havecollectedtogetheragreatnumberofmentosupporttheirworn-outcause, and we are told that in the battle of Munda more than 30,000 men

perished. But that was the end of it. Labienus and Varus are killed; and thehistoriantellsusthatafuneralwasmadeforthem.OneScapula,ofwhomitissaid thathewasthepromoterofall thisSpanishrebellion,eatshissupper,hashimself anointed, and is killed on his funeral-pile. Cnæus, the elder son ofPompey,escapeswounded,butatlastiscaughtinacave,andiskilled.Sextus,theyounger,escapes,andbecomesaleadingrebelforsomeyearslonger,tillatlasthealsoiskilledbyoneofAntony’sofficers.

ThisCommentaryisended,orratherisbroughttoanuntimelyclose,inthemiddleofaspeechwhichCæsarmakestotheinhabitantsofHipsala,—Seville,—inwhichhetellstheminstronglanguagehowwellhebehavestothem,andhowverybadlytheyhavebehavedtohim.Butwereachanabruptterminationinthemiddleofasentence.

AfterthebattleofMundaCæsarreturnedtoRome,andenjoyedoneyearofmagnificent splendour and regal power in Rome. He is made Consul for tenyears,andDictatorforlife.Heisstillhighpriest,andatlastiscalledKing.Hemakes many laws, and perhaps adds the crowning jewel to his imperishablediademofglorybyreformingthecalendar,andestablishingaproperrotationofmonthsanddays,soas tocompriseaproperly-dividedyear.Butas there isnoCommentary of this year of Cæsar’s life, our readers will not expect that weshouldtreatofithere.HowhewasstrucktodeathbyBrutus,Cassius,andtheotherconspirators,andfellatthefootofPompey’sstatue,gatheringhisgarmentsaroundhimgracefully,withapolicythatwasgloriousandpersistenttothelast,isknowntoallmenandwomen.

“Thenbursthismightyheart;Andinhismantlemufflinguphisface,EvenatthebaseofPompey’sstatua,Whichallthewhileranblood,GreatCæsarfell.”

That he haddonehiswork, and that he died in time to save his name andfame from the evil deeds of which unlimited power in the State would tooprobablyhavecausedthetyranttobeguilty,wasperhapsnottheleastfortunatecircumstanceinacareerwhichforgoodfortunehasbeenunequalledinhistory.

THEEND.PRINTEDBYWILLIAMBLACKWOODANDSONS,EDINBURGH.

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EDITEDBYTHEREV.W.LUCASCOLLINS,M.A.Thevolumespublishedcontain—

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readers,who thesegreatwriterswere,andwhat theywrote; togive,whereverpossible,someconnectedoutlineofthestorywhichtheytell,orthefactswhichtheyrecord,checkedbytheresultsofmoderninvestigations;topresentsomeoftheirmost strikingpassages inapprovedEnglish translations,and to illustratethemgenerallyfrommodernwriters;toserve,inshort,asapopularretrospectofthechiefliteratureofGreeceandRome.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1]Thereisaneighthbook,referringtoaneighthandninthcampaign,butitisnottheworkofCæsar.

[2]

CœlotonantemcredidimusJovemRegnare;præsensDivushabebiturAugustus.

[3]ThewordsaretakenfromDeanMerivale’shistory.[4] Shewas thatwifewhowas falsewithClodius, andwhomCæsar divorced, declaring that

Cæsar’swifemustnotevenbesuspected.Hewouldnotkeepthefalsewife;neitherwouldheatthatmoment takepart in theaccusationagainstClodius,whowasofhisparty,andagainstwhomsuchaccusation backedbyCæsarwould have been fatal.The intrusion of the demagogue intoCæsar’shouseinthepursuitofCæsar’swifeduringthemysteriesoftheBonaDeabecamethesubjectofatrialinRome.Theoffencewasterribleandwasnotorious.Clodius,whowashatedandfearedbythepatricians,wasafavouritewiththepopularparty.Theoffenderwasatlastbroughttotrial,andwasacquitted by venal judges. A word spoken by the injured husband would have insured hiscondemnation,but thatwordCæsarwouldnotspeak.Hiswifehecoulddivorce,buthewouldnotjeopardisehispowerwithhisownpartybydemandingthepunishmentofhimwhohaddebauchedher.

[5]Nipperdeius.[6]Thesepeoplewere thedescendantsof thoseCimbriwho,halfacenturybefore,hadcaused

suchwoetoRome!TheCimbri,wearetold,hadgoneforthfromtheirlands,andhadbeensixtimesvictoriousoverRomanarmies,takingpossessionof“ourProvince,”andthreateningItalyandRome.ThewholeempireoftheRepublichadbeenindanger,butwasatlastsavedbythecourage,skill,andrapidityofMarius.Ingoingforthfromtheircountrytheyhadleftaremnantbehindwithsuchoftheirpossessions as they could not carry with them; and these Aduatici were the children andgrandchildrenofthatremnant.Cæsardoubtlessremembereditall.

[7] And Cæsar was no doubt indignant as well as earnest, though, perhaps, irrational in hisindignation.Weknowhowsacredwasheld tobe thepersonof theRomancitizen, and rememberCicero’spatrioticdeclaration, “Facinusestvinciri civemRomanum,—scelusverberari;” andagain,thewordswhichHoraceputsintothemouthofReguluswhenheassertsthattheRomansoldiermustbelostforeverinhisshame,anduseless,“QuilorarestrictislacertisSensitinerstimuitquemortem.”

[8]CæsarspeaksoftheconfluenceoftheRhineandthe“Mosa”asthespotatwhichhedrovetheGermansintotheriver,—andinvariouspassages,speakingoftheMosa,clearlymeanstheMeuse.Itappears,however,tobetheopinionofEnglishscholarswhohavestudiedthetopographyofCæsar’scampaignswithmuch labour, that the confluenceof theMoselle andRhine, fromwhichCoblentzderives itsname, is thespot intended.Napoleon,whohashardlymadehimselfanauthorityon theaffairsofCæsargenerally,butwhoisthoughttobeanauthorityinregardtotopography,holdstotheopinionthatthesiteinHollandisintendedtobedescribed.Readerswhoareanxiousonthesubjectcanchoosebetweenthetwo;butreaderswhoarenotanxiouswillprobablybemorenumerous.

[9] “Hostium numerus capitum CDXXX millium fuisset,” from which words we are led tosupposethattherewere180,000fightingmen,besidesthewomenandchildren.

[10]Allwell-instructedmodernBritonshavelearnedfromtheoldauthoritiesthattheBritonwar-chariots were furnished with scythes attached to the axles,—from Pomponius Mela, the Romangeographer, and fromMrsMarkham, among others.AndEugeneSue, in his novel translated intoEnglishunderthenameofthe‘RivalRaces,’explainshowtheBretonsontheothersideofthewater,intheMorbihan,usedthesescythes;andhow,beforeabattlewithCæsar’slegions,thewivesofthewarriorsarranged thestrapsso that thescythesmightbeworked fromthechariot likeoars fromaboat.ButCæsarsaysnothingofsuchscythes,andsurelyhewouldhavedonesohadheseenthem.

The reader must choose between Cæsar’s silence and the authority of Pomponius Mela, MrsMarkham,andEugeneSue.

[11]TheTribunesofthepeoplewereofficerselectedannuallytoactonbehalfofthepeopleaschecks on themagistracy of theRepublic, andwere endowedwith vast powers,which theywerepresumedtousefortheprotectionofliberty.ButtheofficeofTribunehadbecomedegradedtopartypurposes,ashadeveryotherofficeofthestate.

[12]DeanMerivaleinhisaccountofthisaffairreducesthenumberofholesinScæva’sshieldtoone hundred and twenty,—on the joint authority, no doubt, of Florus and ValeriusMaximus; butFloruslived200andVal.Max.300yearsafterCæsar.Suetoniusallowsthefullnumberofholes,butimpliesthat120werereceivedwhilethewarriorwasfightinginoneplace,and110whilefightinginanother.LucansingsthestoryofScævaatgreatlength,butdoesnotgivethenumberofwoundsintheshield.HeseemstosaythatScævawaskilledonthisoccasion,butisnotquiteclearonthepoint.ThatScævahadoneeyeknockedoutiscertain.Lucandoesindeedtellus,intheverylastlinesofhispoem,thatinEgyptCæsaronceagainsawhisbelovedcenturion;—butatthemomentdescribedevenCæsarwasdismayed,andthecommentatorsdoubtwhetheritwasnotScæva’sghostthatCæsarthensaw.ValeriusMaximusissurethatScævawaskilledwhenhegotthewounds;—but,ifso,howcouldhehavebeenrewardedandpromoted?Thematterhasbeenverymuchdisputed;buthereithasbeenthoughtbesttoadheretoCæsar.

[13]NotintheCommentary,butelsewhere,welearnthathenowtriumphedfourtimes,forfourdifferent victories, taking care to claim none for any victory won over Roman soldiers. On fourdifferentdayshewascarriedthroughthecitywithhislegionsandhisspoilsandhiscaptives.HisfirsttriumphwasfortheGallicwars;andonthatdayVercingetorix,thegallantGaulwhomweremember,andwhohadnowbeensixyearsinprison,wasstrangledtodoCæsarhonour.IthinkwehateCæsarthemore for his cruelty to thosewhowere notRomans, because policy induced him to spare hiscountrymen.

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