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Commemoration Day, Ravenshaw University, Cuttack
The Burden of Dreams
16, November 2008
Subroto Bagchi, Co-founder and Chairman, Mindtree
Vice Chancellor, Principal, Faculty, Members
of the Senate and the Syndicate, my dear
Students, Ladies and Gentlemen.
My being with you this evening is historic
for me. The Ravenshaw ethos is part of our
family heritage. My father studied here. My
uncle studied here. Three of my elder brothers
studied here. The eldest topped his class
throughout and was elected vicepresident of
the student’s union. The third brother chose
activism over academics as his calling and was
the president of the college union in his time.
I was the last born and lived with my parents
and an immediate elder brother in far away
places like Koraput and Keonjhar. As we grew
up in those places, we were told stories about
the great Ravenshaw College, and we aspired
to one day take our place in its imposing
red structure. We learnt about the great
academicians who taught here, the minds who
mentored young people who eventually
became destiny’s children. We were also
told about something mysteriously transfor-
mational in the insipid food of the Ravenshaw
hostels that sent people straight to a place
called Dholpur House in New Delhi.
To us, Ravenshaw was sacred ground.
Unfortunately for me, by the time I was ready
to come to its hallowed precincts, my father
had retired. The last two of the brood were
picked up by the elder brothers – by then one
was a bureaucrat in Bhubaneswar and the
other had started a fledgling legal practice in
Cuttack. My immediate elder brother got
allocated to study at Ravenshaw under the
tutelage of the lawyer brother; I was sent to
live with my eldest brother in Bhubaneswar
and asked to go to the BJB College there. I
have to admit that I felt deprived.
So, whenever I got a chance, while studying
at BJB College, I came here – I stood by
the Sun Dial or peeped into the Kanika
Library. Sometimes I came to debate here.
On two occasions, I won the Inter-College
Debate competition held at Ravenshaw
College – they used to be held in the Physics
Lecture Theater and on one occasion,
Dr. Mayadhar Mansingh was one of the
judges. To be judged by someone like him
gave me a sense of high I carry even four
decades after! The prizes for the debates –
one in English and one in Oriya – were
instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout, then
Principal, in his father’s memory.
One, that vision was larger than life. As all
visions must be. It was in fact, what we may
call a “hairy, audacious goal” particularly at a
time when Orissa was coming out of the great
famine of 1866.
Secondly, that vision did not have anything to
do with Mr. Ravenshaw’s self-interest – he
was doing it for the posterity of a people that
were not his own.
Thirdly, and very importantly, the vision was
opposed at the time of its birth. Great vision
is always invariably put to test early on and
that is when many of us become frustrated.
We want the world to come to our door steps
because we have a dream. Only those dreams
have a right to be born that can withstand
opposition and cynicism.
But I am not here to talk to you about the
power of vision, nor do I want to pay tributes
to the great man who did not even want his
name to be bequeathed to the institution he
wanted to build. Instead, today, I want to talk
to you about the burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw – from now on I mean the
132 year-old-institution – has not just been a
place for mass-manufacture of employable
graduates. On its sacred space, not just lives,
but movements have been launched. We
would all do well to refresh our memories
on some of those without which we would not
be worthy of the people who have once
walked this very land before we did.
An educational institution is not just about
prescribed curriculum, about question papers
and answer sheets: it is a place to learn about
life and living by dialogue and diversity, it is
the place for creating the capacity to learn, to
question, to innovate, to push and be pushed
back, to romance life and make life a worthy
place for those who will come after us.
The report card for Ravenshaw on that score is
a glowing tribute to every single brick that
became a sentinel of our freedom; this
remarkable red edifice chose to do more than
be a witness to time―it chose to be an active
participant. Tonight, I would like to take you
down the memory lane to give you a glimpse
of that report card.
1903. Modern Oriya consciousness began
in the formation of the Utkal Sammilani by
Orissa’s first graduate, first post-graduate, and
first practicing lawyer, Madhusudan Das. When
that Utkal Sammilani had its first session here
on the Idga Ground in Cuttack, history tells us,
it was attended by 335 delegates from the
outlying areas; zamindars, representatives of
the Gadjats, the Commissioner himself,
two Christian missionaries, local intellectuals
like Radhanath Roy, Madhusudan Rao,
Then came the Salt Satyagraha and the post
graduate students of Ravenshaw College
actually dropped their examination in support
of the struggle when a batch of protesters
marched from Khurda to the sea to defy the
Salt Act of the British Empire.
1937. Even as Orissa acquired statehood
under the British Empire, there was no
legislative assembly for people’s representa-
tives to represent their will and legislate on
their behalf. It is no small coincidence that the
grounds of Ravenshaw College were chosen
for the very first meeting of the Legislative
Assembly of Orissa on July 28th, 1937.
1942. At the forefront of the Quit India
movement were the students of Ravenshaw
College. On 15 August that year, 200 of them
protested. They actually set the office room
on fire. Among the arsonists were Banamali
Patnaik, Ashok Das, Biren Mitra, Suraj Mal Saha
and Bibhudendra Mishra. The last two were
detained under the Defence of India Act
and sent away to the Berhampur Jail. The
movement spread to all other educational
institutions in the state.
Born of famine, child of a foreigner’s vision,
Ravenshaw College was the vortex of political,
intellectual and literary movements in Orissa
for the first seven decades of its existence.
That is probably why it has produced
countless heads of state, poets, politicians,
judges and bureaucrats who spread their
impact far and wide.
1947. And then came seven decades of
relative silence, except for the student unrest
of the 1960s that spread to the far corners of
the State. As the nation got largely busy with
itself, Ravenshaw College no longer buzzed
with the higher call, its portals gradually
settled down to a collective ambition that ran
from the Cuttack railway station and
terminated in New Delhi where the Union
Public Service Commission had its home.
The corridors of Ravenshaw no longer rever-
berated with the footfalls of the revolution-
ary, the thinker-doer, the game changer - they
only echoed gently a legitimate middle-class
aspiration to become a permanent employee
of the government. To the job seeker, Raven-
shaw became a means to an end – a good
education that guaranteed a good job.
If we make a roll call of the chief secretaries
to the government that independent
Orissa ever had, we will find that an over-
whelming majority of them come from this
single institution. That principle applies
equally to the coveted Indian Police Service,
the Allied Services and their less coveted
state counterparts.
In the six decades after independence, Orissa
progressed in some sense and regressed in
others, but Ravenshaw, despite its innate
capability, gently withdrew from its task of
producing thought leadership. The same
person who ran towards the safe harbor of a
government job could have aimed for the
Nobel Prize, the Booker and the Magsaysay
Award. But the burden of dreams had been
lowered for the time.
The time has come to change that.
Today’s Orissa, like today’s India, is in deeper
strife than she was a hundred years ago. We
need to address this.
I believe that the idea of the Indian State, of
elected government, of a judicial system and
of the protection of law and order, is ceasing
to be relevant to an increasing number of
people. A record number of Indian territories
are ungovernable by public admission. It is
no longer Jammu and Kashmir and the far
flung border areas in the North East; the fact
is that deep inside states like Orissa, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and many others, an
increasing number of districts find themselves
unable to guarantee anyone the right to life,
property and equality of justice.
Here is our own state where policemen are
mowed down in districts like Koraput. In
Nayagarh, barely two hours from the state
capital, hundreds raid the armory of the state
as if it were a college picnic and vanish as
easily as they came. In Kandhamal, someone
is burnt alive, someone is raped and twenty
thousand people become homeless, as if we
live in the backyards of Somalia or Rwanda.
All over India, government is retreating to the
metros. The rich and the worrying are building
“gated communities”―they do not realize
that shrunken freedom is no freedom. Their
gates are gates of fear and not freedom.
At the core of the problem is the issue of
widespread corruption. The reason our police,
our bureaucrats, our judges and our politi-
cians are afraid is that we have become a
collectively corrupt society. When you
become corrupt, you lose the moral authority
to govern. All forms of authority are finally
about the moral right. Only the moral right
gives us the power to stare down an oppo-
nent, as has been proven time and again in
human history, from the days of Moses to
those of the Mahatma.
When the Oriya language and identity was in
question, Ravenshaw College had a view
point; when the Salt Act was passed, the
students and the teachers at the Ravenshaw
College had a position; when the British
oppression became intolerable, right here in
the fields of Ravenshaw, the Union Jack was
trampled. Ravenshaw’s students wrote love
poems and secessionist literature with the
same ease.
Picture shows the then Leader of Opposition, Shri Biju Patnaik giving away the prize to Subroto Bagchi for the Inter-Collegiate Debate in Oriya instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout
Each time, after I won the debate, Dr. Rout
made it a point to tell me how he wished I
were a student at this Institution! I carry that
endorsement as a badge of citizenship. The
thought that I was so welcome here then,
makes me feel legitimate as your Chief Guest
this evening. Today, when you choose me
over the thousands of more well-known
Ravenshawvians who have made an impact,
you have taken away the last sense of
banishment that I carried in my inability to
make Ravenshaw my alma mater.
Ravenshaw College was born in the year 1876
because of the untiring efforts of an English-
man named Thomas Edward Ravenshaw. He
called it the Cuttack College. He was a British
civil servant in India. His vision for building an
institution of learning has several lessons for
all of us.
Bishwanath Kar and the Principal and
students of Ravenshaw College assembled to
engage in the deliberations.
1920. Students of Ravenshaw, like
Harekrushna Mahatab, N.K. Chaudhury and
their fellow alumni, opposed the idea of the
same Madhusudan Das accepting minister-
ship of the British created government and
distributed leaflets in protest; they disturbed
a progovernment felicitation meeting. Their
activities were reported to Mr. Lambart, Princi-
pal of Ravenshaw College, and their parents
were asked to withdraw the two from college
just a week before their BA examinations.
In the years that succeeded, parallel to the
uprising of Oriya consciousness, was the
beginning of the national freedom movement.
When India made her shift from self-rule to
demand for full freedom, the chants for
freedom first reverberated within the four
walls of this great Institution before they
spread far and wide.
1930. When the Orissa Pradesh Congress
Committee gave a call observing January
26th as “Independence day”, history tells us
that the hostellers of Ravenshaw College took
the lead in organizing the celebrations and
many students gave up a meal to contribute
to the funds of Utkalmani Gopabandhu Das
towards the national freedom movement.
So, how is it that our middle-class, poverty of
the mind is not on its priority?
How is it that when Kandhamal burns,
Ravenshaw’s conscience does not agitate?
While the scourge of corruption has touched
the marrow of the civil society, why are
we are not dialoguing here for a more sustain-
able future?
The burden of dreams must return once again
so that the hallowed grounds of this great
institution can show the path to a people at
crossroads with themselves.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are three kinds of
freedom. Each one is more difficult to win than
the other; each is more intense, fuller of
churning, more demanding of loyalty than the
one before.
In the first six decades of Ravenshaw College,
India and, within that, the people of Orissa
struggled for political freedom. Contrary to
popular myth, we are not midnight’s children;
in reality it was a night of decades, and our
freedom took many generations of working,
many lives had to embrace the cause without
fear of the consequence.
That was our first freedom. Between 1947 and
today, we have been battling for our second
freedom: economic freedom for our people. In
these intervening six decades, we have not
had a famine of the 1866 variety. Although
floods and droughts have been the bane of
Orissa, they have not quite been like the great
famines that once wiped off generations in
a single go. Our people have starved to
death during this period, but it was nothing
compared to the specter of the past. With
effort we have come this far and the battle for
economic freedom is largely won.
But now, we have to embark a more crucial
journey for a more difficult freedom to
win – it is the freedom of the intellect. Unlike
political freedom, and in some sense, eco-
nomic freedom, this one is not about
unshackling from an external opponent.
Rather, it is about unshackling the mind
from within. More than ever before, we live
in times of widespread corruption, visionless
politics, non-inclusive development and a
near-total disregard for the environment.
These are oppressors in our own minds
and the potent destruction they may cause
is larger than anything a foreign hand
ever could.
To strive for freedom of the intellect, you
have to develop a sense of destiny. You must
know that you have a purpose larger than
your own self.
You must develop the true desire to learn,
beyond the mundane need to equip
yourself with a qualification. You need to
develop the capacity to deeply question
the state of things. You have to put your stake
on the ground.
You have to build substance and the power to
serve others in many valuable ways.
You must believe in your own self, follow your
heart and not seek approval from a society
that expects you to change it.
You must speak your mind and be accountable
for your words and actions.
You must not be content with the measure of
the times, for you are here to build a scale for
the future. You must create your own path and
not be path-dependent.
For this, the burden of dreams must return
again.
Not everyone can carry a burden of dreams.
A burden is, after all, a burden, and when it
is a burden of dreams, it is a life-altering
experience.
The burden of dreams is not in what the
eyes see; the burden of dreams is what you
and I must affectionately carry in our bodies
and on our chests so that we can live a
worthy life.
Only blessed ones born on a sacred space
can bear that burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw is the sacred space. The question
is: are you willing to be the blessed one?
Thank you once again for inviting me this
evening. As you take on the burden of
dreams, I pray that Ravenshaw gives Orissa
her first Nobel Laureate, her first winner of
the Booker Prize and her first to claim the
Magsaysay Award.
Subroto Bagchi co-founded MindTree where
he works as the Gardener. His books, The
High Performance Entrepreneur and Go, Kiss
the World, are Penguin bestsellers.
Vice Chancellor, Principal, Faculty, Members
of the Senate and the Syndicate, my dear
Students, Ladies and Gentlemen.
My being with you this evening is historic
for me. The Ravenshaw ethos is part of our
family heritage. My father studied here. My
uncle studied here. Three of my elder brothers
studied here. The eldest topped his class
throughout and was elected vicepresident of
the student’s union. The third brother chose
activism over academics as his calling and was
the president of the college union in his time.
I was the last born and lived with my parents
and an immediate elder brother in far away
places like Koraput and Keonjhar. As we grew
up in those places, we were told stories about
the great Ravenshaw College, and we aspired
to one day take our place in its imposing
red structure. We learnt about the great
academicians who taught here, the minds who
mentored young people who eventually
became destiny’s children. We were also
told about something mysteriously transfor-
mational in the insipid food of the Ravenshaw
hostels that sent people straight to a place
called Dholpur House in New Delhi.
To us, Ravenshaw was sacred ground.
Unfortunately for me, by the time I was ready
to come to its hallowed precincts, my father
had retired. The last two of the brood were
picked up by the elder brothers – by then one
was a bureaucrat in Bhubaneswar and the
other had started a fledgling legal practice in
Cuttack. My immediate elder brother got
allocated to study at Ravenshaw under the
tutelage of the lawyer brother; I was sent to
live with my eldest brother in Bhubaneswar
and asked to go to the BJB College there. I
have to admit that I felt deprived.
So, whenever I got a chance, while studying
at BJB College, I came here – I stood by
the Sun Dial or peeped into the Kanika
Library. Sometimes I came to debate here.
On two occasions, I won the Inter-College
Debate competition held at Ravenshaw
College – they used to be held in the Physics
Lecture Theater and on one occasion,
Dr. Mayadhar Mansingh was one of the
judges. To be judged by someone like him
gave me a sense of high I carry even four
decades after! The prizes for the debates –
one in English and one in Oriya – were
instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout, then
Principal, in his father’s memory.
One, that vision was larger than life. As all
visions must be. It was in fact, what we may
call a “hairy, audacious goal” particularly at a
time when Orissa was coming out of the great
famine of 1866.
Secondly, that vision did not have anything to
do with Mr. Ravenshaw’s self-interest – he
was doing it for the posterity of a people that
were not his own.
Thirdly, and very importantly, the vision was
opposed at the time of its birth. Great vision
is always invariably put to test early on and
that is when many of us become frustrated.
We want the world to come to our door steps
because we have a dream. Only those dreams
have a right to be born that can withstand
opposition and cynicism.
But I am not here to talk to you about the
power of vision, nor do I want to pay tributes
to the great man who did not even want his
name to be bequeathed to the institution he
wanted to build. Instead, today, I want to talk
to you about the burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw – from now on I mean the
132 year-old-institution – has not just been a
place for mass-manufacture of employable
graduates. On its sacred space, not just lives,
but movements have been launched. We
would all do well to refresh our memories
on some of those without which we would not
be worthy of the people who have once
walked this very land before we did.
An educational institution is not just about
prescribed curriculum, about question papers
and answer sheets: it is a place to learn about
life and living by dialogue and diversity, it is
the place for creating the capacity to learn, to
question, to innovate, to push and be pushed
back, to romance life and make life a worthy
place for those who will come after us.
The report card for Ravenshaw on that score is
a glowing tribute to every single brick that
became a sentinel of our freedom; this
remarkable red edifice chose to do more than
be a witness to time―it chose to be an active
participant. Tonight, I would like to take you
down the memory lane to give you a glimpse
of that report card.
1903. Modern Oriya consciousness began
in the formation of the Utkal Sammilani by
Orissa’s first graduate, first post-graduate, and
first practicing lawyer, Madhusudan Das. When
that Utkal Sammilani had its first session here
on the Idga Ground in Cuttack, history tells us,
it was attended by 335 delegates from the
outlying areas; zamindars, representatives of
the Gadjats, the Commissioner himself,
two Christian missionaries, local intellectuals
like Radhanath Roy, Madhusudan Rao,
Then came the Salt Satyagraha and the post
graduate students of Ravenshaw College
actually dropped their examination in support
of the struggle when a batch of protesters
marched from Khurda to the sea to defy the
Salt Act of the British Empire.
1937. Even as Orissa acquired statehood
under the British Empire, there was no
legislative assembly for people’s representa-
tives to represent their will and legislate on
their behalf. It is no small coincidence that the
grounds of Ravenshaw College were chosen
for the very first meeting of the Legislative
Assembly of Orissa on July 28th, 1937.
1942. At the forefront of the Quit India
movement were the students of Ravenshaw
College. On 15 August that year, 200 of them
protested. They actually set the office room
on fire. Among the arsonists were Banamali
Patnaik, Ashok Das, Biren Mitra, Suraj Mal Saha
and Bibhudendra Mishra. The last two were
detained under the Defence of India Act
and sent away to the Berhampur Jail. The
movement spread to all other educational
institutions in the state.
Born of famine, child of a foreigner’s vision,
Ravenshaw College was the vortex of political,
intellectual and literary movements in Orissa
for the first seven decades of its existence.
That is probably why it has produced
countless heads of state, poets, politicians,
judges and bureaucrats who spread their
impact far and wide.
1947. And then came seven decades of
relative silence, except for the student unrest
of the 1960s that spread to the far corners of
the State. As the nation got largely busy with
itself, Ravenshaw College no longer buzzed
with the higher call, its portals gradually
settled down to a collective ambition that ran
from the Cuttack railway station and
terminated in New Delhi where the Union
Public Service Commission had its home.
The corridors of Ravenshaw no longer rever-
berated with the footfalls of the revolution-
ary, the thinker-doer, the game changer - they
only echoed gently a legitimate middle-class
aspiration to become a permanent employee
of the government. To the job seeker, Raven-
shaw became a means to an end – a good
education that guaranteed a good job.
If we make a roll call of the chief secretaries
to the government that independent
Orissa ever had, we will find that an over-
whelming majority of them come from this
single institution. That principle applies
equally to the coveted Indian Police Service,
the Allied Services and their less coveted
state counterparts.
In the six decades after independence, Orissa
progressed in some sense and regressed in
others, but Ravenshaw, despite its innate
capability, gently withdrew from its task of
producing thought leadership. The same
person who ran towards the safe harbor of a
government job could have aimed for the
Nobel Prize, the Booker and the Magsaysay
Award. But the burden of dreams had been
lowered for the time.
The time has come to change that.
Today’s Orissa, like today’s India, is in deeper
strife than she was a hundred years ago. We
need to address this.
I believe that the idea of the Indian State, of
elected government, of a judicial system and
of the protection of law and order, is ceasing
to be relevant to an increasing number of
people. A record number of Indian territories
are ungovernable by public admission. It is
no longer Jammu and Kashmir and the far
flung border areas in the North East; the fact
is that deep inside states like Orissa, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and many others, an
increasing number of districts find themselves
unable to guarantee anyone the right to life,
property and equality of justice.
Here is our own state where policemen are
mowed down in districts like Koraput. In
Nayagarh, barely two hours from the state
capital, hundreds raid the armory of the state
as if it were a college picnic and vanish as
easily as they came. In Kandhamal, someone
is burnt alive, someone is raped and twenty
thousand people become homeless, as if we
live in the backyards of Somalia or Rwanda.
All over India, government is retreating to the
metros. The rich and the worrying are building
“gated communities”―they do not realize
that shrunken freedom is no freedom. Their
gates are gates of fear and not freedom.
At the core of the problem is the issue of
widespread corruption. The reason our police,
our bureaucrats, our judges and our politi-
cians are afraid is that we have become a
collectively corrupt society. When you
become corrupt, you lose the moral authority
to govern. All forms of authority are finally
about the moral right. Only the moral right
gives us the power to stare down an oppo-
nent, as has been proven time and again in
human history, from the days of Moses to
those of the Mahatma.
When the Oriya language and identity was in
question, Ravenshaw College had a view
point; when the Salt Act was passed, the
students and the teachers at the Ravenshaw
College had a position; when the British
oppression became intolerable, right here in
the fields of Ravenshaw, the Union Jack was
trampled. Ravenshaw’s students wrote love
poems and secessionist literature with the
same ease.
Picture shows the then Leader of Opposition, Shri Biju Patnaik giving away the prize to Subroto Bagchi for the Inter-Collegiate Debate in Oriya instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout
Each time, after I won the debate, Dr. Rout
made it a point to tell me how he wished I
were a student at this Institution! I carry that
endorsement as a badge of citizenship. The
thought that I was so welcome here then,
makes me feel legitimate as your Chief Guest
this evening. Today, when you choose me
over the thousands of more well-known
Ravenshawvians who have made an impact,
you have taken away the last sense of
banishment that I carried in my inability to
make Ravenshaw my alma mater.
Ravenshaw College was born in the year 1876
because of the untiring efforts of an English-
man named Thomas Edward Ravenshaw. He
called it the Cuttack College. He was a British
civil servant in India. His vision for building an
institution of learning has several lessons for
all of us.
Bishwanath Kar and the Principal and
students of Ravenshaw College assembled to
engage in the deliberations.
1920. Students of Ravenshaw, like
Harekrushna Mahatab, N.K. Chaudhury and
their fellow alumni, opposed the idea of the
same Madhusudan Das accepting minister-
ship of the British created government and
distributed leaflets in protest; they disturbed
a progovernment felicitation meeting. Their
activities were reported to Mr. Lambart, Princi-
pal of Ravenshaw College, and their parents
were asked to withdraw the two from college
just a week before their BA examinations.
In the years that succeeded, parallel to the
uprising of Oriya consciousness, was the
beginning of the national freedom movement.
When India made her shift from self-rule to
demand for full freedom, the chants for
freedom first reverberated within the four
walls of this great Institution before they
spread far and wide.
1930. When the Orissa Pradesh Congress
Committee gave a call observing January
26th as “Independence day”, history tells us
that the hostellers of Ravenshaw College took
the lead in organizing the celebrations and
many students gave up a meal to contribute
to the funds of Utkalmani Gopabandhu Das
towards the national freedom movement.
So, how is it that our middle-class, poverty of
the mind is not on its priority?
How is it that when Kandhamal burns,
Ravenshaw’s conscience does not agitate?
While the scourge of corruption has touched
the marrow of the civil society, why are
we are not dialoguing here for a more sustain-
able future?
The burden of dreams must return once again
so that the hallowed grounds of this great
institution can show the path to a people at
crossroads with themselves.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are three kinds of
freedom. Each one is more difficult to win than
the other; each is more intense, fuller of
churning, more demanding of loyalty than the
one before.
In the first six decades of Ravenshaw College,
India and, within that, the people of Orissa
struggled for political freedom. Contrary to
popular myth, we are not midnight’s children;
in reality it was a night of decades, and our
freedom took many generations of working,
many lives had to embrace the cause without
fear of the consequence.
That was our first freedom. Between 1947 and
today, we have been battling for our second
freedom: economic freedom for our people. In
these intervening six decades, we have not
had a famine of the 1866 variety. Although
floods and droughts have been the bane of
Orissa, they have not quite been like the great
famines that once wiped off generations in
a single go. Our people have starved to
death during this period, but it was nothing
compared to the specter of the past. With
effort we have come this far and the battle for
economic freedom is largely won.
But now, we have to embark a more crucial
journey for a more difficult freedom to
win – it is the freedom of the intellect. Unlike
political freedom, and in some sense, eco-
nomic freedom, this one is not about
unshackling from an external opponent.
Rather, it is about unshackling the mind
from within. More than ever before, we live
in times of widespread corruption, visionless
politics, non-inclusive development and a
near-total disregard for the environment.
These are oppressors in our own minds
and the potent destruction they may cause
is larger than anything a foreign hand
ever could.
To strive for freedom of the intellect, you
have to develop a sense of destiny. You must
know that you have a purpose larger than
your own self.
You must develop the true desire to learn,
beyond the mundane need to equip
yourself with a qualification. You need to
develop the capacity to deeply question
the state of things. You have to put your stake
on the ground.
You have to build substance and the power to
serve others in many valuable ways.
You must believe in your own self, follow your
heart and not seek approval from a society
that expects you to change it.
You must speak your mind and be accountable
for your words and actions.
You must not be content with the measure of
the times, for you are here to build a scale for
the future. You must create your own path and
not be path-dependent.
For this, the burden of dreams must return
again.
Not everyone can carry a burden of dreams.
A burden is, after all, a burden, and when it
is a burden of dreams, it is a life-altering
experience.
The burden of dreams is not in what the
eyes see; the burden of dreams is what you
and I must affectionately carry in our bodies
and on our chests so that we can live a
worthy life.
Only blessed ones born on a sacred space
can bear that burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw is the sacred space. The question
is: are you willing to be the blessed one?
Thank you once again for inviting me this
evening. As you take on the burden of
dreams, I pray that Ravenshaw gives Orissa
her first Nobel Laureate, her first winner of
the Booker Prize and her first to claim the
Magsaysay Award.
Subroto Bagchi co-founded MindTree where
he works as the Gardener. His books, The
High Performance Entrepreneur and Go, Kiss
the World, are Penguin bestsellers.
Vice Chancellor, Principal, Faculty, Members
of the Senate and the Syndicate, my dear
Students, Ladies and Gentlemen.
My being with you this evening is historic
for me. The Ravenshaw ethos is part of our
family heritage. My father studied here. My
uncle studied here. Three of my elder brothers
studied here. The eldest topped his class
throughout and was elected vicepresident of
the student’s union. The third brother chose
activism over academics as his calling and was
the president of the college union in his time.
I was the last born and lived with my parents
and an immediate elder brother in far away
places like Koraput and Keonjhar. As we grew
up in those places, we were told stories about
the great Ravenshaw College, and we aspired
to one day take our place in its imposing
red structure. We learnt about the great
academicians who taught here, the minds who
mentored young people who eventually
became destiny’s children. We were also
told about something mysteriously transfor-
mational in the insipid food of the Ravenshaw
hostels that sent people straight to a place
called Dholpur House in New Delhi.
To us, Ravenshaw was sacred ground.
Unfortunately for me, by the time I was ready
to come to its hallowed precincts, my father
had retired. The last two of the brood were
picked up by the elder brothers – by then one
was a bureaucrat in Bhubaneswar and the
other had started a fledgling legal practice in
Cuttack. My immediate elder brother got
allocated to study at Ravenshaw under the
tutelage of the lawyer brother; I was sent to
live with my eldest brother in Bhubaneswar
and asked to go to the BJB College there. I
have to admit that I felt deprived.
So, whenever I got a chance, while studying
at BJB College, I came here – I stood by
the Sun Dial or peeped into the Kanika
Library. Sometimes I came to debate here.
On two occasions, I won the Inter-College
Debate competition held at Ravenshaw
College – they used to be held in the Physics
Lecture Theater and on one occasion,
Dr. Mayadhar Mansingh was one of the
judges. To be judged by someone like him
gave me a sense of high I carry even four
decades after! The prizes for the debates –
one in English and one in Oriya – were
instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout, then
Principal, in his father’s memory.
One, that vision was larger than life. As all
visions must be. It was in fact, what we may
call a “hairy, audacious goal” particularly at a
time when Orissa was coming out of the great
famine of 1866.
Secondly, that vision did not have anything to
do with Mr. Ravenshaw’s self-interest – he
was doing it for the posterity of a people that
were not his own.
Thirdly, and very importantly, the vision was
opposed at the time of its birth. Great vision
is always invariably put to test early on and
that is when many of us become frustrated.
We want the world to come to our door steps
because we have a dream. Only those dreams
have a right to be born that can withstand
opposition and cynicism.
But I am not here to talk to you about the
power of vision, nor do I want to pay tributes
to the great man who did not even want his
name to be bequeathed to the institution he
wanted to build. Instead, today, I want to talk
to you about the burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw – from now on I mean the
132 year-old-institution – has not just been a
place for mass-manufacture of employable
graduates. On its sacred space, not just lives,
but movements have been launched. We
would all do well to refresh our memories
on some of those without which we would not
be worthy of the people who have once
walked this very land before we did.
An educational institution is not just about
prescribed curriculum, about question papers
and answer sheets: it is a place to learn about
life and living by dialogue and diversity, it is
the place for creating the capacity to learn, to
question, to innovate, to push and be pushed
back, to romance life and make life a worthy
place for those who will come after us.
The report card for Ravenshaw on that score is
a glowing tribute to every single brick that
became a sentinel of our freedom; this
remarkable red edifice chose to do more than
be a witness to time―it chose to be an active
participant. Tonight, I would like to take you
down the memory lane to give you a glimpse
of that report card.
1903. Modern Oriya consciousness began
in the formation of the Utkal Sammilani by
Orissa’s first graduate, first post-graduate, and
first practicing lawyer, Madhusudan Das. When
that Utkal Sammilani had its first session here
on the Idga Ground in Cuttack, history tells us,
it was attended by 335 delegates from the
outlying areas; zamindars, representatives of
the Gadjats, the Commissioner himself,
two Christian missionaries, local intellectuals
like Radhanath Roy, Madhusudan Rao,
Then came the Salt Satyagraha and the post
graduate students of Ravenshaw College
actually dropped their examination in support
of the struggle when a batch of protesters
marched from Khurda to the sea to defy the
Salt Act of the British Empire.
1937. Even as Orissa acquired statehood
under the British Empire, there was no
legislative assembly for people’s representa-
tives to represent their will and legislate on
their behalf. It is no small coincidence that the
grounds of Ravenshaw College were chosen
for the very first meeting of the Legislative
Assembly of Orissa on July 28th, 1937.
1942. At the forefront of the Quit India
movement were the students of Ravenshaw
College. On 15 August that year, 200 of them
protested. They actually set the office room
on fire. Among the arsonists were Banamali
Patnaik, Ashok Das, Biren Mitra, Suraj Mal Saha
and Bibhudendra Mishra. The last two were
detained under the Defence of India Act
and sent away to the Berhampur Jail. The
movement spread to all other educational
institutions in the state.
Born of famine, child of a foreigner’s vision,
Ravenshaw College was the vortex of political,
intellectual and literary movements in Orissa
for the first seven decades of its existence.
That is probably why it has produced
countless heads of state, poets, politicians,
judges and bureaucrats who spread their
impact far and wide.
1947. And then came seven decades of
relative silence, except for the student unrest
of the 1960s that spread to the far corners of
the State. As the nation got largely busy with
itself, Ravenshaw College no longer buzzed
with the higher call, its portals gradually
settled down to a collective ambition that ran
from the Cuttack railway station and
terminated in New Delhi where the Union
Public Service Commission had its home.
The corridors of Ravenshaw no longer rever-
berated with the footfalls of the revolution-
ary, the thinker-doer, the game changer - they
only echoed gently a legitimate middle-class
aspiration to become a permanent employee
of the government. To the job seeker, Raven-
shaw became a means to an end – a good
education that guaranteed a good job.
If we make a roll call of the chief secretaries
to the government that independent
Orissa ever had, we will find that an over-
whelming majority of them come from this
single institution. That principle applies
equally to the coveted Indian Police Service,
the Allied Services and their less coveted
state counterparts.
In the six decades after independence, Orissa
progressed in some sense and regressed in
others, but Ravenshaw, despite its innate
capability, gently withdrew from its task of
producing thought leadership. The same
person who ran towards the safe harbor of a
government job could have aimed for the
Nobel Prize, the Booker and the Magsaysay
Award. But the burden of dreams had been
lowered for the time.
The time has come to change that.
Today’s Orissa, like today’s India, is in deeper
strife than she was a hundred years ago. We
need to address this.
I believe that the idea of the Indian State, of
elected government, of a judicial system and
of the protection of law and order, is ceasing
to be relevant to an increasing number of
people. A record number of Indian territories
are ungovernable by public admission. It is
no longer Jammu and Kashmir and the far
flung border areas in the North East; the fact
is that deep inside states like Orissa, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and many others, an
increasing number of districts find themselves
unable to guarantee anyone the right to life,
property and equality of justice.
Here is our own state where policemen are
mowed down in districts like Koraput. In
Nayagarh, barely two hours from the state
capital, hundreds raid the armory of the state
as if it were a college picnic and vanish as
easily as they came. In Kandhamal, someone
is burnt alive, someone is raped and twenty
thousand people become homeless, as if we
live in the backyards of Somalia or Rwanda.
All over India, government is retreating to the
metros. The rich and the worrying are building
“gated communities”―they do not realize
that shrunken freedom is no freedom. Their
gates are gates of fear and not freedom.
At the core of the problem is the issue of
widespread corruption. The reason our police,
our bureaucrats, our judges and our politi-
cians are afraid is that we have become a
collectively corrupt society. When you
become corrupt, you lose the moral authority
to govern. All forms of authority are finally
about the moral right. Only the moral right
gives us the power to stare down an oppo-
nent, as has been proven time and again in
human history, from the days of Moses to
those of the Mahatma.
When the Oriya language and identity was in
question, Ravenshaw College had a view
point; when the Salt Act was passed, the
students and the teachers at the Ravenshaw
College had a position; when the British
oppression became intolerable, right here in
the fields of Ravenshaw, the Union Jack was
trampled. Ravenshaw’s students wrote love
poems and secessionist literature with the
same ease.
Picture shows the then Leader of Opposition, Shri Biju Patnaik giving away the prize to Subroto Bagchi for the Inter-Collegiate Debate in Oriya instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout
Each time, after I won the debate, Dr. Rout
made it a point to tell me how he wished I
were a student at this Institution! I carry that
endorsement as a badge of citizenship. The
thought that I was so welcome here then,
makes me feel legitimate as your Chief Guest
this evening. Today, when you choose me
over the thousands of more well-known
Ravenshawvians who have made an impact,
you have taken away the last sense of
banishment that I carried in my inability to
make Ravenshaw my alma mater.
Ravenshaw College was born in the year 1876
because of the untiring efforts of an English-
man named Thomas Edward Ravenshaw. He
called it the Cuttack College. He was a British
civil servant in India. His vision for building an
institution of learning has several lessons for
all of us.
Bishwanath Kar and the Principal and
students of Ravenshaw College assembled to
engage in the deliberations.
1920. Students of Ravenshaw, like
Harekrushna Mahatab, N.K. Chaudhury and
their fellow alumni, opposed the idea of the
same Madhusudan Das accepting minister-
ship of the British created government and
distributed leaflets in protest; they disturbed
a progovernment felicitation meeting. Their
activities were reported to Mr. Lambart, Princi-
pal of Ravenshaw College, and their parents
were asked to withdraw the two from college
just a week before their BA examinations.
In the years that succeeded, parallel to the
uprising of Oriya consciousness, was the
beginning of the national freedom movement.
When India made her shift from self-rule to
demand for full freedom, the chants for
freedom first reverberated within the four
walls of this great Institution before they
spread far and wide.
1930. When the Orissa Pradesh Congress
Committee gave a call observing January
26th as “Independence day”, history tells us
that the hostellers of Ravenshaw College took
the lead in organizing the celebrations and
many students gave up a meal to contribute
to the funds of Utkalmani Gopabandhu Das
towards the national freedom movement.
So, how is it that our middle-class, poverty of
the mind is not on its priority?
How is it that when Kandhamal burns,
Ravenshaw’s conscience does not agitate?
While the scourge of corruption has touched
the marrow of the civil society, why are
we are not dialoguing here for a more sustain-
able future?
The burden of dreams must return once again
so that the hallowed grounds of this great
institution can show the path to a people at
crossroads with themselves.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are three kinds of
freedom. Each one is more difficult to win than
the other; each is more intense, fuller of
churning, more demanding of loyalty than the
one before.
In the first six decades of Ravenshaw College,
India and, within that, the people of Orissa
struggled for political freedom. Contrary to
popular myth, we are not midnight’s children;
in reality it was a night of decades, and our
freedom took many generations of working,
many lives had to embrace the cause without
fear of the consequence.
That was our first freedom. Between 1947 and
today, we have been battling for our second
freedom: economic freedom for our people. In
these intervening six decades, we have not
had a famine of the 1866 variety. Although
floods and droughts have been the bane of
Orissa, they have not quite been like the great
famines that once wiped off generations in
a single go. Our people have starved to
death during this period, but it was nothing
compared to the specter of the past. With
effort we have come this far and the battle for
economic freedom is largely won.
But now, we have to embark a more crucial
journey for a more difficult freedom to
win – it is the freedom of the intellect. Unlike
political freedom, and in some sense, eco-
nomic freedom, this one is not about
unshackling from an external opponent.
Rather, it is about unshackling the mind
from within. More than ever before, we live
in times of widespread corruption, visionless
politics, non-inclusive development and a
near-total disregard for the environment.
These are oppressors in our own minds
and the potent destruction they may cause
is larger than anything a foreign hand
ever could.
To strive for freedom of the intellect, you
have to develop a sense of destiny. You must
know that you have a purpose larger than
your own self.
You must develop the true desire to learn,
beyond the mundane need to equip
yourself with a qualification. You need to
develop the capacity to deeply question
the state of things. You have to put your stake
on the ground.
You have to build substance and the power to
serve others in many valuable ways.
You must believe in your own self, follow your
heart and not seek approval from a society
that expects you to change it.
You must speak your mind and be accountable
for your words and actions.
You must not be content with the measure of
the times, for you are here to build a scale for
the future. You must create your own path and
not be path-dependent.
For this, the burden of dreams must return
again.
Not everyone can carry a burden of dreams.
A burden is, after all, a burden, and when it
is a burden of dreams, it is a life-altering
experience.
The burden of dreams is not in what the
eyes see; the burden of dreams is what you
and I must affectionately carry in our bodies
and on our chests so that we can live a
worthy life.
Only blessed ones born on a sacred space
can bear that burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw is the sacred space. The question
is: are you willing to be the blessed one?
Thank you once again for inviting me this
evening. As you take on the burden of
dreams, I pray that Ravenshaw gives Orissa
her first Nobel Laureate, her first winner of
the Booker Prize and her first to claim the
Magsaysay Award.
Subroto Bagchi co-founded MindTree where
he works as the Gardener. His books, The
High Performance Entrepreneur and Go, Kiss
the World, are Penguin bestsellers.
Vice Chancellor, Principal, Faculty, Members
of the Senate and the Syndicate, my dear
Students, Ladies and Gentlemen.
My being with you this evening is historic
for me. The Ravenshaw ethos is part of our
family heritage. My father studied here. My
uncle studied here. Three of my elder brothers
studied here. The eldest topped his class
throughout and was elected vicepresident of
the student’s union. The third brother chose
activism over academics as his calling and was
the president of the college union in his time.
I was the last born and lived with my parents
and an immediate elder brother in far away
places like Koraput and Keonjhar. As we grew
up in those places, we were told stories about
the great Ravenshaw College, and we aspired
to one day take our place in its imposing
red structure. We learnt about the great
academicians who taught here, the minds who
mentored young people who eventually
became destiny’s children. We were also
told about something mysteriously transfor-
mational in the insipid food of the Ravenshaw
hostels that sent people straight to a place
called Dholpur House in New Delhi.
To us, Ravenshaw was sacred ground.
Unfortunately for me, by the time I was ready
to come to its hallowed precincts, my father
had retired. The last two of the brood were
picked up by the elder brothers – by then one
was a bureaucrat in Bhubaneswar and the
other had started a fledgling legal practice in
Cuttack. My immediate elder brother got
allocated to study at Ravenshaw under the
tutelage of the lawyer brother; I was sent to
live with my eldest brother in Bhubaneswar
and asked to go to the BJB College there. I
have to admit that I felt deprived.
So, whenever I got a chance, while studying
at BJB College, I came here – I stood by
the Sun Dial or peeped into the Kanika
Library. Sometimes I came to debate here.
On two occasions, I won the Inter-College
Debate competition held at Ravenshaw
College – they used to be held in the Physics
Lecture Theater and on one occasion,
Dr. Mayadhar Mansingh was one of the
judges. To be judged by someone like him
gave me a sense of high I carry even four
decades after! The prizes for the debates –
one in English and one in Oriya – were
instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout, then
Principal, in his father’s memory.
One, that vision was larger than life. As all
visions must be. It was in fact, what we may
call a “hairy, audacious goal” particularly at a
time when Orissa was coming out of the great
famine of 1866.
Secondly, that vision did not have anything to
do with Mr. Ravenshaw’s self-interest – he
was doing it for the posterity of a people that
were not his own.
Thirdly, and very importantly, the vision was
opposed at the time of its birth. Great vision
is always invariably put to test early on and
that is when many of us become frustrated.
We want the world to come to our door steps
because we have a dream. Only those dreams
have a right to be born that can withstand
opposition and cynicism.
But I am not here to talk to you about the
power of vision, nor do I want to pay tributes
to the great man who did not even want his
name to be bequeathed to the institution he
wanted to build. Instead, today, I want to talk
to you about the burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw – from now on I mean the
132 year-old-institution – has not just been a
place for mass-manufacture of employable
graduates. On its sacred space, not just lives,
but movements have been launched. We
would all do well to refresh our memories
on some of those without which we would not
be worthy of the people who have once
walked this very land before we did.
An educational institution is not just about
prescribed curriculum, about question papers
and answer sheets: it is a place to learn about
life and living by dialogue and diversity, it is
the place for creating the capacity to learn, to
question, to innovate, to push and be pushed
back, to romance life and make life a worthy
place for those who will come after us.
The report card for Ravenshaw on that score is
a glowing tribute to every single brick that
became a sentinel of our freedom; this
remarkable red edifice chose to do more than
be a witness to time―it chose to be an active
participant. Tonight, I would like to take you
down the memory lane to give you a glimpse
of that report card.
1903. Modern Oriya consciousness began
in the formation of the Utkal Sammilani by
Orissa’s first graduate, first post-graduate, and
first practicing lawyer, Madhusudan Das. When
that Utkal Sammilani had its first session here
on the Idga Ground in Cuttack, history tells us,
it was attended by 335 delegates from the
outlying areas; zamindars, representatives of
the Gadjats, the Commissioner himself,
two Christian missionaries, local intellectuals
like Radhanath Roy, Madhusudan Rao,
Then came the Salt Satyagraha and the post
graduate students of Ravenshaw College
actually dropped their examination in support
of the struggle when a batch of protesters
marched from Khurda to the sea to defy the
Salt Act of the British Empire.
1937. Even as Orissa acquired statehood
under the British Empire, there was no
legislative assembly for people’s representa-
tives to represent their will and legislate on
their behalf. It is no small coincidence that the
grounds of Ravenshaw College were chosen
for the very first meeting of the Legislative
Assembly of Orissa on July 28th, 1937.
1942. At the forefront of the Quit India
movement were the students of Ravenshaw
College. On 15 August that year, 200 of them
protested. They actually set the office room
on fire. Among the arsonists were Banamali
Patnaik, Ashok Das, Biren Mitra, Suraj Mal Saha
and Bibhudendra Mishra. The last two were
detained under the Defence of India Act
and sent away to the Berhampur Jail. The
movement spread to all other educational
institutions in the state.
Born of famine, child of a foreigner’s vision,
Ravenshaw College was the vortex of political,
intellectual and literary movements in Orissa
for the first seven decades of its existence.
That is probably why it has produced
countless heads of state, poets, politicians,
judges and bureaucrats who spread their
impact far and wide.
1947. And then came seven decades of
relative silence, except for the student unrest
of the 1960s that spread to the far corners of
the State. As the nation got largely busy with
itself, Ravenshaw College no longer buzzed
with the higher call, its portals gradually
settled down to a collective ambition that ran
from the Cuttack railway station and
terminated in New Delhi where the Union
Public Service Commission had its home.
The corridors of Ravenshaw no longer rever-
berated with the footfalls of the revolution-
ary, the thinker-doer, the game changer - they
only echoed gently a legitimate middle-class
aspiration to become a permanent employee
of the government. To the job seeker, Raven-
shaw became a means to an end – a good
education that guaranteed a good job.
If we make a roll call of the chief secretaries
to the government that independent
Orissa ever had, we will find that an over-
whelming majority of them come from this
single institution. That principle applies
equally to the coveted Indian Police Service,
the Allied Services and their less coveted
state counterparts.
In the six decades after independence, Orissa
progressed in some sense and regressed in
others, but Ravenshaw, despite its innate
capability, gently withdrew from its task of
producing thought leadership. The same
person who ran towards the safe harbor of a
government job could have aimed for the
Nobel Prize, the Booker and the Magsaysay
Award. But the burden of dreams had been
lowered for the time.
The time has come to change that.
Today’s Orissa, like today’s India, is in deeper
strife than she was a hundred years ago. We
need to address this.
I believe that the idea of the Indian State, of
elected government, of a judicial system and
of the protection of law and order, is ceasing
to be relevant to an increasing number of
people. A record number of Indian territories
are ungovernable by public admission. It is
no longer Jammu and Kashmir and the far
flung border areas in the North East; the fact
is that deep inside states like Orissa, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and many others, an
increasing number of districts find themselves
unable to guarantee anyone the right to life,
property and equality of justice.
Here is our own state where policemen are
mowed down in districts like Koraput. In
Nayagarh, barely two hours from the state
capital, hundreds raid the armory of the state
as if it were a college picnic and vanish as
easily as they came. In Kandhamal, someone
is burnt alive, someone is raped and twenty
thousand people become homeless, as if we
live in the backyards of Somalia or Rwanda.
All over India, government is retreating to the
metros. The rich and the worrying are building
“gated communities”―they do not realize
that shrunken freedom is no freedom. Their
gates are gates of fear and not freedom.
At the core of the problem is the issue of
widespread corruption. The reason our police,
our bureaucrats, our judges and our politi-
cians are afraid is that we have become a
collectively corrupt society. When you
become corrupt, you lose the moral authority
to govern. All forms of authority are finally
about the moral right. Only the moral right
gives us the power to stare down an oppo-
nent, as has been proven time and again in
human history, from the days of Moses to
those of the Mahatma.
When the Oriya language and identity was in
question, Ravenshaw College had a view
point; when the Salt Act was passed, the
students and the teachers at the Ravenshaw
College had a position; when the British
oppression became intolerable, right here in
the fields of Ravenshaw, the Union Jack was
trampled. Ravenshaw’s students wrote love
poems and secessionist literature with the
same ease.
Picture shows the then Leader of Opposition, Shri Biju Patnaik giving away the prize to Subroto Bagchi for the Inter-Collegiate Debate in Oriya instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout
Each time, after I won the debate, Dr. Rout
made it a point to tell me how he wished I
were a student at this Institution! I carry that
endorsement as a badge of citizenship. The
thought that I was so welcome here then,
makes me feel legitimate as your Chief Guest
this evening. Today, when you choose me
over the thousands of more well-known
Ravenshawvians who have made an impact,
you have taken away the last sense of
banishment that I carried in my inability to
make Ravenshaw my alma mater.
Ravenshaw College was born in the year 1876
because of the untiring efforts of an English-
man named Thomas Edward Ravenshaw. He
called it the Cuttack College. He was a British
civil servant in India. His vision for building an
institution of learning has several lessons for
all of us.
Bishwanath Kar and the Principal and
students of Ravenshaw College assembled to
engage in the deliberations.
1920. Students of Ravenshaw, like
Harekrushna Mahatab, N.K. Chaudhury and
their fellow alumni, opposed the idea of the
same Madhusudan Das accepting minister-
ship of the British created government and
distributed leaflets in protest; they disturbed
a progovernment felicitation meeting. Their
activities were reported to Mr. Lambart, Princi-
pal of Ravenshaw College, and their parents
were asked to withdraw the two from college
just a week before their BA examinations.
In the years that succeeded, parallel to the
uprising of Oriya consciousness, was the
beginning of the national freedom movement.
When India made her shift from self-rule to
demand for full freedom, the chants for
freedom first reverberated within the four
walls of this great Institution before they
spread far and wide.
1930. When the Orissa Pradesh Congress
Committee gave a call observing January
26th as “Independence day”, history tells us
that the hostellers of Ravenshaw College took
the lead in organizing the celebrations and
many students gave up a meal to contribute
to the funds of Utkalmani Gopabandhu Das
towards the national freedom movement.
So, how is it that our middle-class, poverty of
the mind is not on its priority?
How is it that when Kandhamal burns,
Ravenshaw’s conscience does not agitate?
While the scourge of corruption has touched
the marrow of the civil society, why are
we are not dialoguing here for a more sustain-
able future?
The burden of dreams must return once again
so that the hallowed grounds of this great
institution can show the path to a people at
crossroads with themselves.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are three kinds of
freedom. Each one is more difficult to win than
the other; each is more intense, fuller of
churning, more demanding of loyalty than the
one before.
In the first six decades of Ravenshaw College,
India and, within that, the people of Orissa
struggled for political freedom. Contrary to
popular myth, we are not midnight’s children;
in reality it was a night of decades, and our
freedom took many generations of working,
many lives had to embrace the cause without
fear of the consequence.
That was our first freedom. Between 1947 and
today, we have been battling for our second
freedom: economic freedom for our people. In
these intervening six decades, we have not
had a famine of the 1866 variety. Although
floods and droughts have been the bane of
Orissa, they have not quite been like the great
famines that once wiped off generations in
a single go. Our people have starved to
death during this period, but it was nothing
compared to the specter of the past. With
effort we have come this far and the battle for
economic freedom is largely won.
But now, we have to embark a more crucial
journey for a more difficult freedom to
win – it is the freedom of the intellect. Unlike
political freedom, and in some sense, eco-
nomic freedom, this one is not about
unshackling from an external opponent.
Rather, it is about unshackling the mind
from within. More than ever before, we live
in times of widespread corruption, visionless
politics, non-inclusive development and a
near-total disregard for the environment.
These are oppressors in our own minds
and the potent destruction they may cause
is larger than anything a foreign hand
ever could.
To strive for freedom of the intellect, you
have to develop a sense of destiny. You must
know that you have a purpose larger than
your own self.
You must develop the true desire to learn,
beyond the mundane need to equip
yourself with a qualification. You need to
develop the capacity to deeply question
the state of things. You have to put your stake
on the ground.
You have to build substance and the power to
serve others in many valuable ways.
You must believe in your own self, follow your
heart and not seek approval from a society
that expects you to change it.
You must speak your mind and be accountable
for your words and actions.
You must not be content with the measure of
the times, for you are here to build a scale for
the future. You must create your own path and
not be path-dependent.
For this, the burden of dreams must return
again.
Not everyone can carry a burden of dreams.
A burden is, after all, a burden, and when it
is a burden of dreams, it is a life-altering
experience.
The burden of dreams is not in what the
eyes see; the burden of dreams is what you
and I must affectionately carry in our bodies
and on our chests so that we can live a
worthy life.
Only blessed ones born on a sacred space
can bear that burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw is the sacred space. The question
is: are you willing to be the blessed one?
Thank you once again for inviting me this
evening. As you take on the burden of
dreams, I pray that Ravenshaw gives Orissa
her first Nobel Laureate, her first winner of
the Booker Prize and her first to claim the
Magsaysay Award.
Subroto Bagchi co-founded MindTree where
he works as the Gardener. His books, The
High Performance Entrepreneur and Go, Kiss
the World, are Penguin bestsellers.
Vice Chancellor, Principal, Faculty, Members
of the Senate and the Syndicate, my dear
Students, Ladies and Gentlemen.
My being with you this evening is historic
for me. The Ravenshaw ethos is part of our
family heritage. My father studied here. My
uncle studied here. Three of my elder brothers
studied here. The eldest topped his class
throughout and was elected vicepresident of
the student’s union. The third brother chose
activism over academics as his calling and was
the president of the college union in his time.
I was the last born and lived with my parents
and an immediate elder brother in far away
places like Koraput and Keonjhar. As we grew
up in those places, we were told stories about
the great Ravenshaw College, and we aspired
to one day take our place in its imposing
red structure. We learnt about the great
academicians who taught here, the minds who
mentored young people who eventually
became destiny’s children. We were also
told about something mysteriously transfor-
mational in the insipid food of the Ravenshaw
hostels that sent people straight to a place
called Dholpur House in New Delhi.
To us, Ravenshaw was sacred ground.
Unfortunately for me, by the time I was ready
to come to its hallowed precincts, my father
had retired. The last two of the brood were
picked up by the elder brothers – by then one
was a bureaucrat in Bhubaneswar and the
other had started a fledgling legal practice in
Cuttack. My immediate elder brother got
allocated to study at Ravenshaw under the
tutelage of the lawyer brother; I was sent to
live with my eldest brother in Bhubaneswar
and asked to go to the BJB College there. I
have to admit that I felt deprived.
So, whenever I got a chance, while studying
at BJB College, I came here – I stood by
the Sun Dial or peeped into the Kanika
Library. Sometimes I came to debate here.
On two occasions, I won the Inter-College
Debate competition held at Ravenshaw
College – they used to be held in the Physics
Lecture Theater and on one occasion,
Dr. Mayadhar Mansingh was one of the
judges. To be judged by someone like him
gave me a sense of high I carry even four
decades after! The prizes for the debates –
one in English and one in Oriya – were
instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout, then
Principal, in his father’s memory.
One, that vision was larger than life. As all
visions must be. It was in fact, what we may
call a “hairy, audacious goal” particularly at a
time when Orissa was coming out of the great
famine of 1866.
Secondly, that vision did not have anything to
do with Mr. Ravenshaw’s self-interest – he
was doing it for the posterity of a people that
were not his own.
Thirdly, and very importantly, the vision was
opposed at the time of its birth. Great vision
is always invariably put to test early on and
that is when many of us become frustrated.
We want the world to come to our door steps
because we have a dream. Only those dreams
have a right to be born that can withstand
opposition and cynicism.
But I am not here to talk to you about the
power of vision, nor do I want to pay tributes
to the great man who did not even want his
name to be bequeathed to the institution he
wanted to build. Instead, today, I want to talk
to you about the burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw – from now on I mean the
132 year-old-institution – has not just been a
place for mass-manufacture of employable
graduates. On its sacred space, not just lives,
but movements have been launched. We
would all do well to refresh our memories
on some of those without which we would not
be worthy of the people who have once
walked this very land before we did.
An educational institution is not just about
prescribed curriculum, about question papers
and answer sheets: it is a place to learn about
life and living by dialogue and diversity, it is
the place for creating the capacity to learn, to
question, to innovate, to push and be pushed
back, to romance life and make life a worthy
place for those who will come after us.
The report card for Ravenshaw on that score is
a glowing tribute to every single brick that
became a sentinel of our freedom; this
remarkable red edifice chose to do more than
be a witness to time―it chose to be an active
participant. Tonight, I would like to take you
down the memory lane to give you a glimpse
of that report card.
1903. Modern Oriya consciousness began
in the formation of the Utkal Sammilani by
Orissa’s first graduate, first post-graduate, and
first practicing lawyer, Madhusudan Das. When
that Utkal Sammilani had its first session here
on the Idga Ground in Cuttack, history tells us,
it was attended by 335 delegates from the
outlying areas; zamindars, representatives of
the Gadjats, the Commissioner himself,
two Christian missionaries, local intellectuals
like Radhanath Roy, Madhusudan Rao,
Then came the Salt Satyagraha and the post
graduate students of Ravenshaw College
actually dropped their examination in support
of the struggle when a batch of protesters
marched from Khurda to the sea to defy the
Salt Act of the British Empire.
1937. Even as Orissa acquired statehood
under the British Empire, there was no
legislative assembly for people’s representa-
tives to represent their will and legislate on
their behalf. It is no small coincidence that the
grounds of Ravenshaw College were chosen
for the very first meeting of the Legislative
Assembly of Orissa on July 28th, 1937.
1942. At the forefront of the Quit India
movement were the students of Ravenshaw
College. On 15 August that year, 200 of them
protested. They actually set the office room
on fire. Among the arsonists were Banamali
Patnaik, Ashok Das, Biren Mitra, Suraj Mal Saha
and Bibhudendra Mishra. The last two were
detained under the Defence of India Act
and sent away to the Berhampur Jail. The
movement spread to all other educational
institutions in the state.
Born of famine, child of a foreigner’s vision,
Ravenshaw College was the vortex of political,
intellectual and literary movements in Orissa
for the first seven decades of its existence.
That is probably why it has produced
countless heads of state, poets, politicians,
judges and bureaucrats who spread their
impact far and wide.
1947. And then came seven decades of
relative silence, except for the student unrest
of the 1960s that spread to the far corners of
the State. As the nation got largely busy with
itself, Ravenshaw College no longer buzzed
with the higher call, its portals gradually
settled down to a collective ambition that ran
from the Cuttack railway station and
terminated in New Delhi where the Union
Public Service Commission had its home.
The corridors of Ravenshaw no longer rever-
berated with the footfalls of the revolution-
ary, the thinker-doer, the game changer - they
only echoed gently a legitimate middle-class
aspiration to become a permanent employee
of the government. To the job seeker, Raven-
shaw became a means to an end – a good
education that guaranteed a good job.
If we make a roll call of the chief secretaries
to the government that independent
Orissa ever had, we will find that an over-
whelming majority of them come from this
single institution. That principle applies
equally to the coveted Indian Police Service,
the Allied Services and their less coveted
state counterparts.
In the six decades after independence, Orissa
progressed in some sense and regressed in
others, but Ravenshaw, despite its innate
capability, gently withdrew from its task of
producing thought leadership. The same
person who ran towards the safe harbor of a
government job could have aimed for the
Nobel Prize, the Booker and the Magsaysay
Award. But the burden of dreams had been
lowered for the time.
The time has come to change that.
Today’s Orissa, like today’s India, is in deeper
strife than she was a hundred years ago. We
need to address this.
I believe that the idea of the Indian State, of
elected government, of a judicial system and
of the protection of law and order, is ceasing
to be relevant to an increasing number of
people. A record number of Indian territories
are ungovernable by public admission. It is
no longer Jammu and Kashmir and the far
flung border areas in the North East; the fact
is that deep inside states like Orissa, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and many others, an
increasing number of districts find themselves
unable to guarantee anyone the right to life,
property and equality of justice.
Here is our own state where policemen are
mowed down in districts like Koraput. In
Nayagarh, barely two hours from the state
capital, hundreds raid the armory of the state
as if it were a college picnic and vanish as
easily as they came. In Kandhamal, someone
is burnt alive, someone is raped and twenty
thousand people become homeless, as if we
live in the backyards of Somalia or Rwanda.
All over India, government is retreating to the
metros. The rich and the worrying are building
“gated communities”―they do not realize
that shrunken freedom is no freedom. Their
gates are gates of fear and not freedom.
At the core of the problem is the issue of
widespread corruption. The reason our police,
our bureaucrats, our judges and our politi-
cians are afraid is that we have become a
collectively corrupt society. When you
become corrupt, you lose the moral authority
to govern. All forms of authority are finally
about the moral right. Only the moral right
gives us the power to stare down an oppo-
nent, as has been proven time and again in
human history, from the days of Moses to
those of the Mahatma.
When the Oriya language and identity was in
question, Ravenshaw College had a view
point; when the Salt Act was passed, the
students and the teachers at the Ravenshaw
College had a position; when the British
oppression became intolerable, right here in
the fields of Ravenshaw, the Union Jack was
trampled. Ravenshaw’s students wrote love
poems and secessionist literature with the
same ease.
Picture shows the then Leader of Opposition, Shri Biju Patnaik giving away the prize to Subroto Bagchi for the Inter-Collegiate Debate in Oriya instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout
Each time, after I won the debate, Dr. Rout
made it a point to tell me how he wished I
were a student at this Institution! I carry that
endorsement as a badge of citizenship. The
thought that I was so welcome here then,
makes me feel legitimate as your Chief Guest
this evening. Today, when you choose me
over the thousands of more well-known
Ravenshawvians who have made an impact,
you have taken away the last sense of
banishment that I carried in my inability to
make Ravenshaw my alma mater.
Ravenshaw College was born in the year 1876
because of the untiring efforts of an English-
man named Thomas Edward Ravenshaw. He
called it the Cuttack College. He was a British
civil servant in India. His vision for building an
institution of learning has several lessons for
all of us.
Bishwanath Kar and the Principal and
students of Ravenshaw College assembled to
engage in the deliberations.
1920. Students of Ravenshaw, like
Harekrushna Mahatab, N.K. Chaudhury and
their fellow alumni, opposed the idea of the
same Madhusudan Das accepting minister-
ship of the British created government and
distributed leaflets in protest; they disturbed
a progovernment felicitation meeting. Their
activities were reported to Mr. Lambart, Princi-
pal of Ravenshaw College, and their parents
were asked to withdraw the two from college
just a week before their BA examinations.
In the years that succeeded, parallel to the
uprising of Oriya consciousness, was the
beginning of the national freedom movement.
When India made her shift from self-rule to
demand for full freedom, the chants for
freedom first reverberated within the four
walls of this great Institution before they
spread far and wide.
1930. When the Orissa Pradesh Congress
Committee gave a call observing January
26th as “Independence day”, history tells us
that the hostellers of Ravenshaw College took
the lead in organizing the celebrations and
many students gave up a meal to contribute
to the funds of Utkalmani Gopabandhu Das
towards the national freedom movement.
So, how is it that our middle-class, poverty of
the mind is not on its priority?
How is it that when Kandhamal burns,
Ravenshaw’s conscience does not agitate?
While the scourge of corruption has touched
the marrow of the civil society, why are
we are not dialoguing here for a more sustain-
able future?
The burden of dreams must return once again
so that the hallowed grounds of this great
institution can show the path to a people at
crossroads with themselves.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are three kinds of
freedom. Each one is more difficult to win than
the other; each is more intense, fuller of
churning, more demanding of loyalty than the
one before.
In the first six decades of Ravenshaw College,
India and, within that, the people of Orissa
struggled for political freedom. Contrary to
popular myth, we are not midnight’s children;
in reality it was a night of decades, and our
freedom took many generations of working,
many lives had to embrace the cause without
fear of the consequence.
That was our first freedom. Between 1947 and
today, we have been battling for our second
freedom: economic freedom for our people. In
these intervening six decades, we have not
had a famine of the 1866 variety. Although
floods and droughts have been the bane of
Orissa, they have not quite been like the great
famines that once wiped off generations in
a single go. Our people have starved to
death during this period, but it was nothing
compared to the specter of the past. With
effort we have come this far and the battle for
economic freedom is largely won.
But now, we have to embark a more crucial
journey for a more difficult freedom to
win – it is the freedom of the intellect. Unlike
political freedom, and in some sense, eco-
nomic freedom, this one is not about
unshackling from an external opponent.
Rather, it is about unshackling the mind
from within. More than ever before, we live
in times of widespread corruption, visionless
politics, non-inclusive development and a
near-total disregard for the environment.
These are oppressors in our own minds
and the potent destruction they may cause
is larger than anything a foreign hand
ever could.
To strive for freedom of the intellect, you
have to develop a sense of destiny. You must
know that you have a purpose larger than
your own self.
You must develop the true desire to learn,
beyond the mundane need to equip
yourself with a qualification. You need to
develop the capacity to deeply question
the state of things. You have to put your stake
on the ground.
You have to build substance and the power to
serve others in many valuable ways.
You must believe in your own self, follow your
heart and not seek approval from a society
that expects you to change it.
You must speak your mind and be accountable
for your words and actions.
You must not be content with the measure of
the times, for you are here to build a scale for
the future. You must create your own path and
not be path-dependent.
For this, the burden of dreams must return
again.
Not everyone can carry a burden of dreams.
A burden is, after all, a burden, and when it
is a burden of dreams, it is a life-altering
experience.
The burden of dreams is not in what the
eyes see; the burden of dreams is what you
and I must affectionately carry in our bodies
and on our chests so that we can live a
worthy life.
Only blessed ones born on a sacred space
can bear that burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw is the sacred space. The question
is: are you willing to be the blessed one?
Thank you once again for inviting me this
evening. As you take on the burden of
dreams, I pray that Ravenshaw gives Orissa
her first Nobel Laureate, her first winner of
the Booker Prize and her first to claim the
Magsaysay Award.
Subroto Bagchi co-founded MindTree where
he works as the Gardener. His books, The
High Performance Entrepreneur and Go, Kiss
the World, are Penguin bestsellers.
Vice Chancellor, Principal, Faculty, Members
of the Senate and the Syndicate, my dear
Students, Ladies and Gentlemen.
My being with you this evening is historic
for me. The Ravenshaw ethos is part of our
family heritage. My father studied here. My
uncle studied here. Three of my elder brothers
studied here. The eldest topped his class
throughout and was elected vicepresident of
the student’s union. The third brother chose
activism over academics as his calling and was
the president of the college union in his time.
I was the last born and lived with my parents
and an immediate elder brother in far away
places like Koraput and Keonjhar. As we grew
up in those places, we were told stories about
the great Ravenshaw College, and we aspired
to one day take our place in its imposing
red structure. We learnt about the great
academicians who taught here, the minds who
mentored young people who eventually
became destiny’s children. We were also
told about something mysteriously transfor-
mational in the insipid food of the Ravenshaw
hostels that sent people straight to a place
called Dholpur House in New Delhi.
To us, Ravenshaw was sacred ground.
Unfortunately for me, by the time I was ready
to come to its hallowed precincts, my father
had retired. The last two of the brood were
picked up by the elder brothers – by then one
was a bureaucrat in Bhubaneswar and the
other had started a fledgling legal practice in
Cuttack. My immediate elder brother got
allocated to study at Ravenshaw under the
tutelage of the lawyer brother; I was sent to
live with my eldest brother in Bhubaneswar
and asked to go to the BJB College there. I
have to admit that I felt deprived.
So, whenever I got a chance, while studying
at BJB College, I came here – I stood by
the Sun Dial or peeped into the Kanika
Library. Sometimes I came to debate here.
On two occasions, I won the Inter-College
Debate competition held at Ravenshaw
College – they used to be held in the Physics
Lecture Theater and on one occasion,
Dr. Mayadhar Mansingh was one of the
judges. To be judged by someone like him
gave me a sense of high I carry even four
decades after! The prizes for the debates –
one in English and one in Oriya – were
instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout, then
Principal, in his father’s memory.
One, that vision was larger than life. As all
visions must be. It was in fact, what we may
call a “hairy, audacious goal” particularly at a
time when Orissa was coming out of the great
famine of 1866.
Secondly, that vision did not have anything to
do with Mr. Ravenshaw’s self-interest – he
was doing it for the posterity of a people that
were not his own.
Thirdly, and very importantly, the vision was
opposed at the time of its birth. Great vision
is always invariably put to test early on and
that is when many of us become frustrated.
We want the world to come to our door steps
because we have a dream. Only those dreams
have a right to be born that can withstand
opposition and cynicism.
But I am not here to talk to you about the
power of vision, nor do I want to pay tributes
to the great man who did not even want his
name to be bequeathed to the institution he
wanted to build. Instead, today, I want to talk
to you about the burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw – from now on I mean the
132 year-old-institution – has not just been a
place for mass-manufacture of employable
graduates. On its sacred space, not just lives,
but movements have been launched. We
would all do well to refresh our memories
on some of those without which we would not
be worthy of the people who have once
walked this very land before we did.
An educational institution is not just about
prescribed curriculum, about question papers
and answer sheets: it is a place to learn about
life and living by dialogue and diversity, it is
the place for creating the capacity to learn, to
question, to innovate, to push and be pushed
back, to romance life and make life a worthy
place for those who will come after us.
The report card for Ravenshaw on that score is
a glowing tribute to every single brick that
became a sentinel of our freedom; this
remarkable red edifice chose to do more than
be a witness to time―it chose to be an active
participant. Tonight, I would like to take you
down the memory lane to give you a glimpse
of that report card.
1903. Modern Oriya consciousness began
in the formation of the Utkal Sammilani by
Orissa’s first graduate, first post-graduate, and
first practicing lawyer, Madhusudan Das. When
that Utkal Sammilani had its first session here
on the Idga Ground in Cuttack, history tells us,
it was attended by 335 delegates from the
outlying areas; zamindars, representatives of
the Gadjats, the Commissioner himself,
two Christian missionaries, local intellectuals
like Radhanath Roy, Madhusudan Rao,
Then came the Salt Satyagraha and the post
graduate students of Ravenshaw College
actually dropped their examination in support
of the struggle when a batch of protesters
marched from Khurda to the sea to defy the
Salt Act of the British Empire.
1937. Even as Orissa acquired statehood
under the British Empire, there was no
legislative assembly for people’s representa-
tives to represent their will and legislate on
their behalf. It is no small coincidence that the
grounds of Ravenshaw College were chosen
for the very first meeting of the Legislative
Assembly of Orissa on July 28th, 1937.
1942. At the forefront of the Quit India
movement were the students of Ravenshaw
College. On 15 August that year, 200 of them
protested. They actually set the office room
on fire. Among the arsonists were Banamali
Patnaik, Ashok Das, Biren Mitra, Suraj Mal Saha
and Bibhudendra Mishra. The last two were
detained under the Defence of India Act
and sent away to the Berhampur Jail. The
movement spread to all other educational
institutions in the state.
Born of famine, child of a foreigner’s vision,
Ravenshaw College was the vortex of political,
intellectual and literary movements in Orissa
for the first seven decades of its existence.
That is probably why it has produced
countless heads of state, poets, politicians,
judges and bureaucrats who spread their
impact far and wide.
1947. And then came seven decades of
relative silence, except for the student unrest
of the 1960s that spread to the far corners of
the State. As the nation got largely busy with
itself, Ravenshaw College no longer buzzed
with the higher call, its portals gradually
settled down to a collective ambition that ran
from the Cuttack railway station and
terminated in New Delhi where the Union
Public Service Commission had its home.
The corridors of Ravenshaw no longer rever-
berated with the footfalls of the revolution-
ary, the thinker-doer, the game changer - they
only echoed gently a legitimate middle-class
aspiration to become a permanent employee
of the government. To the job seeker, Raven-
shaw became a means to an end – a good
education that guaranteed a good job.
If we make a roll call of the chief secretaries
to the government that independent
Orissa ever had, we will find that an over-
whelming majority of them come from this
single institution. That principle applies
equally to the coveted Indian Police Service,
the Allied Services and their less coveted
state counterparts.
In the six decades after independence, Orissa
progressed in some sense and regressed in
others, but Ravenshaw, despite its innate
capability, gently withdrew from its task of
producing thought leadership. The same
person who ran towards the safe harbor of a
government job could have aimed for the
Nobel Prize, the Booker and the Magsaysay
Award. But the burden of dreams had been
lowered for the time.
The time has come to change that.
Today’s Orissa, like today’s India, is in deeper
strife than she was a hundred years ago. We
need to address this.
I believe that the idea of the Indian State, of
elected government, of a judicial system and
of the protection of law and order, is ceasing
to be relevant to an increasing number of
people. A record number of Indian territories
are ungovernable by public admission. It is
no longer Jammu and Kashmir and the far
flung border areas in the North East; the fact
is that deep inside states like Orissa, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and many others, an
increasing number of districts find themselves
unable to guarantee anyone the right to life,
property and equality of justice.
Here is our own state where policemen are
mowed down in districts like Koraput. In
Nayagarh, barely two hours from the state
capital, hundreds raid the armory of the state
as if it were a college picnic and vanish as
easily as they came. In Kandhamal, someone
is burnt alive, someone is raped and twenty
thousand people become homeless, as if we
live in the backyards of Somalia or Rwanda.
All over India, government is retreating to the
metros. The rich and the worrying are building
“gated communities”―they do not realize
that shrunken freedom is no freedom. Their
gates are gates of fear and not freedom.
At the core of the problem is the issue of
widespread corruption. The reason our police,
our bureaucrats, our judges and our politi-
cians are afraid is that we have become a
collectively corrupt society. When you
become corrupt, you lose the moral authority
to govern. All forms of authority are finally
about the moral right. Only the moral right
gives us the power to stare down an oppo-
nent, as has been proven time and again in
human history, from the days of Moses to
those of the Mahatma.
When the Oriya language and identity was in
question, Ravenshaw College had a view
point; when the Salt Act was passed, the
students and the teachers at the Ravenshaw
College had a position; when the British
oppression became intolerable, right here in
the fields of Ravenshaw, the Union Jack was
trampled. Ravenshaw’s students wrote love
poems and secessionist literature with the
same ease.
Picture shows the then Leader of Opposition, Shri Biju Patnaik giving away the prize to Subroto Bagchi for the Inter-Collegiate Debate in Oriya instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout
Each time, after I won the debate, Dr. Rout
made it a point to tell me how he wished I
were a student at this Institution! I carry that
endorsement as a badge of citizenship. The
thought that I was so welcome here then,
makes me feel legitimate as your Chief Guest
this evening. Today, when you choose me
over the thousands of more well-known
Ravenshawvians who have made an impact,
you have taken away the last sense of
banishment that I carried in my inability to
make Ravenshaw my alma mater.
Ravenshaw College was born in the year 1876
because of the untiring efforts of an English-
man named Thomas Edward Ravenshaw. He
called it the Cuttack College. He was a British
civil servant in India. His vision for building an
institution of learning has several lessons for
all of us.
Bishwanath Kar and the Principal and
students of Ravenshaw College assembled to
engage in the deliberations.
1920. Students of Ravenshaw, like
Harekrushna Mahatab, N.K. Chaudhury and
their fellow alumni, opposed the idea of the
same Madhusudan Das accepting minister-
ship of the British created government and
distributed leaflets in protest; they disturbed
a progovernment felicitation meeting. Their
activities were reported to Mr. Lambart, Princi-
pal of Ravenshaw College, and their parents
were asked to withdraw the two from college
just a week before their BA examinations.
In the years that succeeded, parallel to the
uprising of Oriya consciousness, was the
beginning of the national freedom movement.
When India made her shift from self-rule to
demand for full freedom, the chants for
freedom first reverberated within the four
walls of this great Institution before they
spread far and wide.
1930. When the Orissa Pradesh Congress
Committee gave a call observing January
26th as “Independence day”, history tells us
that the hostellers of Ravenshaw College took
the lead in organizing the celebrations and
many students gave up a meal to contribute
to the funds of Utkalmani Gopabandhu Das
towards the national freedom movement.
So, how is it that our middle-class, poverty of
the mind is not on its priority?
How is it that when Kandhamal burns,
Ravenshaw’s conscience does not agitate?
While the scourge of corruption has touched
the marrow of the civil society, why are
we are not dialoguing here for a more sustain-
able future?
The burden of dreams must return once again
so that the hallowed grounds of this great
institution can show the path to a people at
crossroads with themselves.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are three kinds of
freedom. Each one is more difficult to win than
the other; each is more intense, fuller of
churning, more demanding of loyalty than the
one before.
In the first six decades of Ravenshaw College,
India and, within that, the people of Orissa
struggled for political freedom. Contrary to
popular myth, we are not midnight’s children;
in reality it was a night of decades, and our
freedom took many generations of working,
many lives had to embrace the cause without
fear of the consequence.
That was our first freedom. Between 1947 and
today, we have been battling for our second
freedom: economic freedom for our people. In
these intervening six decades, we have not
had a famine of the 1866 variety. Although
floods and droughts have been the bane of
Orissa, they have not quite been like the great
famines that once wiped off generations in
a single go. Our people have starved to
death during this period, but it was nothing
compared to the specter of the past. With
effort we have come this far and the battle for
economic freedom is largely won.
But now, we have to embark a more crucial
journey for a more difficult freedom to
win – it is the freedom of the intellect. Unlike
political freedom, and in some sense, eco-
nomic freedom, this one is not about
unshackling from an external opponent.
Rather, it is about unshackling the mind
from within. More than ever before, we live
in times of widespread corruption, visionless
politics, non-inclusive development and a
near-total disregard for the environment.
These are oppressors in our own minds
and the potent destruction they may cause
is larger than anything a foreign hand
ever could.
To strive for freedom of the intellect, you
have to develop a sense of destiny. You must
know that you have a purpose larger than
your own self.
You must develop the true desire to learn,
beyond the mundane need to equip
yourself with a qualification. You need to
develop the capacity to deeply question
the state of things. You have to put your stake
on the ground.
You have to build substance and the power to
serve others in many valuable ways.
You must believe in your own self, follow your
heart and not seek approval from a society
that expects you to change it.
You must speak your mind and be accountable
for your words and actions.
You must not be content with the measure of
the times, for you are here to build a scale for
the future. You must create your own path and
not be path-dependent.
For this, the burden of dreams must return
again.
Not everyone can carry a burden of dreams.
A burden is, after all, a burden, and when it
is a burden of dreams, it is a life-altering
experience.
The burden of dreams is not in what the
eyes see; the burden of dreams is what you
and I must affectionately carry in our bodies
and on our chests so that we can live a
worthy life.
Only blessed ones born on a sacred space
can bear that burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw is the sacred space. The question
is: are you willing to be the blessed one?
Thank you once again for inviting me this
evening. As you take on the burden of
dreams, I pray that Ravenshaw gives Orissa
her first Nobel Laureate, her first winner of
the Booker Prize and her first to claim the
Magsaysay Award.
Subroto Bagchi co-founded MindTree where
he works as the Gardener. His books, The
High Performance Entrepreneur and Go, Kiss
the World, are Penguin bestsellers.
Vice Chancellor, Principal, Faculty, Members
of the Senate and the Syndicate, my dear
Students, Ladies and Gentlemen.
My being with you this evening is historic
for me. The Ravenshaw ethos is part of our
family heritage. My father studied here. My
uncle studied here. Three of my elder brothers
studied here. The eldest topped his class
throughout and was elected vicepresident of
the student’s union. The third brother chose
activism over academics as his calling and was
the president of the college union in his time.
I was the last born and lived with my parents
and an immediate elder brother in far away
places like Koraput and Keonjhar. As we grew
up in those places, we were told stories about
the great Ravenshaw College, and we aspired
to one day take our place in its imposing
red structure. We learnt about the great
academicians who taught here, the minds who
mentored young people who eventually
became destiny’s children. We were also
told about something mysteriously transfor-
mational in the insipid food of the Ravenshaw
hostels that sent people straight to a place
called Dholpur House in New Delhi.
To us, Ravenshaw was sacred ground.
Unfortunately for me, by the time I was ready
to come to its hallowed precincts, my father
had retired. The last two of the brood were
picked up by the elder brothers – by then one
was a bureaucrat in Bhubaneswar and the
other had started a fledgling legal practice in
Cuttack. My immediate elder brother got
allocated to study at Ravenshaw under the
tutelage of the lawyer brother; I was sent to
live with my eldest brother in Bhubaneswar
and asked to go to the BJB College there. I
have to admit that I felt deprived.
So, whenever I got a chance, while studying
at BJB College, I came here – I stood by
the Sun Dial or peeped into the Kanika
Library. Sometimes I came to debate here.
On two occasions, I won the Inter-College
Debate competition held at Ravenshaw
College – they used to be held in the Physics
Lecture Theater and on one occasion,
Dr. Mayadhar Mansingh was one of the
judges. To be judged by someone like him
gave me a sense of high I carry even four
decades after! The prizes for the debates –
one in English and one in Oriya – were
instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout, then
Principal, in his father’s memory.
One, that vision was larger than life. As all
visions must be. It was in fact, what we may
call a “hairy, audacious goal” particularly at a
time when Orissa was coming out of the great
famine of 1866.
Secondly, that vision did not have anything to
do with Mr. Ravenshaw’s self-interest – he
was doing it for the posterity of a people that
were not his own.
Thirdly, and very importantly, the vision was
opposed at the time of its birth. Great vision
is always invariably put to test early on and
that is when many of us become frustrated.
We want the world to come to our door steps
because we have a dream. Only those dreams
have a right to be born that can withstand
opposition and cynicism.
But I am not here to talk to you about the
power of vision, nor do I want to pay tributes
to the great man who did not even want his
name to be bequeathed to the institution he
wanted to build. Instead, today, I want to talk
to you about the burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw – from now on I mean the
132 year-old-institution – has not just been a
place for mass-manufacture of employable
graduates. On its sacred space, not just lives,
but movements have been launched. We
would all do well to refresh our memories
on some of those without which we would not
be worthy of the people who have once
walked this very land before we did.
An educational institution is not just about
prescribed curriculum, about question papers
and answer sheets: it is a place to learn about
life and living by dialogue and diversity, it is
the place for creating the capacity to learn, to
question, to innovate, to push and be pushed
back, to romance life and make life a worthy
place for those who will come after us.
The report card for Ravenshaw on that score is
a glowing tribute to every single brick that
became a sentinel of our freedom; this
remarkable red edifice chose to do more than
be a witness to time―it chose to be an active
participant. Tonight, I would like to take you
down the memory lane to give you a glimpse
of that report card.
1903. Modern Oriya consciousness began
in the formation of the Utkal Sammilani by
Orissa’s first graduate, first post-graduate, and
first practicing lawyer, Madhusudan Das. When
that Utkal Sammilani had its first session here
on the Idga Ground in Cuttack, history tells us,
it was attended by 335 delegates from the
outlying areas; zamindars, representatives of
the Gadjats, the Commissioner himself,
two Christian missionaries, local intellectuals
like Radhanath Roy, Madhusudan Rao,
Then came the Salt Satyagraha and the post
graduate students of Ravenshaw College
actually dropped their examination in support
of the struggle when a batch of protesters
marched from Khurda to the sea to defy the
Salt Act of the British Empire.
1937. Even as Orissa acquired statehood
under the British Empire, there was no
legislative assembly for people’s representa-
tives to represent their will and legislate on
their behalf. It is no small coincidence that the
grounds of Ravenshaw College were chosen
for the very first meeting of the Legislative
Assembly of Orissa on July 28th, 1937.
1942. At the forefront of the Quit India
movement were the students of Ravenshaw
College. On 15 August that year, 200 of them
protested. They actually set the office room
on fire. Among the arsonists were Banamali
Patnaik, Ashok Das, Biren Mitra, Suraj Mal Saha
and Bibhudendra Mishra. The last two were
detained under the Defence of India Act
and sent away to the Berhampur Jail. The
movement spread to all other educational
institutions in the state.
Born of famine, child of a foreigner’s vision,
Ravenshaw College was the vortex of political,
intellectual and literary movements in Orissa
for the first seven decades of its existence.
That is probably why it has produced
countless heads of state, poets, politicians,
judges and bureaucrats who spread their
impact far and wide.
1947. And then came seven decades of
relative silence, except for the student unrest
of the 1960s that spread to the far corners of
the State. As the nation got largely busy with
itself, Ravenshaw College no longer buzzed
with the higher call, its portals gradually
settled down to a collective ambition that ran
from the Cuttack railway station and
terminated in New Delhi where the Union
Public Service Commission had its home.
The corridors of Ravenshaw no longer rever-
berated with the footfalls of the revolution-
ary, the thinker-doer, the game changer - they
only echoed gently a legitimate middle-class
aspiration to become a permanent employee
of the government. To the job seeker, Raven-
shaw became a means to an end – a good
education that guaranteed a good job.
If we make a roll call of the chief secretaries
to the government that independent
Orissa ever had, we will find that an over-
whelming majority of them come from this
single institution. That principle applies
equally to the coveted Indian Police Service,
the Allied Services and their less coveted
state counterparts.
In the six decades after independence, Orissa
progressed in some sense and regressed in
others, but Ravenshaw, despite its innate
capability, gently withdrew from its task of
producing thought leadership. The same
person who ran towards the safe harbor of a
government job could have aimed for the
Nobel Prize, the Booker and the Magsaysay
Award. But the burden of dreams had been
lowered for the time.
The time has come to change that.
Today’s Orissa, like today’s India, is in deeper
strife than she was a hundred years ago. We
need to address this.
I believe that the idea of the Indian State, of
elected government, of a judicial system and
of the protection of law and order, is ceasing
to be relevant to an increasing number of
people. A record number of Indian territories
are ungovernable by public admission. It is
no longer Jammu and Kashmir and the far
flung border areas in the North East; the fact
is that deep inside states like Orissa, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and many others, an
increasing number of districts find themselves
unable to guarantee anyone the right to life,
property and equality of justice.
Here is our own state where policemen are
mowed down in districts like Koraput. In
Nayagarh, barely two hours from the state
capital, hundreds raid the armory of the state
as if it were a college picnic and vanish as
easily as they came. In Kandhamal, someone
is burnt alive, someone is raped and twenty
thousand people become homeless, as if we
live in the backyards of Somalia or Rwanda.
All over India, government is retreating to the
metros. The rich and the worrying are building
“gated communities”―they do not realize
that shrunken freedom is no freedom. Their
gates are gates of fear and not freedom.
At the core of the problem is the issue of
widespread corruption. The reason our police,
our bureaucrats, our judges and our politi-
cians are afraid is that we have become a
collectively corrupt society. When you
become corrupt, you lose the moral authority
to govern. All forms of authority are finally
about the moral right. Only the moral right
gives us the power to stare down an oppo-
nent, as has been proven time and again in
human history, from the days of Moses to
those of the Mahatma.
When the Oriya language and identity was in
question, Ravenshaw College had a view
point; when the Salt Act was passed, the
students and the teachers at the Ravenshaw
College had a position; when the British
oppression became intolerable, right here in
the fields of Ravenshaw, the Union Jack was
trampled. Ravenshaw’s students wrote love
poems and secessionist literature with the
same ease.
Picture shows the then Leader of Opposition, Shri Biju Patnaik giving away the prize to Subroto Bagchi for the Inter-Collegiate Debate in Oriya instituted by Dr. Mahendra Kumar Rout
Each time, after I won the debate, Dr. Rout
made it a point to tell me how he wished I
were a student at this Institution! I carry that
endorsement as a badge of citizenship. The
thought that I was so welcome here then,
makes me feel legitimate as your Chief Guest
this evening. Today, when you choose me
over the thousands of more well-known
Ravenshawvians who have made an impact,
you have taken away the last sense of
banishment that I carried in my inability to
make Ravenshaw my alma mater.
Ravenshaw College was born in the year 1876
because of the untiring efforts of an English-
man named Thomas Edward Ravenshaw. He
called it the Cuttack College. He was a British
civil servant in India. His vision for building an
institution of learning has several lessons for
all of us.
Bishwanath Kar and the Principal and
students of Ravenshaw College assembled to
engage in the deliberations.
1920. Students of Ravenshaw, like
Harekrushna Mahatab, N.K. Chaudhury and
their fellow alumni, opposed the idea of the
same Madhusudan Das accepting minister-
ship of the British created government and
distributed leaflets in protest; they disturbed
a progovernment felicitation meeting. Their
activities were reported to Mr. Lambart, Princi-
pal of Ravenshaw College, and their parents
were asked to withdraw the two from college
just a week before their BA examinations.
In the years that succeeded, parallel to the
uprising of Oriya consciousness, was the
beginning of the national freedom movement.
When India made her shift from self-rule to
demand for full freedom, the chants for
freedom first reverberated within the four
walls of this great Institution before they
spread far and wide.
1930. When the Orissa Pradesh Congress
Committee gave a call observing January
26th as “Independence day”, history tells us
that the hostellers of Ravenshaw College took
the lead in organizing the celebrations and
many students gave up a meal to contribute
to the funds of Utkalmani Gopabandhu Das
towards the national freedom movement.
So, how is it that our middle-class, poverty of
the mind is not on its priority?
How is it that when Kandhamal burns,
Ravenshaw’s conscience does not agitate?
While the scourge of corruption has touched
the marrow of the civil society, why are
we are not dialoguing here for a more sustain-
able future?
The burden of dreams must return once again
so that the hallowed grounds of this great
institution can show the path to a people at
crossroads with themselves.
Ladies and gentlemen, there are three kinds of
freedom. Each one is more difficult to win than
the other; each is more intense, fuller of
churning, more demanding of loyalty than the
one before.
In the first six decades of Ravenshaw College,
India and, within that, the people of Orissa
struggled for political freedom. Contrary to
popular myth, we are not midnight’s children;
in reality it was a night of decades, and our
freedom took many generations of working,
many lives had to embrace the cause without
fear of the consequence.
That was our first freedom. Between 1947 and
today, we have been battling for our second
freedom: economic freedom for our people. In
these intervening six decades, we have not
had a famine of the 1866 variety. Although
floods and droughts have been the bane of
Orissa, they have not quite been like the great
famines that once wiped off generations in
a single go. Our people have starved to
death during this period, but it was nothing
compared to the specter of the past. With
effort we have come this far and the battle for
economic freedom is largely won.
But now, we have to embark a more crucial
journey for a more difficult freedom to
win – it is the freedom of the intellect. Unlike
political freedom, and in some sense, eco-
nomic freedom, this one is not about
unshackling from an external opponent.
Rather, it is about unshackling the mind
from within. More than ever before, we live
in times of widespread corruption, visionless
politics, non-inclusive development and a
near-total disregard for the environment.
These are oppressors in our own minds
and the potent destruction they may cause
is larger than anything a foreign hand
ever could.
To strive for freedom of the intellect, you
have to develop a sense of destiny. You must
know that you have a purpose larger than
your own self.
You must develop the true desire to learn,
beyond the mundane need to equip
yourself with a qualification. You need to
develop the capacity to deeply question
the state of things. You have to put your stake
on the ground.
You have to build substance and the power to
serve others in many valuable ways.
You must believe in your own self, follow your
heart and not seek approval from a society
that expects you to change it.
You must speak your mind and be accountable
for your words and actions.
You must not be content with the measure of
the times, for you are here to build a scale for
the future. You must create your own path and
not be path-dependent.
For this, the burden of dreams must return
again.
Not everyone can carry a burden of dreams.
A burden is, after all, a burden, and when it
is a burden of dreams, it is a life-altering
experience.
The burden of dreams is not in what the
eyes see; the burden of dreams is what you
and I must affectionately carry in our bodies
and on our chests so that we can live a
worthy life.
Only blessed ones born on a sacred space
can bear that burden of dreams.
Ravenshaw is the sacred space. The question
is: are you willing to be the blessed one?
Thank you once again for inviting me this
evening. As you take on the burden of
dreams, I pray that Ravenshaw gives Orissa
her first Nobel Laureate, her first winner of
the Booker Prize and her first to claim the
Magsaysay Award.
Subroto Bagchi co-founded MindTree where
he works as the Gardener. His books, The
High Performance Entrepreneur and Go, Kiss
the World, are Penguin bestsellers.
About Mindtree
Mindtree [NSE: MINDTREE] delivers technology services and accelerates growth for Global
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