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8/14/2019 THE BROWNLOW-BROOKINGS FEUD: THE POLITICS OF DISSENT WITHIN THE ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
1/49Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1318399
1
THE BROWNLOW-BROOKINGS FEUD:
THE POLITICS OF DISSENT WITHIN THE ACADEMIC COMMUNITY
Alasdair Roberts
School of Policy Studies
Queen's University
June 1994
ABSTRACT: In January, 1937, President Franklin Roosevelt submitted an ambitious
plan for administrative reform of the national government to Congress. The Brownlow
recommendations produced intense debate in Congress. However, some of the most
important skirmishes in this battle were not fought in public, and even after half a century
remain largely obscured from public view. One such skirmish was the contest within the
academic community about the recommendations on administrative reform that were to
be put before Congress. This paper considers why all three parties to this fight -- the
Brownlow Committee, the Brookings Institution, and the Rockefeller Foundation -- went
to such lengths to avoid public disagreement about the Brownlow recommendations. A
public disagreement threatened to undermine the academic community's demonstration of
neutrality, and thus to undermine the stability of the Public Administration community
itself.
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2/49Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1318399
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THE DOCTORS DISAGREE:
MANAGING THE BROWNLOW-BROOKINGS DEBATE, 1937
In January, 1937, President Franklin Roosevelt submitted an ambitious plan for
administrative reform of the national government to Congress. Roosevelts
reorganization bill was based on a report produced by the Presidents Committee on
Administrative Management -- a panel of three "specialists in public administration"
appointed by Roosevelt in March, 1936, and led by Louis Brownlow, who was perhaps
the best-known expert in the field. The Brownlow recommendations produced intense
debate in Congress; the reorganization proposals were ultimately defeated in March,
1938, in what historian William Leuchtenberg has described as "the worst rebuff
Roosevelt was ever to suffer" in his twelve years as President (1963: 279). The public
battle over the Brownlow proposals has already received extensive scholarly attention.1
However, some of the most important skirmishes in this battle were not fought in public,
and even after half a century remain largely obscured from public view. One such
skirmish was the contest within the academic community about the recommendations on
administrative reform that were to be put before Congress.
The fight within the academic community centred on the Brownlow Committee's
proposal to weaken the General Accounting Offices power to control spending within
the Executive Branch (PCAM, 1937). This conflict emerged in the Fall of 1936, when
the Brownlow Committee realized that another group of "specialists in Public
Administration" at the Brookings Institution was likely to provide Congress with a report
which implicitly challenged the Brownlow report by proposing only modest changes to
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the power of the General Accounting Office (BI, 1937c). The prospect of an open
disagreement caused alarm among members of the Brownlow Committee, and not only
because the Brookings report threatened to undermine the credibility of the Brownlow
report. Louis Brownlow worried that "the reputation of government research ... for
scientific impartiality is at stake" (Brownlow, 1937a). The next several months
witnessed an unusual effort by the Brownlow Committee to prevent a public conflict by
stopping or modifying the Brookings report. Staff of the Rockefeller Foundation -- also
worried about the "larger interests" that might be jeopardized by a public disagreement --
mediated the conflict. Their attempts to persuade Brookings and Brownlow Committee
staff to stop making charges of political partisanship against one another, so that they
might resolve the disagreement on "intellectual" grounds, ultimately failed. In a final
effort to squash the conflict, Brownlow staff provided friendly Senators with material to
discredit the Brookings report.
Although the Brownlow-Brookings fight has been described by earlier authors,
these earlier accounts have been incomplete, and none has closely considered why all
three parties to the fight -- the Brownlow Committee, the Brookings Institution, and the
Rockefeller Foundation -- went to such lengths to avoid a public disagreement about the
power of the GAO.2 The question is an important one: by answering it, we gain a better
understanding of the preoccupations of social scientists in the 1930s and the constraints
under which they did their work. In 1937 the community of "specialists in Public
Administration" was new and unfamiliar, and heavily dependent on the Rockefeller
philanthropies for financial support. In order to allay popular skepticism about the
motives of these experts -- and in particular, to alllay popular worries that such specialists
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were being used to advance "Rockefeller interests" -- the community had become expert
in making a demonstration of neutrality -- an elaborate combination of statements and
behaviours designed to show that such specialists were not influencing opinion on the
"political" questions that were most important to the public. A public disagreement
between the Brownlow Committee and the Brookings Institution threatened to undermine
the demonstration of neutrality, and thus to undermine the stability of the Public
Administration community itself.
THE GAO AND THE NEW DEAL
Concerns about the power of the General Accounting Office had been expressed
from the moment the Office was established by the Budget and Accounting Act of 1921.
The Act made the Comptroller General, previously a Treasury Department official, the
head of the new GAO, and changed his tenure in office to fifteen years, which could be
cut short only by a joint resolution of Congress or impeachment. The Act also gave the
Comptroller General the authority to block any disbursement by the Treasury that was
not, in his view, authorized by an act of Congress. Government officials shortly began to
rely on a "pre-audit" -- in which the Comptroller General would review proposed
spending -- in order to avoid situations in which liabilities had been incurred but
disbursements would not be permitted. In 1929 the best-known expert in public
budgeting, Eugene Buck, expressed strong concerns about the inefficiency of the pre-
audit system, and also about the policy-making power which it gave to an official who
was unelected and almost unremoveable. "The General Accounting Office," Buck argued
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in 1929, "is becoming a huge establishment which is aiming at complete domination of
all acts of the national administration" (564).
Frustration with the power of the GAO grew after the election of President
Roosevelt in 1932. Officials within the Roosevelt administration believed that the
incumbent Comptroller General, John R. McCarl, was using the pre-audit power to block
New Deal policies. Harold Ickes, Roosevelts Secretary of the Interior and head of the
Public Works Administration, complained that McCarl "is a specialist at making
objections ... [He] is not only a Republican, he is a reactionary Republican" (Ickes, 1954:
222, 335). In September, 1934, a senior official in the National Emergency Council
complained:
... [T]he officious intermeddling of the Comptroller General is consistent
only with a policy of complete domination of all government activity by
the General Accounting Office. Using the ambiguous language of the
Budget and Accounting Act as a fulcrum, and the withholding of
"approval" of expenditures as a lever, the Comptroller General seeks to
pry the administration of laws from the executive officers and the
interpretation of laws from the Attorney General (Ironside, 1934).
Rexford Tugwell, one of Roosevelts "Brains Trust," complained of McCarls "infinite
personal prejudices" and his "harassment of the Executive" (1960: 399), while Tom
Corcoran, a key political advisor, lamented that the Comptroller Generalship had become
"the most powerful office in the Government, barring only the Presidency" (Ickes, 1953:
587).
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The three "specialists in Public Administration" who constituted the Presidents
Committee on Administrative Management -- Louis Brownlow, Charles Merriam, and
Luther Gulick -- supported Roosevelts policies; Richard Polenberg observes that "all
three men sympathized with the New Deal, ardently admired the President, and valued
his friendship" (1966: 16). Brownlow and Merriam were close advisors to administration
officials, particularly to Ickes and Harry Hopkins, head of the Federal Emergency Relief
Administration. McCarls ability to frustrate the Roosevelt administration had worried
all three since at least 1934. As members of the Social Science Research Councils
Advisory Committee on Public Administration -- the "central planning agency" for
academic research in Public Administration in the 1930s -- they had drafted a research
program that included a proposal for "study of the manner in which [the Comptroller
General] has expanded his activities from the auditing of legality of expenditure to the
exercise of policy-determining functions, and the influence of this on general Recovery
policy" (SSRC, 1934: 7). In the Fall of 1935, the SSRC committee had agreed on the
desirability of hiring Eugene Buck to recommend "modifications in the relationships"
between the GAO and executive agencies (SSRC, 1935: 5).
The Buck study was delayed by another proposal for a study of "overall
management" in the federal government that had been put before the SSRC committee by
Charles Merriam in October, 1935. This broader study, itself motivated by concern about
the Presidents ability to coordinate activities in the burgeoning number of New Deal
agencies, preoccupied the SSRC committee in the Winter of 1935-36. The project was
taken over by the newly-appointed Presidents Committee on Administrative
Management in March, 1936, after Roosevelt expressed reservations about endorsing a
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study that was run by a completely independent SSRC committee. It was clear from the
start, however, that reform of the GAO would be a top priority for the Presidents
Committee. In February, Charles Merriam had promised the President that the
Committee would comment on "the arrogation of policy powers by the Comptroller
General" (Eliot, 1936); in another meeting in March, Roosevelt told Brownlow that
"Buck was the man to do that" (Brownlow, 1958: 338). Buck prepared an outline of his
"preliminary recommendations" a few weeks later, which Brownlow discussed with
Roosevelt in early May (Miller, 1938: 8-9; Brownlow Diary, May 5-6, 1936).
Bucks 1936 proposals were more or less the same as those made in his 1929
textbook, Public Budgeting, and were closely modelled on the system of financial
administration used in the British government. The Treasury Department, he said, should
be built up as a "single great finance department," absorbing the pre-audit power of the
Comptroller General as well as all of the functions of the Budget Bureau; furthermore
Congress should set up a Public Accounts Committee, with a majority of representatives
from the party in opposition to that of the President, to receive the public accounts from
the GAO and review the financial operations of the government (Buck, 1936). Bucks
final report to the Brownlow Committee in the Fall of 1936 followed the same line. The
Presidents Committee itself took a more moderate approach; while it would have
removed the GAOs pre-audit power, it did not recommend the absorption of the Budget
Bureau into the Treasury Department, and it omitted a recommendation for a Public
Accounts Committee like that proposed by Buck (PCAM, 1937).
BROWNLOW AND BROOKINGS COOPERATE
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In retrospect one can see why the Brookings Institution might have taken a
different attitude toward the GAO. Brookings President, the economist Harold Moulton,
and the staff within Brookings Institute of Economics, took a dimmer view of key New
Deal policies, and consequently had less reason to be aggravated by McCarls
obstructionism. By 1936, Brookings had published studies critical of the National
Recovery Administration and Roosevelts macroeconomic policy, and a critique of the
Agricultural Adjustment Administration was in the works (Critchlow, 1985: 121-9).
Moreover Brookings staff had made a defence of the GAOs powers in the past. William
Willoughby, the first director of Brookings Institute for Government Research (IGR),
had been one of the architects of the 1921 Budget and Accounting Act; Eugene Buck
called him the "chief supporter of the Comptroller Generals present position" (1929:
562). Willoughby argued that some external check on Executive action was necessary to
avoid abuse of spending authority, particularly because the President and his Cabinet --
unlike the British Cabinet -- did not depend on the support of the legislative branch
(Willoughby, 1927a and 1927b). Willoughby probably also recognized that Congress
would never have passed the 1921 Act, which broadened the Presidents budget-making
authority, if the Comptroller General had not been given extensive oversight powers at
the same time (Critchlow, 1985: 28-38).
Although the roots of the Brownlow-Brookings conflict can be seen in retrospect,
they were not evident to either group in the Spring of 1936. Willoughby had retired from
Brookings in 1932, and the Brownlow camp -- a group of academics organized through
the SSRC committee, as well as professional administrators affiliated with the Public
Administration Clearing House, also headed by Brownlow -- had developed a close
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working relationship with Willoughbys successors in the IGR. Lewis Meriam, a senior
IGR researcher, was a member of the SSRC committee and had helped to draft the
proposal for a study on "overall management." In an early version of the study, Meriam
was to serve as the vice-chairman on the SSRC sub-committee that would guide the
research (Brownlow, 1958: 332). Brownlow had even put forward Harold Moultons
name as a candidate for the Presidents Committee, but Roosevelt vetoed the idea
(Saunders, 1966: III-14). Indeed, the fact that the IGR had been hired by Congress to
provide advice on administrative reform in 1936 was itself evidence of Brownlows
belief that relations between the two groups were harmonious.
Congressional interest in administrative reform was led by Virginia Senator Harry
Byrd, who, hearing rumours about the SSRCs proposal to the President, had obtained a
resolution striking a Senate committee on administrative reform, and then approached
Brownlow about the idea of a combined project. Brownlow and Roosevelt were not
pleased with the offer: they feared that Byrd, a conservative Democrat disgruntled with
Presidents spending on recovery programs, wished to turn the SSRC study into an
economy drive or a critical review of New Deal agencies. Roosevelt and Brownlow,
working with Senate and House leaders, quickly took steps to minimize the damage that
Byrd might do. Fred Powell, the Director of the IGR, reported to Harold Moulton that
the Senate leadership had arranged for Byrds committee to be "carefully manned so as to
hobble the Chairman" (Powell, 1936a). Meanwhile the Democratic leadership in the
House of Representatives set up a companion committee, comprised of representatives
"satisfactory to the President" (Brownlow, 1958: 342), to balance the Byrd committee.
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Brownlow enlisted the IGR in this effort to contain Harry Byrd. Brownlow first
encouraged Byrd to contract the IGR for staff work, and then collaborated with IGR staff
to create a research plan that would keep the Byrd Committee away from a review of
New Deal policies and the subject of "overall management." According to the plan, the
Byrd Committee would make a "detailed examination of overlapping and conflict"
between government agencies, while the Presidents Committee would examine overall
management from the perspective of the Chief Executive. Brownlow had struck upon the
idea of making this "division of labour" almost immediately after learning of Byrds
interest in a joint venture with the Presidents Committee (Miller, 1938), and the
President had approved it, saying that it would avoid "duplication of effort and
competitive attitudes" (Brownlow Diary, March 13, 1936). Brownlow had then worked
out the details of the plan with Powell and Meriam of the IGR. Powell characterized the
IGRs half of the project as a "piece-meal approach" because it would proceed "from the
particular to the general, from the parts to the whole." Two weeks later Brownlow,
Powell, and Meriam met with Byrd to persuade him to accept the plan; afterward Powell
reported to Moulton that they "sold the Senator ... the idea of the piece-meal approach,
[and] of limiting ourselves rigidly to avoid the field of policy" (Powell, 1936b).
Whether Brookings mandate under this "division of labour" included a study of
the GAO ultimately became a point of contention. Moulton claimed that it did. The
outline that Powell, Meriam, and Brownlow had "sold" to Senator Byrd on March 27 had
included "fiscal administration" as one of the "major institutional fields" to be examined
by the IGR (BI, 1936). A second report to Byrd, also provided to the Brownlow
Committee, pointed out that the subject had been given over to Daniel Selko, a junior
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member of the IGR staff who had recently graduated from Yale University (Powell,
1936d). In August, Moulton said, Eugene Buck had tacitly admitted the IGRs right to
examine the GAO:
... in a conference with Mr. Powell, [Mr. Buck] suggested that the Institute
for Government Research should agree to agree with the findings of the
Brownlow Committee with respect to financial administration. At the
time, neither the analysis of the Brownlow Committee nor of the Institute
for Government Research had been completed ... Naturally the suggestion
was not accepted (Moulton, 1937d).
For its part, the Brownlow Committee claimed that a critical review of the GAO
lay outside of the IGRs mandate, and that Fred Powell had admitted as much to Joseph
Harris, the Brownlow Committees Research Director. A Brownlow Committee
memorandum later claimed that
At a conference between Messrs. Harris, Powell, and Buck on July 10, Dr.
Harris suggested that Brookings make a factual study of the General
Accounting Office (its organization, the activities of each division and
how its work was affected by the emergency program) desired by Buck.
Powell replied that this had better be done by the Committee since
Brookings stood in bad graces at the General Accounting Office. Powell
also said that he doubted that a study of the General Accounting Office
was within Brookings terms of reference (Miller, 1938).
This recollection of Powells position was probably accurate: in an internal memorandum
to Moulton, Powell said that he had told Brownlow that the IGR would "have nothing to
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do with ... the Comptroller Generals office ... We will consider in our scope that part of
the Treasury which is concerned with financial administration" (Powell, 1936c). Of
course, it is not clear that Meriam or Selko shared this understanding about the division
of labour, or that such a division was even tenable.
Once again, these portents of conflict were recognized only in hindsight. Even at
the end of the Summer of 1936, neither the Brownlow Committee nor the IGR seemed
worried about a disagreement in the field of fiscal administration. In late August,
Brookings reported to Senator Byrd that "we are cooperating with the Administrative
Management Committee to the greatest possible extent ... It does not appear that they are
trespassing upon our field or we upon theirs. We have also maintained cordial relations
with Mr. Brownlow" (Powell, 1936e). Two weeks later, Brownlow wrote in his diary
that he was "very pleased that the work being carried on by [the Presidents Committee]
... and that being carried on by the Brookings Institution ... as yet presents no problem of
conflict" (Brownlow Diary, September 12, 1936).
BROWNLOW AND BROOKINGS DRIFT APART
By late September, however, the danger of conflict between the two groups had
apparent to the Brownlow Committee. On September 23, the Brownlow Committee and
IGR staff met with Senator Byrd to discuss the progress of the two research projects.
Harold Moulton recalled that "much of the discussion was of an irrelevant character ...
After the meeting was over, Mr. Powell said casually to Mr. Brownlow that the one field
where conflict was most likely to arise, namely, financial administration, had not been
mentioned ..." (Moulton, 1937d). Louis Brownlow, on the other hand, had a quite
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different recollection of the meeting: "In an aside to me ... Mr. Selko poured into my ear
what amounted to a passionate defense of the conduct of the General Accounting Office.
This was the first time that I had heard that Brookings might take a different line ... I did
not know until that morning how far apart we were drifting ..." (Brownlow, n.d.: 175).
"It was on next day," Brownlow later said, "that the blow fell." Buck had
completed his report on the GAO, and the three members of the Brownlow Committee --
Brownlow, Luther Gulick, and Charles Merriam -- had gathered to discuss it. Lewis
Meriam had been given a copy of Bucks report and invited to join the discussion.
Brownlow recalled that Meriam "took a stand of flat opposition to placing control of the
spending operations of the Government in the President ... [He] defended his position for
several hours" (Brownlow, n.d.: 176). Shortly after, Meriam sent the Committee a
memorandum summarizing his complaints. Following the line of argument set down
many years before by William Willoughby, Meriam observed that
Mr. Buck seems to be profoundly influenced by the British organization
and procedure and to be endeavoring to duplicate it in the United States.
From my point of view he does not give due recognition to the fact that
England has a unitary government with a responsible ministry in charge of
administration, whereas in this country we have a government of divided
powers with a chief executive who is not responsible to Congress ... I
myself am a little dubious of an administrative audit made under the
direction of a Cabinet officer who is removable by the President at will. If
the President were responsible to Congress, the situation would be entirely
different (Meriam, 1936).
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Meriam also warned the Brownlow Committee against recommendations that would
dramatically upset the balance of power between the President and Congress. Congress,
he warned, was in no mood for such reforms:
To strengthen the Presidents control over expenditures is in many
instances to diminish the control of Congress over expenditures. Congress
has been jealous of the power of the Executive. In emergencies it
delegates power; but on the return to normalcy it tends to withdraw these
delegated powers and to assume more control. I think the chance are that
the next few sessions of Congress will run toward increased control by
Congress rather than diminishing control. The Presidents Committee
should in my judgement give careful consideration to any
recommendations that look toward diminishing the control of Congress,
because I think such recommendations, if included, will jeopardize the
chances of any other recommendations that require legislation (Meriam,
1936).
In the next eight weeks, the Brownlow Committee made two attempts to manage
the imminent clash over the GAO. In early October, Moulton said, Joseph Harris "asked
for a conference with Mr. Selko ... [and] suggested to Mr. Selko that the Brookings
Institution should keep out of this field." Selko referred Harris to Lewis Meriam, who
told Harris that "so far as he could see, it was a settled matter that the Brookings
Institution was to prepare a report covering this field, and that if any change of policy
were to be made it would have to be taken up with Mr. Powell as director of the
investigation ... Mr. Harris never presented the matter to Mr. Powell" (Moulton, 1937d).
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In November, after hearing a rumour from the Budget Bureau director that the Brookings
report would "gut the Treasury," Gulick and Brownlow were each prompted to talk with
Powell about the need for a conference about the GAO. Powell agreed, but neither
Gulick or Brownlow called back to set a date (Gulick, 1936a; Moulton, 1937c).
There are probably several reasons why the Brownlow Committee did not follow
through on these attempts to forestall a clash on policy. Perhaps the most obvious is that
the Committee and its staff were preoccupied with the task of completing a draft of their
report so that it could be delivered to the President shortly after the November 3 election.
The Committee may also have believed that Brookings was less likely to object to its
own recommendations on fiscal administration, which were more moderate than Bucks.
The potential conflict may also have slipped from the Committees attention as
communications between the two groups broke down in the Fall of 1936. Brownlow had
been determined to keep the work of his committee out of the public eye until after the
presidential election, so that it would have a "non-political setting and effect" (1958:
328), and to this end had imposed strict rules against the circulation of its working
papers, to which the IGR staff had been the only exception. The quarantine seemed to be
effective until late October, when a report critical of the Brownlow Committees work
appeared in the New York Herald Tribune. Arthur Holcombe, a Harvard political
scientist working for the Committee, found the story so accurate that "I inferred it must
have been more than an unintended leak -- possibly a deliberate release from the White
House" (Holcombe, 1936). A little later the Brownlow Committee, suspecting that the
documents they were sending to Brookings "were leaking to the Senate Committee and
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were being used against them in the public press," stopped sending drafts to the IGR for
comment (May, 1937).
The Brownlow Committee may also have believed that it would be possible to
deter Harry Byrd from defending the Comptroller General, and thus to limit the uses to
which an IGR report on the GAO might be put. Even in late September, after it had
become clear that the IGR would disagree with the Brownlow Committee about the role
of the Comptroller General, Brownlow and Gulick still "hoped that the Senator would see
the problem of the General Accounting Office as we saw it" (Brownlow, n.d.: 176).
After the election, this hope had begun to evaporate: the Committee had heard rumours
that "Byrd was planning to hold hearings and put McCarl on the stand" (Gulick, 1936a).
McCarl himself, at the end of his fifteen-year term, had made an open attack on
Roosevelt in the Saturday Evening Post, calling the New Deal "a wasteful Santa Claus
Plan of government-run-everything" (McCarl, 1936).
Gulick and Brownlow had considered how to forestall Byrds GAO hearings with
Roosevelt in a meeting on November 14. Gulick reported that the President told them...
to see Harry, and see if he would play ball with the program. Though the terms were not
specifically outlined, I gathered that they would involve (1) no public hearings, (2) no
opposition program, (3) letting the President lead off, and (4) support the Presidents
plans when presented. The President said, "If Harry will work with you and with me on
this he can introduce the bill in the Senate and carry it through. I would be glad to have
him." He told us to see what we could do to work this out (Gulick, 1936a).
A few days afterward, Gulick met with Byrd to negotiate a truce. Gulick later reported to
Roosevelt that Byrd had promised to "do nothing ... to step out in front or make trouble";
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in particular, Byrd had promised that the hearings with McCarl would not be held. In
return, Byrd was given two assurances: that Roosevelt would meet with him in December
to "discuss next steps and legislative plans", and that the Committee itself would meet
with Byrd the next week to discuss the reorganization proposals (Gulick, 1936b).
By early January this agreement had fallen apart. The Brownlow Committee
never met with Byrd, and a luncheon meeting between Roosevelt, Gulick, and Byrd on
January 2 only aggravated the division. Roosevelt did not seem to want a reconciliation:
Gulick observed that the President "chose to confine his attention to subjects where he
knew real disagreement lay, and by pricking his adversary insistently managed to draw
blood" (Karl, 1963: 254). Byrd left the meeting angry, and Roosevelt made no further
attempt to maintain a peace. Byrd was not invited to the January 10 meeting at which
Democratic Congressional leaders were briefed on the proposals, and received the report
only a few hours before its public release on January 11. Byrd complained to Roosevelt:
It was my understanding [at the January 2 meeting] that either Mr.
Brownlow or Mr. Gulick would call to see me in the following week so
that I could understand in more detail the proposals recommended by
them. Due, I have no doubt, to the pressure of their work I did not seem
them until [January 11], and this was too late to see you before the
recommendations were made. I regret this as I would like the opportunity
to discuss certain details of the report ... I am anxious to convey to you
information obtained on some of these questions by the Brookings
Institution ... (Byrd, 1937).
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Although Byrd shortly issued a press release indicating strong skepticism about the
Brownlow Committees GAO recommendations, in fact he had not yet received the
IGRs report on the Comptroller General. In December, Fred Powell had told Byrd that
senior IGR staff "are giving their attention to the subject which you have indicated as the
first on which you wish to hold hearings, namely, the financial services ... The date we
are aiming at is January 10th" (Powell, 1936f). By January 12, however, Selkos paper
on financial administration still had not been sent to Capitol Hill.
STOPPING THE BROOKINGS REPORT
With its own report now made public and Byrd's opposition to it probable, the
Brownlow Committee renewed its attempts to persuade Brookings to withhold or modify
Selkos report. On January 11, shortly after Roosevelts press conference on the
Brownlow report, Luther Gulick phoned Harold Moulton to propose a discussion
between the staffs on the subject of financial administration. Moulton seemed non-
plussed by the conversation: he said later that he had told Gulick he would be "very glad
to arrange for such a conference at any convenient time" (Moulton, 1937d). Gulick,
however, was rattled by the intensity of Moultons feeling about the Brownlow
recommendations. The next day, he wrote to Moulton:
After we hung up it occurred to me what you had in mind in referring to
the non-American aspects of our fiscal recommendations. At the time I
was completely flabbergasted. I realize now that you were harking back
to the discussion we had with Lewis Meriam, and that he had assumed and
passed on to you the information that we were proceeding 100 percent
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along the lines of the program presented in the memorandum by A.E.
Buck. The final program is, as you see, quite different in character ... it
rests in no sense on the Parliamentary system.
As you said on the telephone, I hope that you will offer the
opportunity for a full discussion on the theory and practice of audit and
control. This problem was, as you know, squarely at the centre of our
assignment. It does not seem to me that it comes at all within the terms of
reference of the Byrd committee ... It may well be that my suggestion on
this point is out of order in case a study in this field will not be undertaken
by the Brookings staff (Gulick, 1937b).
Gulicks suggestion that the IGR might yet abandon its report on the Comptroller
General was perhaps impolitic; but this was soon overwhelmed by a second and much
grander error. On January 12, Gulick wrote to Frederic Delano, the Chairman of
Brookings Board of Trustees, to ask for his assistance in influencing Moulton. Delano
was the Presidents uncle and a long-time acquaintance of Louis Brownlow and Charles
Merriam. "I should report to you a conversation I have just had with Harold G. Moulton
about the Brookings report for Byrd," Gulick wrote:
... Moulton said that apparently there was only one major point of collision
and that that had to do with the General Accounting Office. I observed
that this was within our major field work, that it was not within the field of
the Byrd Committee, and that it seemed to me of great importance for
them to have a full discussion with us before the Brookings Institution
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came out in opposition to the program presented by the President.
Moulton did not agree to this ...
I do not know whether the President of Brookings Institution has
any responsibility in matters of this sort but it does seem to me that Dr.
Moulton, who is not an accountant nor a student of Public Administration,
should be in some way induced to hear both sides before embarking the
Institution on a course of action which is bound to bring upon it much
criticism from informed circles (Gulick, 1937a).
Delano passed Gulicks letter on to Harold Moulton on January 13. Moulton was
infuriated. "[T]he purpose of the letter," he complained, "was to bring pressure upon
[me] to bring pressure in turn upon the Institute for Government Research to refrain from
arriving at conclusions contrary to those of the Presidents Committee" (Moulton,
1937d). It was particularly aggravating to Moulton that Delano had served as the
intermediary. Moulton had nominated Delano to be Chairman of the Board after the
1932 election, with the expectation that he might build a bridge to the new
administration; but in succeeding years Delano had become disgruntled about the temper
of Brookings reports on New Deal policies. He had badgered Moulton to take a more
sympathetic view of the administration -- an appeal which Moulton rejected, telling
Delano that "sympathy has no more place than antipathy in the scientific approach to a
problem" (Moulton, 1935). Privately, Moulton complained that Delano had "expressed
regret in Institution publications to individuals around Washington" -- and also that he
had "helped the Brownlow group to edge into the Federal Government field, though this
has been the major field of the I.G.R." (Moulton, 1937e).
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THE ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION MEDIATES
Unwilling to respond directly to Gulick or to rely on Delano as a go-between,
Moulton sought another intermediary: the Rockefeller Foundation. In the next few days,
Moulton circulated Gulicks letter to three people -- Edmund Day, the director of the
Rockefeller Foundations Social Science Division; Stacy May, an associate director of
the Social Science Divison; and Jerome Greene, a retired banker who served on the
Brookings and Rockefeller Foundation Boards. The Foundation had well-established
connections with both Brookings and the "Brownlow group." It had been Brookings
principal benefactor since its establishment in 1927, providing more than $3.5 million
over ten years. It was also the only source of money for the SSRC Public Administration
Committee; and an associated Rockefeller philanthropy, the Spelman Fund, funded
Brownlows Public Administration Clearing House. In fact, the Rockefeller Foundation
had almost funded both GAO studies. Brownlows plan of asking the Rockefeller
Foundation to support a study of "overall management" had been vetoed by Roosevelt,
who worried that "the name of Rockefeller in connection with such a study would have a
bad effect on the Hill" (Eliot, 1936). The IGR did ask for Rockefeller support, but was
turned down: Stacy May had explained to Moulton that the Foundations trustees
believed "the project was sufficiently charged politically to make it likely that the use of
outside funds would come in for criticism, damaging alike to the contributing agency and
to the general end which the project was seeking to promote" (May, 1936).
Between January and March, 1937, Stacy May struggled to be a peace-maker
between Brookings and the Brownlow Committee. It was not an easy job. In early
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March he lamented to senior Rockefeller staff that "each of the parties has been deluging
me with accusations about the other at frequent intervals" (May, 1937). Some of the
complaints were procedural: each side complained, for example, that the other side had
failed to circulate its drafts for comments; and of course Moulton complained that Gulick
had acted improperly by asking Delano to put pressure on the Institution. But most of the
complaints consisted of challenges to the objectivity of the other party. May observed
that each side "seems desirous of having the Foundation accept its position as objective
and of scientific validity ... [and] neither is able to make its case without a rather bitter
denunciation of the motives actuating the other":
... the Brookings group insisted that the stand upon the Comptroller
General taken by the Presidents Committee merely represented a partisan
attack on the part of the Administration on McCarls regime, while the
Presidents Committee summarized the Brookings position as the
reflection of a hostile attitude toward the New Deal (May, 1937).
May eventually persuaded the two groups that the hostilities could not continue,
telling Moulton that "it would be unfortunate to the larger interests which both he and the
Presidents Committee were seeking to serve if the experts disagreed upon important
issues" (May, 1937). Moulton agreed not to deliver Selkos report to Congress "without
first holding a conference with the Presidents Committee group and open-mindedly
attempting to resolve the point at issue" (May, 1937). A short while later, Gulick wrote
to Moulton to apologize for his earlier letters:
I learned last night when I ran into a mutual friend at a social affair that
my recent letter to you and Mr. Delano were contradictory and unfair and
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that you were deeply incensed and felt that I had dealt dishonestly with
you. Good God, that is the last thing I had in my mind! ... May I say
immediately, in all sincerity that I deeply regret whatever it is that I have
done wrong, and trust you will accept this apology now ... I shall see you
at the next opportunity. One thing is certain, for the sake of the future, I
do not wish to leave matters in a mess either through misunderstanding, or
through any fault of mine (Gulick, 1937c).
Moulton accepted the apology, expressing the hope that "our relations may continue to be
cordial," and telling Gulick that he had already been in touch with Brownlow to arrange a
conference on the question of the GAO (Moulton, 1937a).
RESISTING PRESSURE FROM CONGRESS
For the next two weeks Moulton and Brownlow, both incapacitated with the flu,
looked fruitlessly for some convenient time to hold their conference on financial
administration. In the meantime, the Brookings Institution was coming under heavy
pressure from all sides. At a meeting of the Brookings trustees, Frederic Delano again
complained about the Institutions hostile attitude toward the Roosevelt administration,
telling the Board that
... the Institution would accomplish far more if it endeavored to adjust
itself to the aims of The President and the Government ... The President
needed all the help he could secure, and the Brookings Institution would
prove far more influential if it tried to be sympathetic and constructive in
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its criticisms rather than taking an attitude of condemnation of almost
everything that was suggested (BI, 1937a).
Other board members replied that Brookings could not do what Delano had asked; that
instead it had to maintain "a position of complete impartiality" (BI, 1937a).
Meanwhile Brookings was also being called to account by Senator Byrd, who was
waiting for a report that Fred Powell had promised would be available in early January.
A Joint Senate-House Committee on Government Organization had been set up to receive
the Brownlow report in early February, but when it began hearings on February 18, the
Selko report still had not been released. Despite Byrds pressure, Moulton stuck to the
commitment he had made to Stacy May. At a lunch with the three members of the
Brownlow Committee on February 17, Moulton explained that "it was impossible for us
to withdraw from the field," but again promised that Selkos paper would not be given to
Congress before it had been reviewed by the Brownlow Committee and its staff. Selkos
manuscript was delivered to Brownlow two days later (Moulton, 1937d).
Moulton continued to resist Congressional pressure while he waited for the
Brownlow group to re-type and read Selkos manuscript. On February 26, Moulton
warned Brownlow that
... A possible problem has just arisen about which I think you should be
informed ... In view of the discussions now beginning with respect to
accounting practices, Senator Byrd has asked, through the clerk of his
Committee, for our recommendations ... We have sent word through the
clerk of the Committee that our final conclusions have not yet matured and
that we wish to hold a conference with your group with respect to certain
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issues before submitting our final analysis. There is likely to be some
pressure for expediting the submission of our report (Moulton, 1937d).
This turned out to prescient, for on the same day Byrd wrote to Fred Powell advising that
he was "anxious" to receive the GAO report "as soon as possible ... so that the Joint
Committee can have the benefit of the recommendations made by the Brookings
Institution" (Moulton, 1937d). At the same time John Cochran, the chairman of the
House Committee that had been struck in 1936 as a counterweight to the Byrd
Committee, wrote to Moulton demanding that Brookings "furnish a complete report
covering the matters and things which you contracted to report upon" (Cochran, 1937).
On March 1, Byrd phoned Moulton to repeat his demand for the report:
[Byrd] stated that he understood that copies of our report on financial
administration had been released to the Brownlow Committee and that he
saw no reason why his Committee should not be equally entitled to the
report in view of the fact that it was done under their auspices. He stated
also that if conferences were to be held with the Brownlow Committee, a
similar privilege ought to be afforded to his Committee (Moulton, 1937d).
On March 3, Moulton compromised. He sent Selkos paper to Byrd and Cochran, but
warned that "[it] is subject to possible modifications in light of the conference to be held
with members of the Brownlow Committee ... it should not as yet be made available to
the public" (Moulton, 1937b).
THE CONFERENCE FAILS
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Moultons decision to release the Selko report to Byrd and Cochran very nearly
scuttled the conference with the Brownlow Committee. May told his colleagues in the
Rockefeller Foundation that Brownlow and Gulick had accused Moulton of "a breach of
good faith [in sending] materials to Byrd without the promised consultation ... There was
some debate as to whether, under the circumstances, they should confer with Brookings
in the matter, but finally they decided to" (May, 1937). The conference was set for
March 8 at Brookings headquarters in Jackson Park.
The discussion, which lasted for three hours, had an antiseptic character: the main
considerations which had impelled the two groups to take contrary positions on the GAO
were carefully avoided. The Brownlow group had been frustrated by John McCarls
obstructionism, but nowhere in Gulicks background note was McCarls name
mentioned; nor was there any mention of the roadblocks which he had thrown in front of
New Deal policies. Instead, the Brownlow group appealed to administrative principle,
arguing that "there can be no efficient or responsible organization for the performance of
extensive tasks unless there be at the head of the organization a single executive ... [T]his
is true of all large scale human enterprises ... A single center of executive and
administrative responsibility is essential" (Gulick, 1937d). Brookings also avoided any
reference to McCarls performance of Comptroller General, or to its own skepticism
about Congress willingness to brook radical changes to the GAO. Instead it argued on
the much narrower ground that the Comptroller Generals pre-audit power did not
"inevitably delay administration," and that inefficiencies would persist even if pre-
auditing authority was transferred to the Treasury Department (BI, 1937b).
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"The conference got nowhere," May reported afterward, "each side being unable
to convince the other" (1937). The IGR staff had refused to withhold its report or to
modify its recommendations on the GAO. Badly agitated by the failure of the meeting,
Brownlow wrote a memorandum to Moulton attempting once again to change his mind:
Mr. Gulick and I have been talking over the points raised in the conference
Tuesday afternoon ... The theoretical problems seem to us to be plain:
Does the executive need a comptroller as a part of his administration? Is
control an inseparable part of management? Is responsibility for
administration confused or diffused by an independent control? ... On
these matters your staff apparently has taken a position which is not shared
by any impartial student of the problem with whom we have had any
contact ... In the state organization surveys done by Brookings, as nearly
as we can understand, you have recommended on general grounds of fiscal
and administrative principles the separation of audit and control, and have
endeavoured to make audit independent and control a part of the executive
branch ... (Brownlow, 1937b)
In a passage that was excised from the final draft of this memorandum, Brownlow
warned of the damage that might be done if the Brookings dissented from the Brownlow
Committees recommendations:
... it [is] of the utmost importance that the "doctors" do not disagree on
technical matters, as this disagreement will be used by opponents of any
reform to confuse the issue. This is not a responsibility which can be
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passed off lightly. It may be that the reputation of government research ...
for scientific impartiality is at stake (Brownlow, 1937a).
Moulton agreed to meet with Brownlow once again on March 12, in a last attempt
to change Brookings course. This conference also proved ineffective; Moulton told
Brownlow that their differences "appeared to be of an irreconcilable character" (1937d).
The IGR would not be swayed by the argument that it had made contrary
recommendations to state government; Moulton observed that states faced "simpler
conditions" and that the IGR was not sure its recommendations to state governments were
right in any case (Moulton, 1937c). Moulton did, however, make one final concession to
Brownlow. Although the IGRs report "would have to be submitted to the House and
Senate Committees," Moulton promised that it would "refrain from making any attack
upon the Brownlow Committees report, even though by so doing we would in some
measure weaken the effectiveness of our own presentation" (Moulton, 1937d).
UNDERMINING THE BROOKINGS REPORT
Moulton shortly reached the conclusion that the Brownlow Committee had not
reciprocated the courtesy which he had extended. The Joint Committee on Government
Organization had begun its hearings on the GAO on March 11. The Brownlow
Committee and Eugene Buck had appeared as the committee's first witnesses, and on
March 29 Lewis Meriam and Daniel Selko were called to testify on the IGRs report. It
became clear that the Democratic leadership on the Committee, led by Senator James
Byrnes, intended to undermine Brookings report by attacking the credibility of Meriam
and Selko. Selko, the youngest witness for either side, was closely examined on his
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experience in financial administration. Meriam, meanwhile, was asked to explain why
Brookings had recommended the continuation of an independent pre-audit in the federal
government when its staff had made different recommendations in earlier reports for state
governments. Meriams protest that the IGRs views on the Comptroller General had not
changed since 1921, and that it had refined its opinion about the best system for state
governments, fell on deaf ears; the imputation that the IGR had tailored its
recommendations in order to obstruct the President was direct. "When did this change
come on," Senator Pat Harrison asked:
Did the Presidents recommendation to Congress to effect the
reorganization, and the action of the Committee that was appointed by the
President to make the recommendation here -- did that have any influence
on your recommendations? (Joint Committee, 1937: 324)
Moulton knew that the questions that had been asked about Brookings earlier reports
were beyond the ordinary knowledge of a member of Congress. Incensed, he wrote a
long complaint to Stacy May about the conduct of the Brownlow group, culminating in
the claim that it had "supplied certain Committee members with questions and data
designed to embarrass our representatives and to becloud the objective consideration of
the issues involved" (Moulton, 1937d).
The charge that the Brownlow group had helped Senators in this way was a very
serious one, for it suggested that members of that group had breached the convention
which required that academics keep at arms length from political struggles. This was a
rule which both sides in the Brownlow-Brookings debate professed to follow. Harold
Moulton later assured his own trustees that "the Institution in no way participated in
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congressional discussions ... [beyond] the presentation of our analysis ... We refused to
render Senator Byrd any assistance in connection with his subsequent statements on the
issues involved" (BI, 1938); and similarly Louis Brownlow later claimed that his
Committee "didnt lobby. No member of the Committee went near the Capitol ... No
member of the Committee saw or spoke to any Member of Congress except under the
circumstances of being in a Committee called for the purpose ..." (Brownlow, 1940).
Moulton was challenging Brownlows claim of detachment from the Congressional fight.
The Brownlow Committee quickly prepared its own memorandum to the
Rockefeller Foundation defending its conduct. Moultons charge that questions had been
supplied to Committee members was "wholly unwarranted and untrue," Joseph Harris
said; but this defence was tenable only in the narrowest sense. It was true that Brownlow
Committee researchers had compiled excerpts from earlier Brookings studies which
seemed to conflict with Selkos report, and that this summary of excerpts had been
supplied to Senator Byrnes. The damning questions could easily be inferred from this
material. For doing this much, Harris was unrepentant. "The representatives of the
Brookings Institution went out of their way to oppose the recommendations of the
Presidents Committee on Administrative Management," he told May, "[I]t would hardly
appear inappropriate for this fact to be brought out in the hearings" (Harris, 1937).
POLITICS AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Between January and March, 1937, three groups -- the Brownlow Committee and
its staff, the Brookings Institution, and the Rockefeller Foundation -- collaborated in an
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unusual effort to avoid a public disagreement over reform of the General Accounting
Office. Why did they go to such lengths to avoid a conflict?
Part of the explanation, certainly, is that the Brownlow Committee wanted to see
its own recommendations on the GAO adopted by Congress, that it recognized how a
contrary report by the IGR might undermine its own advice, and that it consequently had
an interest in doing what it could to suppress or modify the IGRs report. However, this
explanation is also incomplete, because it leaves critical questions unanswered. Are we
certain, for example, that the Brownlow Committee was worried only about the narrow
problem of getting its way on the GAO? And how do we account for the collaboration of
the other two parties to this dispute? Why, for example, was the Brookings Institution
prepared to burn bridges with its Congressional clients by withholding its own report
from them for two months? And why was the Rockefeller Foundation staff prepared to
mediate this dispute, when it had no immediate investment in either report? What were
the "larger interests" that it believed to be at stake?
To answer these questions, we might begin by observing that all three parties to
the dispute shared a common preoccupation: a strong desire to avoid entanglement in
"political" activity. Throughout 1936 and 1937 we see behaviour that is accounted for in
this way. Brownlow, for example, schedules the completion date for his Committees
report for after the 1936 election, so that it "will have a non-political setting and effect";
Moulton resists Frederic Delanos protests, and refuses to give aid to Senator Byrd, so
that the IGR can make a show of "complete impartiality"; the Rockefeller Foundation
refuses to give money to projects that it thinks will be "politically charged." The same
preoccupation is manifest in conversation between the three actors. It is evident, for
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example, in the terms they used to praise and condemn one another. At Stacy May
discovered, the highest praise that one could give to colleagues was to call them
"impartial" or "objective," and the most damning thing that one could say against them
was to accuse them of "partisanship" or "hostile attitudes." Discussion of substantive
issues -- such as the question of what to do about the GAO -- is carefully constructed to
avoid reference to "political" arguments. Ones opinions on reform of the GAO might
have been coloured by frustration with John McCarl, or doubts about Congress
willingness to make radical changes to the GAO; but these were "political" facts whose
salience could not be explicitly acknowledged. To be "open-minded," one had to shut out
certain kinds of arguments, and instead rationalize ones stance by appeal to scientific
principle or neutral values such as "efficiency."
Louis Brownlow, Harold Moulton, and the staff of the Rockefeller Foundation
spent a large proportion of their time "keeping up appearances" -- in particular,
demonstrating their neutrality in the political struggles that were foremost in public
attention. The demonstration comprised both behaviour and speech: not only did these
partiesprofess to be "impartial" or "objective," they also shaped their work routines, and
their way of thinking and talking about the subject of Public Administration, in order to
substantiate that claim to neutrality.
The practice of making this demonstration of neutrality was as old as the field of
Public Administration itself; which is to say, it was not very old at all, for Public
Administration had emerged as a distinct field of study only in the last fifteen years. In
fact the demonstration of neutrality may have had such importance to specialists in Public
Administration precisely because it was a new field, whose aims were not understood or
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skeptically regarded by a broader public. The demonstration was used to allay worries
that such specialists were seizing jurisdiction over questions that properly belonged in the
public domain.
Brownlow, as one of the main builders of the Public Administration community,
knew this skepticism well. As a city manager in the early 1920s, he recalled in 1936,
"some people called me a czar, a dictator. People who objected to me or my work on any
ground whatever talked about czarisms and dictatorships" (Brownlow, 1936). The same
distrust was directed toward the City Managers Association, led by Brownlow, whose
advocacy in favour of the city-manager plan was often regarded with extreme hostility.
To allay such skepticism, Brownlow had personally proclaimed his adherence to a
"fundamental theory of government ... that there is and always will be a difference
between politics, on the one hand, and administration, on the other" (1958: 236), and then
insisted that he and other city managers should not tread in the realm of "politics," where
the difficult decisions about public objectives had to be made. In 1924 the CMA
adopted, at Brownlows urging, a code of ethics dictating that "no city manager should
take an active part in politics" (Reed, 1926: 240). The idea that there was a tenable
distinction between "political" and "administrative" work -- now known in shorthand as
the "politics-administration dichotomy" -- was the philosophical foundation upon which
the demonstration of neutrality was based. In an effort to make manifest its commitment
to the dichotomy, the CMA itself abandoned any advocacy work that might seem to put it
in a "political position" (Brownlow, 1958: 237).
Brownlow continued to espouse his belief in the dichotomy as Director of the
Public Administration Clearing House, which was established in Chicago in 1930 as a
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coordinating agency for professional associations in the field of Public Administration.
A 1936 press release had explained that associations affiliated with the Clearing House
"are working on practical, everyday problems of administering the public business, as
distinct from governmental problems of policies ... These organizations ... are not
concerned either with policies or politics" (Brownlow Diary, January 16, 1936).
Brownlow cut off support to associations that he believed were engaged in "political
action" (Diary, August 11, 1936).
Brownlow showed a similar sensitivity toward "political" questions as head of the
the SSRCs Committee on Public Administration. The Council, established in 1924, had
encountered the same sort of resistance as the City Managers Association, and had
responded to it in roughly the same way, by assuring the public of its "impartiality and
objectivity" on policy questions, and by couching its activity as "technical" work akin to
that in the natural sciences. Brownlow had carried on this practice in crafting the Public
Administration Committees research agenda. His objective, he told one federal
administrator, was not to assess the wisdom of the policies adopted by governments, but
merely to study the technical issues raised in their implementation, and thus to build up a
"fundamental body of principles" of effective administration (Brownlow, 1935).
The Public Administration Clearing House and the SSRC both were both
financially dependent upon two Rockefeller philanthropies -- the Rockefeller Foundation
and the smaller Spelman Fund -- and their preoccupation with making a demonstration of
their detachment from "political" activities may also be attributed to public skepticism
about the motives of those philanthropies (See Roberts, 1994). Early attempts by the
Rockefeller philanthropies to sponsor research on social or economic questions had
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ended in scandal, and for several years the trustees of these funds refused to sponsor any
sort of work on "contentious issues" at all (Fosdick, 1952). Their eventual support of the
Clearing House and its affiliated associations was given with the strict condition that
these organizations should be focussed entirely on "technical, non-political objectives"
(Moffett, 1937). Similarly, support for social scientific research was limited to
"obviously impartial agencies" who approached their work in a "scientific spirit" and
avoided any sort of advocacy work in favour of social or economic reforms (Bulmer and
Bulmer, 1981).
By 1937, all of the constituents of the Public Administration community were
engaged in a massive and continuing attempt to demonstrate their detachment and
disinterest in "politics." Relations the Brownlow Committee and the Brookings
Institution cannot be properly understood without an appreciation of this fact. It is likely,
for example, that the disagreement would never have arisen if the Brownlow Committee
had not enlisted the Brookings Institution in its effort to steer Senator Byrd away from
"the field of policy" and thus to depoliticize the Committee's work. The conflict may also
have been aggravated by the Brownlow Committees decision to limit circulation of its
papers -- a step also taken to avoid politicization of the Committee. Similarly, the
eventual disagreement between Brownlow and Brookings became problematic because it
threatened to undermine the claim that administrative reform was a "technical" subject
over which there could be no disagreement. Disagreement created the evidence with
which critics might charge either of the groups with political bias: for if there was only
one "technical" solution to a problem, but two solutions had been advanced, then clearly
one or the other had to be motivated by some improper purpose.
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It was this worry about the politicization of Public Administration which
motivated the Brownlow Committee and the Brookings Institution to go to such lengths
to keep their disagreement completely private. The complaints to Stacy May -- in which
each group of researchers complained about the bias of the other -- presaged what public
debate might be like if the disagreement were not patched over. Obviously neither group
wished to undermine the power of its own report by creating an opportunity for such
charges to be made against it. But this was not the only worry: there was also the distinct
possibility that charges of partisanship would contaminate not only the reports, but the
various organizations within the Public Administration community, such as the Clearing
House, the SSRC committee, and the IGR. It may have been this broader problem that
Louis Brownlow had in mind when he warned that "the reputation of government
research ... for scientific impartiality" was at stake. A similar worry undoubtedly
motivated the staff of the Rockefeller Foundation, even though they had no direct interest
in either GAO study: if any of the organizations which they funded became recognized as
"political" actors, then old complaints about the philanthropies own engagement in
political work might again be raised, and the ability of the philanthropies to support
expansion of the Public Administration community might be compromised.
Of course, the character of the mediation undertaken between January and March
of 1937 was also influenced by the need to maintain a demonstration of neutrality. In
hindsight, we can see that the disagreement over the GAO was profoundly political:
differences of opinion about the need for reform were rooted in differences of opinion
about the importance of the New Deal and the willingness of Congress to change the
Budget and Accounting Act. What is peculiar about the conversation between the
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Brownlow Committee and Brookings, however, is that these sorts of considerations went
entirely unmentioned. Instead, the two groups attempted to reach consensus by appeal to
efficiency, or scientific principle, or professional consensus. To be consistent in
maintaining an appearance of neutrality, both sides had to limit themselves to these sorts
of arguments, even if it might have impaired their ability to attend to the real differences
between the two groups.
Once the attempt at mediation failed, it was perhaps inevitable that one side
would seek to undermine confidence in the competence or impartiality of the other side's
report. The alternative was to tolerate two contradictory reports, ostensibly derived from
the same set of generally-accepted scientific principles. Skeptical audiences might
wonder whether there were, indeed, such principles, and whether Public Administration
was, as the experts claimed, a purely technical field of study. The Public Administration
community's standing in debates over administrative reform was tenuous enough without
this sort of skepticism. The demonstration of neutrality had to be maintained; and thus it
became necessary to discredit groups or individuals who put forward views that
challenged orthodox opinion.
CONCLUSION
The Brownlow Committees proposals for administrative reform -- which
spanned many subjects other than reform of the GAO -- generated intense controversy on
Capitol Hill, and were finally rejected by the Senate in April, 1938 (See Polenberg,
1966). The Brookings report may have contributed to the controversy: Harvey
Mansfield, a researcher for the Brownlow Committee, later argued that it "furnished
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ammunition" to the Presidents opponents (1970: 473). Peri Arnold has recently
observed that
The Brownlow Committee's best defense for its recommendations lay in
their connection to principles of good administration. However, where the
Brookings Institution disagreed with the committee's recommendations,
the appearance of a theoretical conception of good administration
vanished. Thus it became easy to portray the Brownlow recommendations
as arbitrary preferences, dependent on one's view of executive power for
their legitimacy rather than on administrative theory (1986: 111).
However, there were many other reasons why Congress balked at the Brownlow
recommendations, and it would be misleading to put too much weight on Brookings
responsibility for the defeat (See Polenberg, 1966).
The bad will that had built up between the Brownlow group and the Brookings
Institution did not dissipate quickly. The embers were stirred up again in June, 1938,
when Lindsay Rogers -- a Columbia University political scientist who was also a
researcher for the Brownlow Committee -- published a review of the legislative battle in
the Political Science Quarterly. Rogers repeated the charge that Brookings had
"recanted" from the position which it had taken in earlier reports, and asked:
Did the recantation take place early or late -- before or after it was known
that the Presidents experts wanted to do something about the Comptroller
General? ... What the psychologists call competitive habits may not work
on experts and lead one group unconsciously to challenge the opinions of
another group, but two later reports by the Brookings Institution traversed
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the Presidents Committees recommendations on the independent
regulatory commissions and civil service administration. The Presidents
Committee, with its members closely adhering to previously expressed
opinions, made recommendations that the Chief Executive approved. The
Brookings Institution made recommendations that Senator Byrd approved
... A similar clash of expert opinion [might be avoided] the next time the
President orders an inquiry ... if, after their appointment, the Presidential
and Congressional experts swapped employers before they began their
work ... (1938a: 167).
Although Rogers comment was as much a critique of the claims to impartiality of the
Brownlow Committee as of Brookings, Moulton again took umbrage, and in private
correspondence complained to Rogers about his "smart crack ... intended to convey the
impression that the differences [between Brookings and Brownlow] are not of an
intellectual character" (Moulton 1938a; 1938b). Rogers replied:
There was no intent to "convey the impression that the differences are not
of an intellectual character." Would you say, to take an extreme
illustration, that when opposing counsel in a law suit work on the same
materials and come to diametrically opposed points of view their
differences are not of an intellectual character? (1938b)
Rogers example was extreme: in fact it might be argued that the Public
Administration community had spent much of the last decade attempting to persuade the
public that they were not like lawyers at all. That is what the demonstration of neutrality
had been intended to do -- to show a broad audience that such specialists were not
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attempting to manipulate opinion to their advantage, or advance the interests of one group
over another, or give only a partial view of the arguments for or against a particular
decision. The demonstration of neutrality was essential to the growth of the field of the
Public Administration, but it imposed a price: it denied them the liberty to act or think as
lawyers did. In other words, the behaviour of specialists in Public Administration was
constrained by the need to maintain the demonstration of neutrality. The Brookings-
Brownlow debate provides an illustration of this. A disagreement about financial
administration became intensely problematic because it threatened to undermine a
carefully-crafted show of detachment from the realm of "politics"; and in an effort to
maintain that show, the constituents of the Public Administration community went to
great lengths to eliminate the disagreement.
NOTES
1. The fullest account of the legislative struggle is provided by Richard Polenberg
(1966). Other, briefer recountings of the struggle may be found in numerous histories of
the Roosevelt administration, as well in recollections by members of the Brownlow
Committee's research staff, such as those by Herbert Emmerich (1950) and Harvey
Mansfield (1970), and also in some contemporary journal articles, such as those by
Lindsay Rogers (1939) -- who also a member of the Committee's research staff -- and
J.M. Ray (1939). Extensive studies of the Brownlow Committee's work have also been
made by Barry Dean Karl (1966) and Peri Arnold (1986), but these has focussed
primarily on the intellectual history of the ideas embodied in the Committee's final report.
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2. The earlier accounts are provided by Barry Dean Karl (1963: 251-56), Richard
Polenberg (1966: 35-41), Donald Critchlow (1985: 129-34), and Peri Arnold (1986: 110-
114). The Karl, Polenberg, and Arnold accounts draw primarily on archival material
from the Brownlow Committee and the Roosevelt administration, while Critchlow's
draws primarily on archival material from the Brookings Institution. This paper draws
more extensively from both sources, and adds previously unused material from the
Rockefeller Foundation Archives. It stresses more heavily that all of the parties to this
fight were preoccupied with larger concerns about the status of the nascent community of
"specialists in public administration."
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