The ANOVAs looking at gender, ethnicity and grade effects ... · Web viewThese findings, along with other studies finding associations between children’s learning behavior in

Learning-Related Behaviors and Literacy Achievement in Elementary

School-Aged Children

Deborah Stipek and Stephen Newton,

School of Education, Stanford University.

Amita Chudgar

College of Education, Michigan State University.

In press, Early Childhood Research Quarterlyhttp://www.elsevier.com/wps/find/journaldescription.cws_home/620184/description Stanford University makes this peer-reviewed final draft available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License. The published version will be available from the publisher, subscribing libraries, and the author.

http://www.elsevier.com/wps/find/journaldescription.cws_home/620184/description

Running head: LEARNING-RELATED BEHAVIORS

Abstract

This longitudinal study investigated associations between children’s learning-related behaviors

and literacy achievement in an ethnically diverse sample of low-income children throughout

elementary school. Children’s literacy and learning-related behavior (e.g., working

independently, seeking challenges) were assessed when they were in kindergarten or first grade

and again in the third and fifth grades. The results showed fair consistency over time in both

learning-related behaviors and literacy skills. Learning-related behaviors in one grade predicted

literacy achievement in the subsequent grade in which it was assessed, but literacy skills did not

predict subsequent learning-related behaviors.

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Learning-Related Behaviors and Literacy Achievement in Elementary School-Aged

Children

In this era of accountability, educators are being asked to increase students’ academic

achievement and to reduce the socioeconomic and racial achievement gap. The federal No Child

Left Behind law does not require student testing until third grade, but teachers in the early

elementary grades are being pressured to emphasize the literacy and math skills that will

ultimately be tested (Miller & Almon, 2009). Because the achievement gap exists when children

enter school (Stipek & Ryan, 1997), districts and states are also broadening access to preschool

as a strategy for improving children’s academic success in school (Barnett, Epstein, Friedman,

Stevenson Boyd, & Hustedt, 2008).

Evidence for the benefits of preschool education is strong now (see reviews by Barnett,

1995; Farran, 2000), but controversy continues about which dimensions of children’s

development should be emphasized. While policy makers focus on academic achievement, early

childhood educators complain, along with some early elementary school grade teachers, that

skills and behaviors on other dimensions are also important, both in their own right and because

they contribute to academic success (Stipek, 2006a, 2006b).

Empirical evidence on the behaviors in early childhood that contribute to learning can be

used to guide decisions about which dimensions of children’s development deserve special

attention in efforts to improve achievement. The current study examines learning-related

behaviors, such as working independently, seeking challenges, and accepting responsibility—

what teachers and parents might refer to as good work habits.

The learning-related behaviors examined in this study are connected to a large array of

behaviors and cognitive processing skills under the rubric of self-regulation. There has been a

proliferation of constructs and measures related to self regulation in recent years, in part because

of evidence connecting various aspects of self-regulation to academic performance. The

constructs and measures can be categorized, admittedly somewhat arbitrarily, into three large

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groups. The first is emotional self-regulation (e.g., Cole, Martin, & Dennis, 2004), sometimes

referred to as “hot,” affectively mediated, self-regulation skills. The second is cognitive

processing skills, sometimes referred to as “cold” cognitively mediated self-regulation skills

(Ponitz et al., 2008), such as meta-cognition (Brown, 1987), executive functions (e.g., Posner &

Rothbart, 2007), and effortful and inhibitory control (Blair, 2003; Happaney, Zelazo, & Stuss,

2004; McClelland et al., 2007). The third is classroom behavior, such as sitting still, working

independently, and listening to the teacher (McClelland, Morrison, & Holmes, 2000). These

behaviors are sometimes combined in studies with items assessing academic social skills or

social responsibility, such as cooperation and conformity to rules(e.g., McClelland & Morrison,

2003; Wentzel, 1991).

While conceptual distinctions can be made, these various aspects of self-regulation are no

doubt interconnected. For example, presumably cognitive processing skills, which are typically

assessed in laboratory settings, contribute to behaviors children manifest in the classroom, such

as paying attention and completing tasks without becoming distracted. Few studies have

examined the association between performance on laboratory tasks and classroom behavior

directly. One exception is a recent study by Ponitz et al. (2008), which found significant

associations between young children’s (age 3 to 6 years) performance on the “Touch your Toes!”

task (presumed to tap attention and working memory) and teachers’ ratings of classroom

behavior (e.g., complying with adult directions, observing rules, and completing tasks).

Although the interconnections among the self-regulation constructs are not well known,

evidence suggests that some of the various measures of self-regulation are associated with

academic achievement (Blair, 2002; Bull & Scerif, 2001; McClelland et al., 2006; McClelland et

al., 2007; Matthews, Ponitz, & Morrison, 2009; National Institute of Child Health & Human

Development [NICHD] Early Child Care Research Network, 2003). We chose to study

behaviors that can be directly observed in classrooms and that have ecological validity for

teachers. We wanted to assess behaviors that teachers believe are important (Foulks & Morrow,

1989; Lewit & Baker, 1995) and often lacking (Rimm-Kaufman, Pianta, & Cox, 2000), and that

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might be amenable to improvement by teacher interventions in the regular classroom context.

Classroom behavior was also selected because the study spans the elementary school years, and

most laboratory measures are only appropriate for children in preschool and the early elementary

grades. We focused on literacy achievement as the measure of academic success because it is

critical to learning in all subject areas and it is a primary focus in the early grades of school.

Although a number of studies have shown that learning-related behavior predicts

academic achievement, the direction of causality has not been tested directly. It is possible that

the causal direction is in the opposite direction, with achievement influencing learning-related

behavior, or more likely, the relationship is reciprocal. There is consistent evidence in the

motivation literature that success and the ensuing feelings of pride and self-confidence promote

greater motivation and effort to learn (Mac Iver, Stipek, & Daniels, 1991; see Stipek, 2002, for a

review). Also, children who perform relatively well academically are presumably reinforced with

high grades and social approval for learning-related behaviors, such as seeking challenge and

working independently, and these behaviors may increase as a consequence. In brief, academic

success may reinforce good behaviors, which in turn produce further academic success.

Academic success and the accompanying reinforcing behaviors of teachers toward students who

perform well might also foster better relationships between students and their teachers, and thus

a desire to please their teacher by behaving in ways that conform to expectations.

If high academic achievement reinforces and enhances productive learning-related

behaviors, we would expect academic achievement in one grade to predict learning-related

behavior at a later grade with previous learning-related behavior held constant. If the causal

relationship is reciprocal, predictions should be significant in both directions, with learning-

related behavior predicting later achievement, and achievement predicting later learning-related

behavior.

The current study is longitudinal, with children entering the study in kindergarten or first

grade, and then being reassessed in third- and again in fifth grade. Mostly minority children, all

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from low-income families, are included in the study because these children are most at risk of

school failure (Lee, 2002; Lee & Burkam, 2002)

The three time points allowed us to assess the possibility that the direction of the

relationship between learning-related behavior and literacy skills is different for early and later

grades, another issue that has not been previously addressed. Consistent with previous findings

we expected children who exhibited good learning-related behaviors at the beginning of

elementary school to learn more and thus achieve literacy skills at a faster rate than children who

began school with poor learning-related behaviors. By third grade children have had many

opportunities for good academic behavior to be reinforced by teachers. We reasoned, therefore,

that the direction of the relationship between learning-related behavior and literacy skills may

change, or at least become more reciprocal in the later grades. The association was therefore

examined separately for children as they moved from kindergarten or first grade to 3rd grade and

from 3rd grade to 5th grade. Direct comparisons of the associations between learning-related

behavior and achievement at different grades have not been made in previous studies.

Next we discuss previous findings on associations between academic achievement and

classroom behaviors that are similar to what we refer to as learning-related behavior.

Associations between Learning-Related Behaviors and Academic Achievement

Several studies have found significant contemporaneous associations between young

children’s learning-related behavior and academic performance. Normandeau and Guay (1998)

reported that first-graders’ “cognitive self-control” (the ability to plan, evaluate and regulate

problem-solving activities, attend to tasks, persist, and resist distraction) was associated with

their academic achievement, net of their intellectual skills assessed in kindergarten. Howse,

Lange, Farran, and Boyles (2003) found that teachers’ ratings of kindergarteners’ (but not second

graders’) motivation (e.g., “is a self-starter;” “likes to do challenging work”) predicted

concurrent reading achievement with receptive vocabulary (but not previous reading

achievement) held constant. And Ladd, Kochenderfer, and Coleman (1996) found that teachers’

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ratings of children’s engagement and independence (e.g., “seeks challenges,” “works

independently”) predicted their academic progress and performance in kindergarten.

In a longitudinal study of children from kindergarten through second grade conducted by

McClelland et al. (2000), teachers’ ratings of kindergarten children’s work-related skills

(compliance with work instructions, memory for instructions, and completion of games and

activities) were significantly associated with children’s academic performance in kindergarten,

controlling for IQ. Work-related skills in kindergarten also predicted academic performance at

the end of second grade, with kindergarten academic scores controlled. In a more recent study,

McClelland et al. (2006) found that learning-related behavior in kindergarten predicted reading

and mathematics scores in sixth grade and growth in reading and math between kindergarten and

second grade, but not between second and sixth grade. The measure they used was very broad,

including social interaction and participation in play activities as well as task behavior (e.g.,

working independently and organizing work products). Matthews et al. (2009) report that

classroom self-regulation (e.g., completes tasks successfully) in the fall of kindergarten predicted

growth in math skills over the academic year. Green and Francis (1988) found that learning style

(e.g., settles down well at an activity that needs concentration, willing to try on his/her own,

copes with something new without getting nervous or upset) in 5- and 6-year-olds predicted

reading scores four years later, when children were 9 and 10 years old. The study did not,

however, hold constant previous reading scores.

Social-class, Race, and Gender Difference in Learning-Related Behavior

Only a few studies report group differences in learning-related behaviors. The

McClelland et al. (2000) study assessed associations at the beginning of kindergarten between

work-related skills and a variety of child and family variables. They found that children rated

low on work-related behaviors were more likely than children with medium or high ratings to be

Black and to have parents with relatively low education and occupational status. Connell and

Prinz (2002) similarly reported that ethnic minority children had lower behavior regulation, but

the effects disappeared when social class was controlled. McClelland et al. (2006) similarly

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found that kindergarten children rated low on learning-related skills had relatively poorly

educated mothers. Analyses of the nationally representative Early Childhood Longitudinal Study

(ECLS) likewise revealed that kindergarten children from families with multiple risks (parents

who have not completed high school, low-income or welfare-dependent, single-parents, speak a

language other than English) were less likely to be rated as eager to learn and attentive than

children from families with one or no risks (National Center for Education Statistics, 2001). In

their study of children in kindergarten through second grade, Howse et al. (2003) did not find a

significant difference in teachers’ ratings of at-risk (low-income) and middle-class children’s

motivation (e.g., self-initiation, preference for challenge). But the at-risk and not-at-risk children

came from different schools, and teachers may have used different standards to rate children.

Given the limited range of family income (and concomitantly parent education) of

children in the present study, we expected income effects to be modest. But previous studies

suggest that children who are in the most impoverished circumstances have more negative

outcomes than children who are also living below the federal poverty line but relatively better off

(Dearing, Taylor, & McCartney, 2006; McLeod & Shanahan, 1996). If income effects were

found, we expected the children from the lowest-income families in our low-income sample to

be rated lower on learning-related behavior.

Several studies have reported gender differences in children’s task-related behavior.

Ponitz et al. (2008) report that 3-6-year-old girls performed better on their laboratory task

assessing behavioral self-regulation than boys. Matthews et al.(2009) report a gender difference

favoring girls for both teacher ratings and a direct measure of self-regulation. Keogh (1994)

studied 360 children who were in four different school placements--general elementary school,

general preschool, special education elementary school, and special education preschool.

Teachers rated girls higher than boys on a measure of task orientation (“school-appropriate

behaviors”), which included items such as: able to begin and complete classroom tasks, alert and

attentive to classroom proceedings, completes work on time, eager, enthusiastic, enjoys school

work, follows directions, and willingly participates in classroom activities. Girls were also rated

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as more eager to learn, attentive in class, and persistent in completing tasks by kindergarten

teachers in the ECLS study (National Center for Education Statistics, 2001), as having better

work-related skills in the McClelland et al. (2000) study, and as more self-directed in a study by

Birch and Ladd (1997). Fantuzzo, Bulotsky-Shearer, Fusco, and McWayne (2005) did not find

gender differences in ratings of Head Start children’s willingness to take on and complete tasks,

but this study was done at the preschool level, when expectations for task completion might have

been less clear. If gender differences in learning-related behavior were found in the present

study, we expected them to favor girls.

Summary

There is a fair amount of evidence demonstrating that learning-related behaviors are

associated with contemporaneous academic achievement, and some evidence that these

behaviors in the early grades of school predict later academic achievement. Although most

researchers assume that children’s behaviors cause academic achievement, the opposite and

reciprocal causal directions have not been assessed.

To examine the directionality of the association between learning-related behavior and

achievement in the current study we assessed the degree to which learning-related behavior

predicted literacy achievement in a later grade, controlling for previous literacy achievement, and

the degree to which literacy achievement predicted later learning-related behavior, controlling

for previous learning-related behavior. Because we had assessed children on both variables at

three points in time, we were able to assess the nature of the associations within two separate

time spans.

In the few studies that have reported gender or social class differences in learning-related

behavior, boys and children from economically disadvantaged or high-risk homes were rated

relatively low in work-related skills. We accordingly predicted relatively low learning-related

behavior ratings for boys and the most disadvantaged children.

Method

Sample

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Overview. The data used in this study are from a longitudinal, multi-state effort to track

development in low-income children through elementary school. The children included in the

present study had been enrolled in a previous study of low-income children; their selection in the

original study was based only on having incomes (based on needs/income ratio) below the

federally established poverty line. All of the children in the original study who could be found

and whose parents consented were included in the present study, which followed children from

kindergarten or first grade through the fifth grade. Some of the children had already completed

kindergarten when the present study began in 1996, and thus could not begin their participation

until the first grade. Kindergarteners and first graders were combined for analyses. The children

who entered the study at either kindergarten or first grade were re-assessed in third-grade and

again in the fifth grade. Those who began the study in kindergarten versus first grade did not

differ in terms of gender, race, or family income and their learning-related behavior scores did

not differ throughout the duration of the study.

Children. Altogether there were 379 children in the study. Of the 267 children who

entered the study in kindergarten, 136 were girls and 130 were boys and one did not have gender

recorded. Of the 112 children who began the study in first grade, there were 48 girls and 63 boys,

and one did not have gender recorded. The mean age of the children in kindergarten was 6 years

and 1 month; in first grade it was 6 years and 9 months. The children lived in rural and urban

communities in three states, two in the northeast and one on the west coast.

The sample was ethnically diverse. The children included in these analyses were 36.5%

Caucasian, 34.7% African-American, 23.6% Latino, 1.5% of mixed ethnic backgrounds, and

0.5% other ethnicity, and 3.2% missing this information. At the beginning of the study, 75% of

the Latino children were given all assessments in Spanish; they were either rated by their

teachers as having no or very little fluency or as having modest fluency (difficulty making

themselves understood in English), or the child expressed a preference for being assessed in

Spanish. By fifth grade all of the children preferred being assessed in English and their teachers

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rated them as fluent or fairly fluent (has only occasional problems either with grammar,

vocabulary, or pronunciation).

All of the children came from families who met federal poverty guidelines, based on

income and household size. At the beginning of this study 76% of the families had annual

incomes below $15,000 and about half were receiving federal assistance (AFDC). The

distribution of income did not change much, increasing only $3,604 per year, on average. Parent

education was low; 50.6% of mothers had not completed high school; 33% had completed high

school, 14.5% completed some college, and 1.2% had bachelors or graduate degrees. Children’s

receptive vocabulary skills (which are strongly associated with other measures of cognitive

skills) were relatively low on average; 60-month standardized PPVT (Peabody Picture

Vocabulary Test) scores averaged 86.02 (SD = 14.21).

Overall, attrition in the study was modest (less than 19% over a period of six years).

Analyses comparing children who were lost to those who were still in the sample at 5th grade

revealed no significant differences in family income, gender, or cognitive skills (measured at 60

months, before the present study began). A chi square analysis of ethnic differences in attrition

rates was, however, significant, X2(4) = 18.62, p ≤ .001. A higher proportion of Latino children

were lost than either African American or Caucasian children.

Teachers and schools. Teachers and schools were invited to participate because they had

a study child enrolled. In kindergarten and 1st grade the children were distributed across 58

schools and 48 school districts. By 5th grade children were distributed across 101 schools. The

modal number of study children in a classroom was 1. The number of teachers involved was as

follows: kindergarten, 71; 1st grade, 107; 3rd grade, 127; 5th grade, 135. Across grades, nearly all

teachers held Bachelor’s Degrees and about half held Master’s Degrees. There was a huge range

in teacher experience from novice teachers to teachers near retirement.

Most children in the study attended public schools that served a relatively high proportion

of low-income children. Averaging over the 5-year period of data collection between 1996 and

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2001, 74% of schools had 50% or more students eligible for free or reduced lunch (higher than

the national average, which was about one-third).

Procedures

Principals of schools that were attended by a child who had parent approval to participate

in the study were sent a letter, explaining the purpose of the longitudinal study and our desire to

include the child. Only two principals refused or were not possible to reach. District approval

processes were followed when required. When district and principal approval was achieved,

teachers were contacted by letter and a follow-up phone call. Informed consent was received by

all participating teachers and child assent by all participating children.

Data were collected each year in the spring, at the end of kindergarten or 1st grade and

again in 3rd and 5th grades. Informed parental consent was obtained for all participating children.

Of the children assessed in the 3rd - and 5th grade, 23 had been retained in kindergarten, 1st or 2nd

grade, and 5 more were retained in 3rd or 4th grade. For these children, there was an additional

year between the first and second or second and third set of assessments. Literacy achievement

was assessed individually at the child’s school by a trained experimenter. The number of

experimenters varied from 27 in kindergarten and 1st grade to 16 in 5th grade. Experimenters had

one full day of training before a trainer observed them assessing a child. Before being certified

by the lead trainer, experimenters had to satisfy high standards for interacting in a supportive

way with children and following protocols. They were observed intermittently following

certification to ensure consistent effectiveness and appropriately supportive interactions with

young children.

Teachers completed a questionnaire about each study child in their classroom, which

included ratings of children’s learning-related behavior. Questionnaires were mailed or given to

teachers and returned by mail. Information on family income was obtained in an interview with a

parent, usually the mother, conducted in homes or over the telephone by a trained interviewer

and in the native language of the parent (English or Spanish).

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Measures

Learning-related behavior. Four items (e.g., works independently, seeks challenges,

accepts responsibility for a given task, tuned in to what’s going on in the classroom) from the

Teacher Rating Scale of School Adjustment (TRSSA; Birch & Ladd, 1997; Ladd, Birch, & Buhs,

1999; Ladd, Kochenderfer, & Coleman, 1997) were used as a measure of learning-related

behavior. All items have a 3-point response scale (doesn’t apply, applies sometimes, and

certainly applies). Previous research using the TRSSA scales show high reliabilities for children

the same age as in this study as well as associations with child outcomes, such as feelings about

school and academic achievement (Ladd et al., 1997). In Ladd et al. (1999), the TRSSA scores

mediated the relationship between cognitive maturity and academic achievement and between

the quality of teacher-child relationships and achievement. Ladd et al., (1997) report that scores

on the TRSSA were positively associated with children’s social skills and relationships, and their

own reports of how much they liked school; they were negatively associated with children’s

desire to avoid school. In this previous study, for boys but not girls, TRSSA scores were

negatively correlated with children’s reports of having conflict with peers. Although the original

scale includes additional items, the alphas in previous studies were so high that additional items

were somewhat redundant. We limited the scale to four items to reduce the burden on teachers.

Reliabilities (alpha) for the four items used in the present study were high, .87, .85, .87 and .85,

for kindergarten, 1st-, 3rd- and 5th grades, respectively. The mean of the ratings were used in

analyses. The significant correlations across years, shown in Table 1, provide some evidence

from the current study of the validity of the measure, given that different teachers were rating

children in entirely different classroom contexts.

Literacy achievement. Two subtests of the Woodcock-Johnson psycho-educational

battery-revised (Woodcock & Johnson, 1990) were used for the 3rd- and 5th graders: the letter-

word reading and the passage comprehension. The first test asks children to decode single words.

In the second, children read a passage and fill in a missing word. The Woodcock-Johnson letter-

word identification subscale was used more as a model for the kindergarten and 1st-graders.

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(Pilot testing revealed very little variation on the letters part of the test, and a floor effect on the

words.) Instead of asking children to identify only the 9 letters in the Woodcock Johnson, they

were shown all 26 letters of the alphabet. Kindergarten and 1st-grade children were also given a

larger number of simple (2 - 4 letters) words to identify than are provided in the Woodcock

Johnson test. All subscale scores were converted to standardized scores and then combined

within each grade to create an overall mean literacy achievement score. Alphas for the literacy

scores at each grade were as follows: kindergarten, .82; 1st-grade, .82; 3rd-grade, .81; 5th-

grade, .74.

Family income. The parent interviewed (usually the mother) was asked about the total

family income for the previous year coming from any source (including from jobs, business,

farm, rent, dividends, alimony, child support, welfare, social security payments and

unemployment insurance). Respondents were given 10 ranges (e.g., less than $3,000, $3,001-

6,000, etc.) from less than $3,000 to over $50,000, and asked in which range their income fell.

Because most parents answered the question multiple years, responses were averaged. The 10

ranges were then collapsed into three for analyses ($9,000 or less; $9,001-20,000; and more than

$20,000). Note that in this sample, the highest income group is relatively low compared to the

general population.

Results

The primary research question concerned the direction of effects between learning-related

behavior and literacy skills. Does learning-related behavior promote better literacy learning or

does relatively good mastery of literacy skills, and the presumed concomitant rewards for good

behavior, promote more learning-related behavior, or is the relationship reciprocal?

Data Imputation

As is common in longitudinal datasets, subjects often were missing one or more values.

We explored these cases with missing values to determine whether the data were missing at

random or whether there were systematic differences between students missing data as compared

with those who were not. We conducted independent sample t-tests comparing students missing

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data with those who were not missing data for each grade level (K-1, 3, 5) and key measure

(literacy, learning-related behavior) to determine whether the groups differed on the other key

measures. For example, we compared students who had literacy scores in grade 3 with those who

were missing them on the five remaining measures of learning-related behavior and literacy. We

ran these comparisons for the sample overall and also, separately by ethnicity (African

American, Latino, White), resulting in a total of 120 comparisons (30 tests x four groups). Of

these 120 comparisons, only one was significant at the p < .05 level, which would be expected by

chance. We concluded that the data were missing at random and therefore it was appropriate to

replace the missing data using multiple imputation.

We replaced missing values using the “ice” multiple imputation procedure in Stata to

create five datasets. Multiple imputation, when used in appropriate contexts, is considered a

superior method for dealing with missing values as compared with traditional approaches such as

mean substitution, case-wise deletion, and even more recent approaches such as single

imputation (Acock, 2005). The final sample with imputation was 379.

Regression Analyses

To assess evidence for the causal order of learning-related behavior and literacy skills we

adopted a strategy similar to that developed by Marsh (1990; Marsh, Byrne & Yeung, 1999).

Whereas they used structural equation modeling, we ran four regression analyses to predict

literacy and learning-related behavior in grade 3 and in grade 5, with literacy and learning-

related behavior in prior years as predictors. This approach allowed us to examine evidence for

causal ordering separately for the earlier and the later grades, as well as to replicate the findings

at two different grade intervals. We did not use a nested design for analyses because the modal

number of children in a classroom was one, and intraclass correlations across schools were all

below .10 and averaged .04.

In assessing the relationship between literacy and learning-related behavior, we held

constant the effects of gender, ethnicity, and household income in kindergarten by including

them in the model as predictors, giving us the following model:

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= + + + + +

where = Predicted outcome (literacy or learning-related behavior in Z-scores), = Intercept,

= slope coefficient for prior literacy, = prior score for literacy for student i, = slope

coefficient for prior learning-related behavior, = prior score for learning-related behavior for

student i, = coefficient for gender (female=1), = gender of student i, = coefficient for

ethnicity (African American, Latino), = ethnicity of student i, = coefficient for Kindergarten

household income, = household income for student i. Using the three categories of income

described earlier, we created dummy-coded variables for low income, medium income, and high

income, and in the regression model used low income as the reference group. For ethnicity,

African American and Latino were entered as predictors, with Caucasian as the reference group.

The multiple imputation procedure created five data sets, and because of this, standard errors

would be artificially low without modeling the effects of the imputation process. In order to

aggregate the results from these different imputations in an appropriate way, we used the

micombine procedure in Stata that implements the aggregation method recommended by Rubin

(1987). This procedure averages the parameter estimates for the separate regressions done for

each imputed data set and adjusts the standard errors by utilizing information on within-

imputation and between-imputation variation. In this way, it accounts for the variability across

imputations, increasing standard errors to the extent that results differ across the imputed data

sets. The aggregated results for the four regression analyses using this method are shown below

in Table 2, and graphically in Figure 1.

The regression results showed a similar pattern of relationships in the lower and upper

grades, K-1 to grade 3, and grade 3 to grade 5, although there were some differences in the

magnitude of the relationships. Our primary concern was with the coefficients represented by the

diagonal lines (between variables, over time), which is the extent to which literacy and learning-

related behavior predict each other in a later grade. Learning-related behavior at the prior grade

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was a very strong predictor of later literacy skills with prior literacy skills held constant for both

3rd and 5th grade. Literacy skills at the prior grade predicted learning-related behavior with

previous learning-related behavior held constant at 5th, but not as 3rd grade.

The stability coefficients for both literacy and learning-related behavior were statistically

significant and positive in all cases. The coefficients for learning-related behavior were very

similar in size (0.32 vs. 0.31), whereas for literacy the coefficient predicting grade 5 based on

grade 3 was much larger than the coefficient predicting grade 3 literacy from literacy in

Kindergarten-grade 1 (0.26 vs. 0.69). We conducted analyses to determine whether stability

patterns might be the result of collinearity between these variables and other predictors by

removing the other predictors from the model, and then predicting literacy and learning-related

each by the prior score on the same construct. We found essentially the same results and

therefore we ruled out collinearity as an explanation for the pattern of results for stability

coefficients.

Gender, Race, and Grade Effects

We also conducted a 2 x 3 x 3 repeated measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) on

learning-related behavior, with gender, race, and income as between-subject variables and grade

as a within-subject variable. (The 16 children who were not Latino, African American or

Caucasian were eliminated from this analysis.) The gender, F(1, 338) = 4.09, p < .001, and the

grade, F(16.82, 385), p < .01, main effects were significant. Girls (M = 2.45) were rated higher in

learning-related behavior than boys (M = 2.28), and children in K-1 (M = 2.34) were rated higher

than children in both 3rd (M = 2.15) and 5th (M = 2.13) grade. The gender by race interaction was

also significant, F( 2, 322 ) = 3.95, p < .05. Latino boys (M = 2.36) were rated higher than

African American (M = 2.15) and White (M = 2.11) boys (p < .05). The race differences were

not significant for girls. The race and income main effects, all other two-way interactions and the

three-way interaction were not significant. A second 2 x 3 x 3 repeated measures ANOVA on

literacy using the same predictors did not find any statistically significant differences.

Discussion

17


This study builds on prior research finding associations between self-regulation and

children’s learning (e.g., Blair, 2002; Bull & Scerif, 2001; Green & Francis, 1988; McClelland et

al., 2006; McClelland et al., 2007; National Institute of Child Health & Human Development

[NICHD] Early Child Care Research Network, 2003). The present study is different from most

previous studies because it focused exclusively on children living in poverty. It also goes beyond

previous studies by assessing evidence related to alternative causal directions. We assessed

evidence for the hypothesis that children who performed well in literacy, and were presumably

reinforced for their good behavior, would increasingly exhibit positive learning-related behavior,

as well as for the hypothesis that children who exhibited positive learning-related behaviors

develop more literacy skills. By analyzing changes from K-1 to 3rd grade separately from

changes from 3rd to 5th grade, we were able to examine age differences in the nature of the

relationship, as well as embed a replication in this study.

The evidence clearly and consistently supported the view that positive learning-related

behavior promotes literacy achievement. Learning-related behaviors in kindergarten and 1st grade

predicted literacy skills in 3rd grade, over and above the effects of kindergarten and 1st grade

literacy. The same was found for children moving from 3rd to 5th grade. The results cannot be

explained by the three possible confounds included as covariates: gender, ethnicity, and family

income.

There was also some modest support for the hypothesis that high achievement led to an

increase in positive learning behavior in the later grades in elementary school. Presumably by 3rd

grade, children with strong literacy skills have been reinforced with teacher praise, good grades,

and the like for relatively high performance in school. The reinforcement, in turn, may explain

the increase in the behaviors that preceded the good performance. This interpretation is

speculative because we do not have data on grades or other forms of reinforcement. If it is valid,

it suggests a kind of multiplicative effect of beginning school with strong learning-related

behaviors. Not only may the produce better reading skills directly, but the higher reading skills

lead to even stronger learning-related behaviors.

18








These findings, along with other studies finding associations between children’s learning

behavior in the early grades and their academic success in school (e.g., Green & Francis, 1988;

McClelland et al., 2000, 2006; Matthews et al., 2009), provide strong evidence for the

importance of learning-related behavior, and they suggest that we may be able to promote

literacy skills by helping children develop good work habits in preschool and elementary school.

Although the study does not provide information on how learning-related behaviors contributed

to the development of the wide range of literacy skills assessed, there are a number of possible

explanations for the effect. For example, children who pay attention, are responsible, and who

work independently, should be more likely to complete their work and generally to take good

advantage of opportunities to learn. Children who seek challenge are also more likely to have

opportunities to expand their skill levels.

The children in this study all came from very low income families, so it is not surprising

that learning-related behavior did not vary systematically among the income levels involved and

that income could not explain the effects of learning-related behavior on literacy skill

development. The findings do, however, suggest that learning-related behaviors are important for

low-income children.

Boys were rated somewhat lower than girls on our measure of learning-related behavior.

Few studies have assessed gender differences, but our findings are in the same direction as those,

reviewed above, which reported differences. Gender difference in such behaviors may partially

explain previous studies that have found girls to have closer and less conflictual relationships

with their teachers (e.g., Birch & Ladd, 1997). It is likely that teachers prefer students who

exhibit the learning-related behaviors assessed in the present study because they make students

easier and more enjoyable to teach (Keogh, 1994). Beginning school with these behaviors better

developed could give girls an advantage that increases with time. In addition to helping them

master the material they are taught, these behaviors may also lead to favored treatment and

positive relationships with teachers, making school generally a more pleasant and comfortable

place for girls.

19


We do not attempt to explain the higher learning-related behavior ratings given to the

kindergarten and 1st graders because it is likely that teachers’ interpretation of the items and their

expectations for age appropriate behavior varied by grade. The significant grade effect does not

necessarily mean that children’s learning-related behaviors declined after the first two grades of

school, although the gap between children’s behavior and teachers’ expectations may have

increased.

With regard to gender and ethnicity differences, we found one potentially important

significant difference. Latino boys were rated higher by teachers in learning-related behavior

than White and African-American boys. The differences may reflect cultural expectations and

norms. There is some evidence that responsibility and respect of teachers is stressed in Latino

homes (Goldenberg & Gallimore, 1995) and in a related study Latino children were rated higher

than Euro-American classmates on classroom social skills (e.g., participates well in a group;

O’Neil, Welsh, Parke, Wang, & Strand, 1997). It is possible that the Latino boys had been

socialized at home to take responsibility and to respect the demands the teacher made on them as

students.

The methods used have several limitations. First, the measure of learning-related

behavior was modest and focused on behaviors that can be observed in the classroom. Although

the four items seemed to be sufficient to capture meaningful variance in children’s behavior, a

more robust measure is advisable. We caution researchers, however, to maintain clarity in their

measures and avoid mixing constructs (e.g., attention, motivation) which may be correlated with

learning-related behaviors but are conceptually distinct. Although it is one of the few

standardized achievement measures available in both English and Spanish, the Woodcock

Johnson measure is also very limited, and an older version of the measure was used in this study

than the measure that is currently available. The findings are also limited to children from low-

income families who attend schools with a relatively high concentration of low-income children.

The findings are, therefore, not necessarily generalizable to more middle-class samples or school

contexts.

20


Research on self-regulation is burgeoning, and would be helped by future studies that

include independent measures of the different components of self-regulated learning, analyze

associations among them, and assess differential predictions of achievement and other important

child outcomes. Studies using multiple measures of self-regulation would help identify which of

the cognitive, affective, and motivational variables considered part of self-regulation are most

directly connected to learning gains.

Practical Implications

Despite the limitations, the findings of this study suggest the importance of efforts to help

young children develop positive classroom behaviors in preschool and the early grades of

elementary school. We do not have systematic evidence on how to promote behaviors such as

independence, responsibility, and challenge-seeking in young children. But programs designed to

promote self-regulation skills are being developed. Tools of the Mind, for example, trains

teachers to implement exercises that are designed to help children develop strategies for

controlling their own behavior (e.g., telling themselves out loud what they should do), and

enhancing their memory and attention. A study involving random assignment of both teachers

and children demonstrated the value of the program on a measure of executive function

(Diamond, Barnett, Thomas, & Munro, 2007), which most likely underlies the kinds of learning-

related behavior examined in the present study.

Bedrova and Leong (2006) summarize strategies teachers have been encouraged to use to

support the development of self-regulation, including using props (e.g., pictures that remind

children what they are supposed to be doing, such as an ear to remind them to listen), and

analyzing and redesigning activity settings that might undermine self-regulation, such as circle

time that is too long or choice times that provide too few or too many options. They also suggest

that teachers introduce interventions slowly, withdrawing their own involvement to give students

increasing amounts of autonomy.

Our own observations of classrooms suggest additional classroom qualities that might

promote learning-related behavior. First, children are more likely to develop independence and a

21


sense of responsibility in classrooms in which they are given some discretion but held

accountable for their work than in classrooms in which children are told what to do and how and

when to do it all day long, or who are given discretion but not held accountable. Likewise, we

expect children to seek challenges in classrooms in which they have options, are encouraged to

attempt more difficult tasks, and where there are no negative consequences for failure. In

classroom contexts in which children risk peer ridicule or teacher irritation when they have

difficulty with a task, or in which only successful outcomes are rewarded (e.g., by teacher praise,

good grades or having papers displayed on the bulletin board), we would expect children to

select tasks that they are confident they can complete successfully and to be concerned and

dependent on the teacher to make sure they are doing what the teacher has in mind.

We have observed preschool and kindergarten classrooms that are organized to promote

independence and responsibility. Materials are directly accessible to children, and they are

expected to return materials to their places. Tasks (e.g., at centers) are clearly defined and can be

done with minimal teacher assistance. Children are taught directly how to use classroom

resources (e.g., letters on the walls, information on the board, computers) and each other to solve

problems and complete tasks. Teachers hold children accountable for their learning by regularly

reviewing work and giving feedback and by interacting with children while they are working on

tasks to assess understanding and make suggestions.

Preschool is not too soon to invest in children’s learning related behavior. This study, like

many others, found that literacy skills at the beginning of school predicted literacy skills at 5th

grade. Other studies have shown predictions from school entry to high school (see Stipek, 2001,

for a review). Indeed, the authors of one meta-analysis estimated that about half of the total

black-white math and reading gap at the end of high school is explained by the gap between

blacks and whites at school entry (Phillips, Crouse, & Ralph, 1998). There are many reasons why

early behavior and academic skills might affect later achievement. Children who enter with

relatively productive behavior and good skills may be able to take better advantage of the

academic curriculum. Their behavior and skills also engender higher expectations in teachers,

22


which can lead to placement in higher ability groups and more challenging instruction (see

Stipek, 2001).

There are other reasons to promote independence, responsibility and challenge-seeking in

children. These behaviors will serve children well in and out of school and throughout their lives.

But even if academic achievement is the only concern, the results of this study suggest that

learning-related behaviors merit direct and proactive attention.

23


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Table 1

Correlation Matrix, Means, and Standard Deviations for Learning-Related Behavior and

Literacy Achievement

K-1st 3rd 5th

(N)1

L-R behavior

(272)

Literacy ach.

(347)

L-R behavior

(310)

Literacy ach.

(323)

L-R behavior

(320)

Literacy ach.

(285)

K-1

L-R behavior

Literacy ach. 0.34***

3rd

L-R behavior 0.36*** 0.15*

Literacy ach. 0.39*** 0.51** 0.27***

5th

L-R behavior 0.20*** 0.19** 0.34*** 0.19***

Literacy ach. 0.39*** 0.46** 0.34*** 0.71*** 0.18**

Mean 2.34 .08 2.15 -.05 2.14 -.06

SD .57 2.66 .53 1.68 .53 1.67

Range 1-3 -4.7-8.9 1-3 -4.9/6.1 1-3 -5.5-3.6

*p < .05; **p < .01; *** p < .001

Note: Means for literacy achievement are close to 0 because they are based on standardized

scores.

1N is before imputation

30


Table 2

Regression Coefficients (standard errors in parentheses)

Dependent Variable

Literacy Learning-Related Behavior_____________________________________________________

Predictor Grade 3 Grade 5 Grade 3 Grade 5 _____________________________________________________________________________

Prior Literacy .26*** (.04) .69*** (.02) .01 (.05) .03 (.01)

Prior L-R Behavior .80*** (.19) .41*** (.06) .32*** (.02) .31*** (.02)

Female .05 (.16) -.01 (.06) .10*** (.02) .13*** (.02)

African American -.20 (.19) -.50*** (.07) -.05 (.03) .04 (.03)

Latino -.61** (.23) -.03 (.07) .13*** (.03) .02 (.03)

Parent Income (med) -.03 (.19) -.01 (.06) -.03 (.03) .00 (.03)

Parent Income (high) -.01 (.25) -.05 (.08) .01 (.04) .04 (.04)

Constant -1.74*** (.51) -.69*** (.13) 1.35*** (.06) 1.38*** (.06)

** p < .01; *** p < .001

31


Figure Caption

Figure 1. Parameter estimates from regression analyses of Teacher Ratings of Learning-Related

Behavior, and Child’s Literacy Achievement in 1st, 3rd, and 5th Grades, holding constant ethnicity,

gender, and parent income

Grade K/1 Grade3 Grade 5

32

.69***

.32***

.26***

.41***

.03**.01

.80***

Literacy

Literacy

Literacy

L-R Behavior L-R Behavior L-R Behavior

.31***

Documents

The ANOVAs looking at gender, ethnicity and grade effects ... · Web viewThese findings, along with other studies finding associations between children’s learning behavior in