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8/3/2019 The Academy of Urbanism Glasgow Congress Report Final 2011
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Liveable Neighbourhoods:Renaissance, Regeneration andReconstruction.
The Academy of Urbanism Annual Congress VI11-13th May 2011, The Lighthouse, Glasgow, Scotland
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1. Introduction 1
2. The future is here! 5
Community 11
Psychology of place 19
Health and liveability 21
Making things happen in a recession 29
3. Conclusion: The future is now! 33
Bibliography, Appendices and Congress Programme 37
The theme of thisCongress, LiveableNeighbourhoods, formsan integral part of the
Academys ongoing workin promoting debate,exchange of good practice,stimulating research andcelebrating achievementat the level of the city,town, neighbourhood orcommunity/street.
Professor Kevin Murray,Chair of Academy of Urbanism,
opening Glasgow Congress.
Produced by Architecture and Design Scotland (A+DS) with the Academy of Urbanism. A+DS is Scotlands champion
for excellence in placemaking, architecture and planning.
The Academy of Urbanism is an autonomous, politically independent, cross-sector organisation formed to expand
urban discourse.
CONTENT
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i
The 6th Annual Congress of The Academy of Urbanism took place in Glasgow in
2011. The rst day provided an opportunity for orientation for the delegates. The
day commenced with introductory speeches from The Academy of Urbanism
Chair, Kevin Murray, Glasgow City Council Bailie Liz Cameron and Glasgow City
Council Head of Planning, and Academician, Alistair MacDonald. A series of city
tours followed, familiarising delegates with the stories of the city from the grid
iron street structure, to Glasgow Harbour and t he recently constructed Riverside
Museum by Zaha Hadid. Pollokshields, an Academy of Urbanism nominee for
Great Neighbourhood Award was explored, as were Crown Street in the new
Gorbals, and the Clyde Gateway Urban Regeneration area, which will be home
to the 2014 Commonwealth Games.
Day 1 concluded with an evening reception at The Peoples Palace at Glasgow
Green hosted by Clyde Gateway URC. The reception hosted a soft launch ofMassive Small by Academician Kelvin Campbell. Massive Small explores the
idea of new relationships with complexity as a basis for making better places.
The central thesis of the book is that simple rules and enabling mechanisms,
animated by the agency role of people, communities and decision makers
allow for adaptable, resilient and sociable urban structures to develop. This is
a challenge to move thinking about the shaping of the urban environment from
command and control to more open system thinking, emphasising the power
of agency.
Massive Small suggests that urban structures should be the product of a
constant dialogue between ve system elements: [a] simple rules; conditions or
actions which allow for solutions to emerge [b] networks; the sticky structures
that provide an overarching interconnected framework at all scales [c] elds;
scalable and intelligent elements, which in the system of urban form are the plot,
the lot and the block [d] defaults; choices or settings that apply in the absence
of active intervention and [e] catalysts; agent that stimulates or precipitates a
reaction, development, or change. The idea of the dialogue of elements is to
enable informed, emergent structures to form and prosper in response to a
constantly shifting set of contexts. Achieving these urban environments require a
new set of behaviours by t he actors involved in shaping the urban environment;
designers, decision makers, developers and citizens. The combination of an
open system approach to shaping the urban environment, and cultivating new
behaviours is, argues Massive Small, key to achieving better places for people
and impacts on the ground.
Day 2 of the Congress provided a mix of expert speakers, seminars and
keynote presentations on the broad themes of Regeneration, Renaissance and
Reconstruction. The morning set out the strategic context for planning and
placemaking at Glasgow scale by Gerry Gormal of Glasgow City Council and
Scotland scale by Jim McKinnon, Chief Planner with the Scottish Government.
Lord Andrew Mawson completed the morning session by discussing a social
entrepreneurs approach to working with people, the key assets of a place, to
achieve effective change on the ground.
The mid morning session focused on the sub-theme of Neighbourhood Stories.
This series of presentations and discussions was chaired by Professor Brian
Evans of the Mackintosh School of Architecture. Liz Davidson, Project Director
of the Merchant City Townscape Heritage Initiative, gave a lively illustrated talk
The Academy of Urbanism
Annual Congress VI11-13th May 2011, The Lighthouse, Glasgow, Scotland
ii
on the regeneration efforts of the Merchant City area. Carol Tannahill, Director of
The Glasgow Centre of Population and Health (GCPH), gave an informed lecture
on the ndings of the GoWell Study, linking health and mortality indicators to a
need for social reform led by urban regeneration. Ian Manson, Chief Executive
of Clyde Gateway Urban Regeneration Company explained the role of the URC
in driving transformation of the East End of Glasgow, to achieve regeneration with
communities and provide a setting for the 2014 Commonwealth Games. Arie
Voorburg discussed the nancing social renewal, speaking about the clear need
to be focused, and be aware of what levers to inuence to achieve change that
lasts.
The afternoon session took the form of a series of parallel workshops, working
along themes of Neighbourhoods as places of learning, work, living, and as part
of the wider city vision. These workshops built upon, extended and questionedthe themes introduced in the mornings talks. The workshops generated
a number of themes and ideas around new ways of doing things to make
neighbourhoods work better. These ranged from the use of prototypes to test
ideas and interventions to new models of measuring how neighbourhoods work.
Professor John Worthington of The Academy of Urbanism concluded this session
with a number of observations:
Centrality addressing the tensions between centralised thinking and local
action
Methodologies There was much discussion of an adversarial system of
working is deeply embedded in what we do. The challenge is to develop
methods to achieve outcomes more positively, faster.
Dependency change needs initiators. In some cases, lack of change is a
consequence of waiting for someone else to do it.
The workshops and subsequent discussions suggested to Professor Worthington
that, to achieve better places, we should develop a new approach, seeing places
and organisations, learning places. These places need pro-active individuals
and the responsible people who can do things as well as look at those who can
envision a future place. In this context, a learning place approach requires an
understanding of three things:
How the place provides a setting for things to happen: how do placesprovide a setting for learning for example? (place) provide as a setting for
learning?
What would the infrastructure of this setting need to provide?
How do we identify the opportunities, leads and deals in a place to make
thing happen constantly - a learning neighbourhood?
In the evening a Civic Reception, hosted by Glasgow City Council, and The
Congress Dinner was be held at the magnicently restored Old Fruitmarket,
during which The Finalists for The Urbanism Awards 2012 were announced. On
the Friday morning, a Post Congress Action Workshop took place building on our
UniverCities and City X-Rays programmes and launching our new initiative, Place
Partnering.
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1
1. Introduction
This paper has been written by A+DS with the Academy of Urbanism. The
purpose of the paper is to pull together the themes and discussions generated
at The Academy of Urbanism Glasgow Congress 2011. The aim of the paper is
to draw out some of the key issues for policy, research and practice from this
resource, to inform debate about how to build better places. In this context, the
paper reects broadly on the practice of urban change in terms of three related
ideas: urban renaissance, urban regeneration and urban reconstruction.
The structure of the paper is laid out in two parts:
The rst part, The Future is Here, provides a synthesis of the issues
presented at the Congress. In broad terms, this part of the paper considers
the practices of urban renaissance and urban regeneration. It considers how
the thinking around these ideas of urban change have generated the places
we live, work in and are challenged by today. This review is undertaken
by looking at each of the Congress themes individually and developing a
narrative based on the content generated at the Congress.
The second part, The Future is Now, pulls together some strands which
are intended to progress debate about how we approach the issue of urban
change holistically. In broad terms, this part of the paper starts to look at
the idea of re-construction, re-construction of the idea of how we guide and
manage urban change, re-construction of policy and practice. The purpose
of this section of the paper is to invite further debate about how we make
better places in our times addressing the challenges of today.
The Academy of Urbanism Congress VI in Glasgow commenced with strategic,
scene-setting presentations outlining the national, regional and local context,
followed by Case Studies from Glasgow, Beirut and The Netherlands. In the
afternoon, a variety of interactive workshops, explored the ways to achieve
continuous improvements through Understanding Place, Changing Perceptions
and Generating Action. In the evening a Civic Reception, hosted by GlasgowCity Council, and The Congress Dinner was be held at the magnicently restored
Old Fruitmarket, during which The Finalists for The Urbanism Awards 2012 were
announced. On the Friday morning, a Post Congress Action Workshop took
place building on our UniverCities and City X-Rays programmes and launching
our new initiative, Place Partnering.
The paper was developed by A+DS through a mix of methods. First, the paper
is s synthesis of the Congress programme, and the themes of the 2011 event,
namely: placemaking, the psychology of place, community, culture and identity,
health and liveability and making things happen in a recession. Second, the paper
includes consideration of the provocation papers presented at the break out
workshop sessions during the Congress, and the responses generated during the
workshops. (These papers are available separately). Finally, the paper includes
some reections on the themes emerging by Carol McKenzie, PhD, a researcher
in urban policy and member of staff at A+DS.
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The Host City: Glasgow
Glasgow, the host city of the Academy of Urbanisms 6th Annual Congress
was also the recipient of the 2011 European City of the Year award as voted
by Academicians in 2010. In recognition of Glasgow as host, the rst plenary
discussant, Gerry G, provided a contextual overview of Glasgows regeneration
and how it plans to develop its city vision for the future. The presentation
provided an insight into Glasgow City Councils past and present interventions
and its future aspirations in identifying and dening what it perceived made for a
successful city.
Anyone familiar with the Glasgow Story will no doubt recognise that the citys
economic trajectory during the previous 30 years from de-industrialisation to a
rst-class venue for retail and nancial services, chimes with many similar cities
in Western Europe grappling with the challenges of long-term economic and
urban restructuring. The city of Glasgow stands out as a beacon of successful
transformation in adapting to the challenges whilst harnessing the opportunities
presented by a mature industrial society set within a global context. Testament
of how the outside has in the past and now views Glasgows success at
transformation over this period can be found in the various narratives from
publications including travel guides and newspapers. Glasgow has transformed
itself from being,
The worst corner of Britain, (The Observer, 1980), to A fantastic world
class city, (Cond Nast, 2010) and more recently it has been described as,
Unpretentious, gregarious, and evolving at a dizzy pace, Glasgow denes urban
renewal - a concept that the city has embraced with enormous vigour. Once
synonymous with bleak poverty and grim desperation, Glasgow has managed to
turn things around to the point that it is now a byword for style and chic, (Lonely
Planet Guide, May 2011 edition).
Using the city as a laboratory for learning the Congress talks and workshops
were organised around three main parts
1) Glasgow City Narrative;2) Neighbourhood Stories and,
3) Learning From Place.
While this suggests a structure to the actual event, the dialogue reported here
is organised around a number of themes that have been identied from these
discussions. The report combines the intellectual insight of the author with the
dialogues and makes references to some of the literature on placemaking.
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Planning should be [...]
a collaborative effort
to maintain liveable
neighbourhoods, involving
debate about urban design
and not just the wording of
policy.Jim MacKinnon, Scotlands Chief Planner
Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction 5
2. The future is here!
Context
As economic transactions and activities have become more global in nature,
cities as competitive spaces have been the dominant paradigm in urban
economic discourses in recent years. Specically, the nature of competitive
cities is characterised by the economic imperative for diversication in order for
cities to compete for investment, populations and job creation. This imperative
has been and continues to be tempered by the subsequent fall and rise of the
command economies of the previous Communist countries and Socialist states,
the accession of states to the European Union and the challenge posed to the
dominance of OECD countries from the developing economies of the Global
South (China, Brazil for instance).
At the forefront of efforts in adapting to the historic and new economic
circumstances, urban renewal initiatives have been informed by the dominant
paradigm that a citys economic growth depends on its ability to stabilise its
economy in order to become competitive. As debate and research on cities
has shown however, to remain competitive, cities must compete to attract
investment and people through emphasising not only their locational advantages
(e.g. both spatial and t emporal proximity/connectivity to international markets;
time-zones and supply chains etc.) or their competitive advantage (e.g. natural/
human resources i.e. availability of a skilled labour supply) but also the quality
of the physical, environmental and urban infrastructural attributes of the city
in the context of these new economic realities. As economic restructuring is
a long-term process, gauging or measuring the success or otherwise of how
cities have responded and adapted to these new realities depends not only on
objective economic indicators (e.g. GDP) but, the extent to which interventions
have embraced inclusiveness and improved the social and economic conditions
of all their inhabitants. In other words, competitive cities must not only be socially
cohesive and just cities, but the spaces and places which dene their boundaries,
must also promote quality of life and well-being through the creation and
maintenance of liveable environments. A liveable neighbourhood is where people
want to live, work and leisure. Crucially, they must be socially sustainable.
Whatever the abstractions required to activate economic models, people live in
places. They are always somewhere in schools, in church, in neighbourhoods,
in the ofce, in the factory, at home. People without placespursuing and
achieving their own self-interestare in fact lost. They are homeless, jobless,
alone. Losers. (Wood, 1995, p139-141).
Street life in Glasgow.
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Placemaking
Land use, spatial development and infrastructure planning is important to
the task of creating liveable neighbourhoods as these incorporate a focus on
development whether this is land availability for housing and services or features
of the built environment such as buildings, roads and streets. In the Scottish
context, the National Planning Framework (NPF) represents a more efcient
and inclusive framework than has hitherto been the case in the previous sixtyyears. With much support from MSPs, the NPF2 was established in 2009. It
focuses much more on community engagement and an acknowledgement that
planning debates now need to focus on the planning and development system
outcomes planning should not be about process. From the perspective of
Scotlands Chief Planner, the issues of placemaking and design have too often
been neglected.
Despite this, Scotland has seen a somewhat renaissance of the importance of
our architecture, both historical and modern, as an asset to good placemaking
and how it serves to underpin the enjoyment of places through how people
experience place.
Were good at re-creating places, not creating t hem.
In the context of liveable neighbourhoods, a criticism of current perspectives
is that there has been too much emphasis placed on technological solutions
to the new challenges posed by climate change. This is often couched in
terms of how we plan for mitigating, adapting and being resilient to the effects
and challenges climate change poses for protecting t he natural (and built)
environment, economic growth and social equity (i.e. the triple bottom line
of sustainable development). Planning and architecture has held some of the
answers as demonstrated by Scotlands housing archetypes such as tenement
dwellings which are distinctive to Scotlands cities and towns. As housing is the
largest consumption of land, tenemental forms characterise some of Scotlandscities as compact city forms. Compact city forms are considered to be the
most sustainable urban form. High density development for instance, is often
selectively confused with high rise or urbanism and in the latter, confusing
this will pose a risk to how we want to progress. Is progress in the placemaking
agenda in Glasgow for instance, evident by our development of community-
based housing organisations such as Woodlands in the West, and, the Crown
Street regeneration programme in the Gorbals as well as the Merchant City
central area of the city?
Embedded in these neighbourhood redevelopments, their historic realms have
been retained, and are residential mixed-use developments and mixed housing
tenure. Combined with an emphasis on the importance of the public realm,
active frontages signal to and invite people that there is vitality on the street.
Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction 7
Rhythm and character of place has thus been created. The Merchant city area
of Glasgow is Glasgows pre-eminent mixed-use space and represents a good
example where the role of buildings has provided a platform for creating liveable
neighbourhoods. Prior to the decision to invest, a number of negative aspects
were affecting the area including the speculative practices of development
interests (i.e. land-banking); ground-level car parks. In this area, there was no
community to speak of; the housing providers had basically used the area as
housing of last resort for those in housing need from surrounding districts of thecity: There was no natural community there was no kinship ties or networks
here.
Three projects had been created for this area involving the re-use of existing
buildings oorspace to create new facilities such as Caf bar Gandol,
refurbishment of a t heatre (Trongate Britannia Musical)1 as well as the
reinstatement of (active) retail frontages. These were restored and thus promoted
the development of a quality urban realm in the area. Work done in the Gandol
bar involved local artists (craftspeople such as furniture makers etc and the
sourcing of artefacts) in which ideas were taken up before work on-site began.
Signicant in the development of these particular projects, was how nancial
leverage was achieved with direct leverage of 53 million (calculated from 2 x 5yr
programmes has cost 6 million of investment) so the ratio has been huge. Both
the use of local craftspeople combined with nancial leverage has translated into
jobs using local enterprises and skills.
1. This is the oldest working musical theatre in the UK.
Crown Street, Glasgow.
Glasgows Merchant City, creative regeneration.
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However, has the singular focus on sustainable economic growth been at the
expense of disregarding placemaking and architecture as important contributors
to quality of life and places where people want to live, work and leisure? We
have policies in place but is it making much of a contribution and impact on
the maintenance and creation of places where people want to be? Currently,
Scottish policy and guidance recognises that buildings are important and the
spaces for interaction between them. However, roads and trafc we still, in this
context, assume should be left to the civil engineers. There is an urgent needfor more collaborative working to plan and deliver better places. The skills of
the urban designer, public involvement and an understanding of development
economics can help to drive the placemaking agenda forward. However, from
the Chief Planners perspective, a number of challenges remain in relation to
planning practice and the planning system. These are:
The culture of planning and planners still requires change - there is a need
to move away from the compendium of policy producing plans.
Planning should not be about the purity of process but the quality of
outcomes achieved.Maintaining collaborative effort to maintain liveable
neighbourhoods should involve debates about urban design and not the
wording of policy.
There is also the question of what the interface is between traditional
planning and the new economy.
What about the differentiation and variability of place context and the dynamics
and processes at work at different spatial scales? We need to accept that there
are wider inuences operating at different geographic scales which can reinforce
and/or undermine the nature of places in an everyday context. Private nance
can mobilised if they see the benets of how that place may develop. Can
specicity of place accommodate certain approaches and therefore should we
be more concerned with how we deliver this rather than what we deliver? Are
there competing tensions between the resilience and adaptability of place? Can
liveable neighbourhoods be created and maintained as places where people will
want to be? How?
Physical settings simple
or complex evoke complex
human responses in the
form of feelings, attitudes,
values, expectancies, and
desires, and it is in this sense
as well as in their known
physical properties that
their relationships to human
experience and behaviourmust be understood.
(Proshanky et al 1970, p.28)
9
(Top) Delegates debate issues
at the Academy of Urbanism
Congress 2011.
(Bottom) Professor Kevin Murray
addresses delegates.
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Community
The theme of community is discussed here in relation to living, learning and
working landscapes. As such, this obviates a need to discuss the economy given
the link between this and learning and working within a liveable neighbourhoods
context. This builds on some of the speaker presentations at the Congress and
the break out workshop sessions.
People inhabit cities, but people live in neighbourhoods - but what are
neighbourhoods? Are they the correct scale for measuring and gauging the
routinised everyday practices in which people conduct their daily life? In
developing liveable neighbourhoods as successful places is this more to do with
how we think and perceive what they could be, rather than how they are actually
currently conceived e.g. as socially-homogenous physically delineated units
or administratively dened boundaries. This is not entirely new as David Harvey
once reminded us that neighbourhood is implicit rather than explicit (1973).
Participants discussed neighbourhood and how we dene and understand it. For
instance, neighbourhood is something we have an afnity with, a place of pride
and has connections with place. A neighbourhood is to accept that you live in a
house and the services and activities you require are located elsewhere or if not,
you need to re-create functional relationships elsewhere.
Is it folly to assume that the neighbourhood as creative spaces for learning,
activities and interaction are important to people and if not, can we make
neighbourhoods successful places so that they do become important? This is
particularly signicant for understanding the relationship between where we live
and where we work, if they are in fact related at all. Often the separation between
home and the workplace is symptomatic of the increasing mobility afforded
by access to the private car allowing access to jobs located elsewhere other
than the local neighbourhood. Evidence shows for instance that the amount of
miles travelled between 1952 and 2002 has trebled. Other evidence suggests
that higher income groups travel more than low income groups. In other words,
adopting the language of spatial sciences, space has got a lot bigger. This
reects what has been termed the hypermobile society, (Adams, 2000). What
are the challenges to our landscapes of work in reversing this long-established
trend?
Politicians in all industrial countries struggle to apply technical xes to the
problems caused by increasing physical mobility. But even if we devise non-
polluting congestion-free modes of transport and all work from home we will still
pay a very high price for mobility , (Adams, 2000).
Some commentators purport to the view that most placemakers know nothing
about the economy. As the new economy strongly focuses on the creation and
harnessing of innovation as important to urban economies, there is a need
to be aware of the scale of this: cities are drivers for innovation. One important
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distinction between the urban geography of t he UK and Germany for instance,
is that London and the West of the country (e.g. city-regions), tend to dominate
whereas in Germany, this is more evenly distributed across the country. As
a result, we need to be careful about the perceived advantages of proximity,
We have few places of a scale sufcient to create the actors that strive in the
creation of innovative ideas. If we t hink about the places that nourish innovation
then they will matter because proximity matters. Conversely, there are places
that ourish when they are left alone: the unplanned places. For example,Speirs Locks in Glasgow is a regeneration process that is developing through
organic change.
Spiers Locks in Glasgow perhaps represents an example of letting individuals
within communities do things for themselves but supported by the public
sector. In terms of spaces within neighbourhoods, the public sector provides an
enabling role for local people to access cheap and adaptable spaces. In fact,
this was a very common theme that ran throughout the various discussions and
examples are provided here. Various sub-themes emerged including the role of
local assets whether this is people, spaces or buildings, social entrepreneurship
and ideas of community ownership and the role of capital investment.
Place is security, space is freedom: we are attached to the one and long for the
otherFrom the security and stability of place we are aware of the openness,
freedom and threat of space, and vice-versa Space is more abstract than
place. What begins as undifferentiated space becomes place as we get to
know it better and endow it with valueSpace is transformed into place as it
acquires denition and meaning (Tuan, 1987, pps. 3; 6; 136).
Key questions might involve asking whether we should be using neighbourhood
level assets and spaces better and how we might achieve this? Does t his invite
a process where we ought to be less concerned with the dependent relationship
neighbourhoods have with the macro processes in which cities congure
themselves? Will successful places be more about the micro processes thatactually develop at the neighbourhood scale and can learning from place
reinforce a shift in thinking about how communities can be better helped to
help themselves? This is, of course, not a new idea but many would agree
that there is urgency in the need to elevate individuals at the micro level of the
neighbourhood in creating successful places. As the urban is essentially a
dynamic and complex system of interactions, how can we integrate the elevation
of people within this? The socio-economic status of individuals and therefore
behaviours, have strong links to well-being and if we can improve the socio-
economic output at the micro level then this will feedback into the macro. Do
we need to turn our ways of doing things inside out? For example, low levels
of education, poor health and unemployment when combined result in those
remaining vulnerable to the cycle of social, cultural and structural disadvantages.
Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction 13
This becomes more acute and urgent particularly in times of economic recession
where labour market disadvantage is accentuated due to for example, low skills
attainment. Material and socio-psychological factors thus inuence how people
behave. If people can be elevated then, this will bring about behavioural changes.
Socio-cultural disadvantages refer to values and in particular, value-oriented
personal values. A key question is where and how can we invest our money
given these disadvantages?
The core assets of making liveable neighbourhoods is the people already living
there
People are considered the most important assets of a neighbourhood. Why?
While other assets such as social and capital infrastructure are also important,
there is a general consensus that to nd creative people in neighbourhoods, we
must get nosey and loiter with intent. We cannot take as given that those who
claim to represent the community are the ones who instinctively know what the
community wants. We need to get inside. While the role of the third sector is
often regarded as being more trustworthy and in tune than the large government
bureaucracies, some suggest that even this sector emulates the practices o f
the public sector to an extent. Is there an alternative? In some sense, this
chimes with ideas about the positive role and/or contribution of social capital in
maintaining and sustaining communities or neighbourhoods. But it is necessary
to be clear what we understand by social capital in the context of liveable
neighbourhoods and placemaking.
Lin argues that if the premise behind the notion of social capital is, investment
in social relations with expected returns in the marketplace, then this appears
quite simple and straightforward (Lin, 2001, p.19). The market chosen for
analysis may be economic, political, labour or community. Capital captured
through social relations is an approach wherein capital is seen as a social asset
by virtue of actors connections and access to resources in the network or group
of which they are members (Lin, 2001, p.19). This suggests that embeddedresources in social networks can enhance the outcomes of actions . While
there are different and converging conceptualisations of social capital, the most
appropriate perspective relative to the level at which return or prot is conceived
is how the aggregate of individual returns also benets the collective, in this
case, the community or neighbourhood. More specically, and for our purpose,
this perspective can be extended to focus at the group level. This is concerned
with how certain groups develop and more or less maintain social capital as a
collective asset and, how such a collective asset enhances group members life
chances. The central interest of this perspective is to explore the elements and
processes in the production and maintenance of the collective asset (Lin, 2001,
p.22).Changing Glasgow People: place assets.
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The future is inside outand its all about tappingenergy and enterprise.Everybody brings something
to the party... but how dowe create an environmentthat gets real about who haswhat? Thats about movingbeyond theories about socialequality and fairness. Itsabout peoples capabilityskills. Human beings arefundamentally creative.
Lord Andrew Mawson,Speaking at Glasgow Congress
Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction 15
Because modern organisations are governed by rules, there are accepted
procedures for making decisions and responsibilities are often dened in
terms of a position rather than a person (Field, 2003). But when they want
to make something happen, many people will bypass these procedures and
responsibilities and talk to someone they know. This is especially true when there
is an element of uncertainty and risk involved when taking important decisions:
outcomes can be better and things move faster than if they were to deal with
bureaucracies (Field, 2003). Given this, in relation to people assets, the collectivehere is the overall neighbourhood and both the community and economic
markets are the marketplace.
The butteries started to appear
There were some excellent examples given by Lord Mawson where he charted
the development of social capital in relation to how a local church was adapted
for community use and eventually, community ownership and capital investment.
In one example, ownership of local community assets was allowed to happen as
the local council permitted Andrew to develop some greenspace on a tarmac
site behind the church. He bought the site for 1 (30 year lease) from the council
on the condition that he maintained it which he did. He eventually started
to doing gardening for local people who saw how successful he had made
this derelict site. Deepening working relationships with other locals appeared
and persisted over time. From taking ownership, the gardening turned into a
landscape business, Greendreams. A barn was eventually built with the capital
investment and now houses 37 local businesses (micro-small enterprises). An
international business recognised the good work of the landscape business and
a relationship was built. This example shows how bridging capital was developed
from the existence and establishment of local networks (social enterprise +
business).
If people are not part of the core creation of an area, they will rubbish it. The
future is inside out and its all about tapping energy and enterprise. Everybodybrings something to the partybut how do we create an environment that gets
real about who has what? Thats about moving beyond theories about social
equality and fairness. Its about peoples capability skills. Human beings are
fundamentally creative.
If workplaces are to thrive then they need form a part of the neighbourhood but
this also requires that neighbourhoods have to have some essential and optional
services to enable people to socialise and eat. How you create agreeable places
is very important. How do we creatively support grassroots business start up and
social innovation? How do we support scaling of enterprise? Is there a need for
enterprise agencies and business support organisations to reach out and engage
with social innovation businesses? Are they aware of the potential of this model?
(Top) Lord Andrew Mawson
(Middle) Ian Manson, Chief
Executive, Clyde Gateway
(Bottom) Gerry Grams, City
Design leader, Glasgow
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Criteria based assessment of business support can mean that micro business
opportunities fall through the cracks. We need to become more enabling. For
some there is a lot of frustration at how institutions work given the appetite for
grassroots approaches. Entrepreneurs have to make the economic case for
doing something. If you make an investment in a place, the benets may not be
apparent to the investor. This highlights that there is need to develop pathways
for identifying how the investment has beneted the place. In other words, it is
not a linear path.
The idea that spaces in places should be left for people to do what they want
to do chimes with the example noted above by Lord Mawson. Another example
is the Clyde Gateway (URC) who tidied up the sites, cleaned the shops and
opened a shop in the community center. In the workshops the idea of leaving
holes in the urban fabric to be colonised by the community was suggested.
This idea was referred to as derelict incubators, suggesting that while this may
not be tidy, it works for community benet. In other words, spaces need not
be planned in all places. Is there some merit in the idea of spontaneous cities
where development is at plot level? An eco-system approach would entail an
area identied as a district centre wherein once the central point is located,
development cold then graduate outwards to t he next area.
From the experience provided by Employers in Voluntary Housing (EVH), they
realised that they had the potential to do more. They had learned a lot of what
is being done, is essential to good health in the community, the promotion of
social cohesion, social capital, relationships of trust and mutuality. This they
argued contributed to the mental well being of people in these communities.
This reinforced the view that in uncertain times, this progress in the community
dimension should not be dismissed in the push for greater efciency. Therefore,
the aim should be about recognizing and retaining what is good in the existing
roles of providers and participants, and that this was not just about housing
providers managing the physical aspects of the environment. Things should be
done in an inclusive and participatory fashion, ensuring that the real issues inthese communities are addressed and identied whilst encouraging local people
in the contributions they make.
We already have community organisations that are already anchored but can
they do more? Why cant more organisations get the assistance and help to do
that? We must relate to their individual communities and the issues that there
are there - the only way to do t hat is to give local people the opportunity to
contribute and to participate.
A key theme was related to how we now get started to unlocking that potential?
Specic examples alluded to the idea that assets of the neighbourhood need
to be better connected. One way of doing this is to hang out with local people
Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction 17
on their own terms through a self-organised event. For instance, in one example,
50 web designers were locked in a room to see what happens. From that 30
ideas for projects with business potential emerged and from this, some of those
projects have already gone to market. Meeting people on their own terms was
also reported by another participant whose experience had shown that this is a
very efcient way of dealing with things.
Other examples reported on the idea of latent and expedient proximity. Therelevance of these concepts to community become apparent if we think of the
school playground as a space for networking. The potential of this space has yet
to be realised as somewhere that people can share ideas and values. Schools
already provide the shared connection by virtue of your child attending school.
If the neighbourhood is not the place for the creation of social and shared spaces,
then the alternative is that we need to be more creative in making sense of the
spatiality of cities. A key question then is how do we nurture shared or common
spaces? This idea has antecedents in the role of the high street as the traditional
place for interaction within a shared space. The idea that the high street or town
centres are in crisis illustrates the dilemma: the need to protect and increase
choice and competition in the interests of the consumer whilst at the same time
ensuring the continued vitality and viability o f the high street where independent
shops for example, normally occupy. Could town centres be reimagined as
shared spaces? What matters is the diversity of activities at the centre.
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The psychology of place
Have we been tolerant of an approach or situation where it is people versus
place where policies for places have and are being defended as strategies for
enabling policies for people? (Castello, 2010) In recognising this, as the economic
perspective on cities has gathered momentum over the previous 30 years, the
transformation of cities from basket cases of the preceding decades to key
drivers of competitive city-regions has been characterised by various phases of
economic and physical development activity. In particular, the visual evidence and
perceptible outcomes of activities must be seen and importantly, understood.They can be seen in relation to positive or negative changes, their urban form,
improvements or decline in the quality of the public realm, urban design and
the overall urban fabric. All-encompassing and embracing terms such as urban
renewal and urban regeneration towards urban renaissance and now what we
may call, reconstruction describe the various approaches taken to arresting and
addressing urban neighbourhood decline.
Does the micro scale deserve more credit for how it underpins and serves the
success of macro processes which operate at the higher spatial scale of cities?
What are the elements at the micro level that create liveable neighbourhoods?
What are the challenges and opportunities for this to be realised and what
can our understanding of learning from place contribute to the achievement of
successful places?
The psychology of place is basically about addressing how our local environment
of the place where we live, work and leisure affects our cognitive and perceptible
processes of the brain. These in turn will shape how we will behave and function
in a place. The psychology of place matters as the quality of the spaces that we
move around in can affect us without us even being aware that it is affecting us.
Nervous systems can be affected by how we feel in a place when we experience
the place and its environment. For example, anxieties and fears may develop if
you do not feel safe in an area. Why you do not feel safe can for example, be
because of a lack of attention to design and quality of spaces including street
layout, accessibility, and how spaces intersect with buildings and roads. Someelements of this objective stimuli affect sight, tactile sensations are transmitted
by contact with the materials used for construction of the place, smells enable
the identication of places, coolness or warmth accurately quality a place, some
places are harmonious and others unbearably noisy, and some can stimulate or
whet the appetite so the physical form then plays a determining role in perceptual
phenomena (Castello, 2010).
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Health and liveability
Life expectancy is determined by many factors including lifestyle choices
and behaviours, genetics and hereditary conditions. It is also informed by
an individuals real and perceived opportunities their sense of control and
hopefulness. In the latter, the effects of deindustrialization and subsequent
unemployment are particularly relevant to the Glasgow story of low life
expectancy in parts of the city. The context of neighbourhoods is important
because it is the spatial framework people use to access health opportunities.
Although there are a number of projects which have seen large-scale investment
in understanding why Glasgows health record is the worst in Europe, e.g. the
GoWell programme1, systematic evidence of any skewed distribution in access
to health-improving resources is variable. Connecting and mining the numerous
datasets that exist for communities provides incredible scope to understand the
relationship between aspects of the physical environment and health. However,
there is a need for the development of robust methodologies to support the
maintenance and creation of healthier places. Research using the Mental Health
and Wellbeing Score (MenWB), has found that aspects and attractiveness of
the local environment is a factor in how people feel and perceive place and their
well-being. Factors such as spatial structure and walkability matter greatly in this
regard. Is there some scope for The Academy for instance, to provide input and
ideas to effect a model of change?
Health and Housing
Lifes a drudge with an outside cludge and an inside loo is a joy for you!
The connections between place, housing and health are well known. In Scotland,
Employers in Voluntary Housing (EVH) work with 140 social housing providers, 40
social enterprises and charities. They have set up nine Community-based housing
associations (CBHAs) over 30 years ago. This movement came out of a reaction
to the poor living conditions of the t enemental building in the post war period.
Practical action by communities to improve sanitation, the physical condition ofhousing emerged when adapting the tenements that existed in neighbourhoods
like Govan and Maryhill. Over time, through different programmes of investment,
this process of working with communities, organising investment around local
need resulted in re-imagining the traditional tenement building, in schemes such
as Crown Street in the Gorbals.
EVH now have in Glasgow alone, 50 community-led housing associations
(HAs). These have between them over 50,000 houses. In broad terms, Housing
Associations have moved on from a focus on physical improvements to deal
with the real issues in the communities. These actions are about community
services, led by citizens or communities, enabled by the Housing Associations
and a creative use of the assets they own and manage. The role of Community
1) see www.gowellonline.com/ GoWell was established in 2006 and is planned to run for 10 years.This timescale allows the programme to examine a range of neighbourhood, housing and health
related factors at different stages of the regeneration process.
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Based Housing Associations has expanded to consider wider issues affecting
local neighbourhoods including the quality of t he environment, life, services and
attractiveness as well as antisocial behaviour, and challenging social issues
like addiction. This is resulting in a new broad range of activities including
support services, skills and training, pathways to employment and co-design
of community services with institutions such as Local Authorities and health
professionals. As Foster Evans of EVH says Its about sustainability of their local
areas - not just housing.
The argument put forward by community associations and health professionals
suggests that liveability of local places can be improved by effective community
involvement at the grassroots: tenants . For instance, EVH reported that as
a matter of course, housing organisations get people to be involved through
employability schemes such as working on the local allotments; or the
establishment of walking clubs. Examples of this type of initiative, targeting
the development of positive psychology, have been developed in Glasgows
Easterhouse. The key challenge is about how people can get involved in
their local community. This is about developing sustainability and long term
communities, not just housing solutions.
In Scotland, social housing predominates in the poorest 15% of the population.
Long term health and illness issues are entrenched in these places. However,
there is hope. Foster Evans says We already have the model, an existing
resource but how can we do more with achieving good services to build better
communities and support better health? The answer is about the specics of
place, citizen participation and partnerships:
Better health unlocks potential and social landlords can act as a centre of
gravity and act to provide a structural solution to these issues and look to
improve the physical, social and eco environment.
Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction 23
Integrating policy: health and places
In Table 2 below, the key determinants of health are set out. This shows
the relationship and connections between the individual and the collective
determinants of health and their internal and external dimensions. A better
understanding of these determinants can inform better policy interventions to
support opportunities for better health in all places.
Table 2: Key Determinants of Health
TABLE 2 Internal External
Individual Characteristics of self Physical world
Collective Shared values and
culture
Social Structures and
economy (e.g. social
capital)
Experiencing the Lighthouse, Congress 2011 venue.
Changing housing landscapes in
Glasgow.
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A key question to examine in the creation of liveable neighbourhoods and their
relationship to health is why are there inequalities between places?
these can be about place
and these can also be about lifestyles (e.g. smoking)
But none of these are sufcient enough to explain the observed inequalities. Is
there then some merit in looking at these issues in terms of the context of place
and the composition of the individual within this context of place? The view is that
everything matters as it is not just one factor than determine health outcomes
or behaviours. It is a combination of factors and it is how we translate this into a
useful and meaningful policy.
The Scottish Governments Good Places: Better Health initiative considers an
environmental focus to addressing the framing of joined up place based policies
to support healthier communities. This policy requires a co-ordinated response
across all agencies working in a place, and partnership with the local community.
This form of initiative is emerging in response to a move to support preventative
spend, a focus on achieving outcomes earlier which last longer. Citizen
participation is central to making this form of initiative work.
There are many policies that address the physical context (i.e. the environmental
context) into which the individual must relate; but there are also a number of
policies which address the external and collective determinants of social structure
and the economy. However, whilst it is often assumed that these interventions
will make a positive impact on the internal aspects of health(both individual and
collective), achieving impacts through policy is often difcult and challenging. In
part this has to do with concepts of space, communities and neighbourhoods:
these ideas are not hard and fast boundaries - these are actually permeable
membranes. Impacts can be better achieved where policies move between
these structures Policy efforts need to be all joined up to make this happen.
This is challenging, and requires spatial designers to t ry and understand betterhow to achieve actual outcomes in partnership with health professionals and
communities. Language matters to effect this form of collaboration. It may be that
new forms of design practice and thinking are needed to make this happen.
In addition to the homes, streets, businesses and parks in our neighbourhood,
the public sector services play a big part in supporting communities and framing
the physical environment. The way such public services are being provided in
communities is changing. Historically, health services where organised around
GPs and hospitals; and disease was most often resolved either by cure or death.
Today, as treatments improve and life expectancy increases, there are many more
people living with long term conditions. This is requiring a fundamental shift in
healthcare policy and strategy with a greater focus on preventative measures,
on self care and on services being provided closer to home, often in close co-
(Top) Alistair MacDonald,
Glasgow City Council.
(Bottom) Glasgows East End
Regeneration.
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We must relate to individual
communities and the issues
that there are there - the only
way to do this is to give local
people the opportunity to
contribute and to participate.
Foster Evans,Employers in Voluntary Housing
27www.ads.org.uk/urbanism6
ordination with related public services such as social care, housing, education
etc. This change is embodied in the Scottish Governments Shifting the Balance
of Care policy. Whilst there is often close working between health boards and
local authorities on health promotion and service planning, the same cannot yet
be said about the planning of physical infrastructure to support health in LDPs
or major new development areas.
The Planning profession grew out of a health promotion agenda, and the NHSare again looking to us to help both in resolving obesity issues (i.e. healthy
planning and obsogenics) and in the development of community infrastructure
to support the changing model of service provision. Many services that had
once been hospital based are now being delivered in the community, based
around neighbourhood facilities servicing a population of 20-70,000 people
depending on the location. For some services this means peripatetic teams
from hospitals visiting neighbourhood facilities to provide consultations and
treatment, in other instances services are provided in schools and the home.
These neighbourhood facilities not only link different levels of healthcare but also
link to other public services allowing new opportunities such as a GP referral to
the swimming pool for weight control or physiotherapy; easier access to a library
for information about your condition, or helping resolve a housing or social work
support issue whilst youre visiting. These multi-transactions are surprisingly
powerful, such as a woman who reported her relief in being able to see a
police ofcer discretely whilst attending a child health clinic as shed have been
unable to safely visit a police station. These service changes of course require
different infrastructure to support them. Whereas previously we might have
dotted a GP surgery, dentist, library, sports centre, council ofce etc around the
neighbourhood, there is now a drive for them to be together. The connections
between home and hub and hospital become critically important too, especially
as for many people the walkable solution may not be possible; a doctor doing
outreach from a hospital, or a nurse visiting homes, each with supplies and
case notes are not likely to use public transport; similarly ill people visiting the
treatment centre may not be up to the walk/bus. Therefore the challenge toplanners and urban designers alike is to accommodate the increased scale of
public sector activity within our neighbourhoods. If we fail in this challenge we
may force public sector services to the periphery of communities and undermine
the other things we are trying to do with health promotion and enlivening our
community centres.
Exploring the potential of
urbanism to creative liveable
neighbourhoods.
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Making things happen ina recessionWhat is distinctive about contemporary perspectives on urban places is the
increasing emphasis attached to the reconstruction of neighbourhoods. But
what do we mean by reconstruction? It suggests something has broken down,
been destroyed and needs rebuilt whether physically and/or socially. If it is t o
describe the development activities within places, then this is not entirely new as
the reconstruction has historical precedents typied in the UK (and mainland
Europe) post-war rebuild programmes during the late 1940s, 1950s and 1 960sand accompanied by the establishment of a comprehensive welfare state.
Reconstruction in the contemporary context of economic recession can apply
to all manner of things in reconstructing living neighbourhoods. But, does its
increasing salience within contemporary debates by urban scholars, practitioners
and government bodies on the importance of placemaking signify - and therefore
imply - that neighbourhoods are and must be understood from a qualitatively and
quantitatively different perspective than has hitherto been recognised?
In the neighbourhood stories, Arie Voorburg introduced how Rotterdam is making
efforts to retain social equality and ethics in an age of austerity. He argues that
the idea of urban development is not complex not even in a world of complexity
and dynamic change. As he puts it, it is about tweaking the right knobs with
the central question of how do we nd the right knobs thats the only thing we
need to do. For him, the new apartheid is social and economic exclusion which
is much harder. In a similar way to evidence presented on Glasgows poor life
expectancy, shorter life expectancy in Rotterdams deprived neighbourhoods is 5
to 12 years less than the more afuent or high income neighbourhoods of the city.
Again, while not totally dissimilar to Glasgows levels of (dispersed) concentrated
neighbourhood deprivation, Rotterdam South, while accounting for half of the
city, there are 1500 projects which focus on cultural and social interventions. This
leads him to believe that there is a managerial neurosis due to the carousel of
many ineffective projects. The missing intensity and coherence of programmes
represents an accumulation of problems resulting in hopelessness: Its inequality,
poverty, injustice and polarisation which makes our neighbourhoods not very vitalfor their long term future.
In an era of declining nancial capacity, how do we save on our social and
economic inequality and ethics? With budgetary cuts in social investment
programmes including health and welfare, Voorburg argues that these are the
most effective incentives to focus efforts on. As such, he recommends three
things that need to be thought about:
1. Cities as complex, adaptive systems. Cities are not stable they are
continually changing and are non-linear. That is, cities are complex systems
always balancing on the edge of chaos. There is not a strict equilibrium, it is never
found. It is always about the internal coherence of functional elements and the
capacities for adjustments. There is a tangled web of connectivity differentiated
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coevolving of sub-systems, an ability to change and continuous adaptation is
emergent given multi-causal phenomena. As such,
2. This means that urban design must have a much bigger adaptive
capacity and this must be about the ability of the system to adjust to, for
example, climate change. There is a certainty about resilience and importantly,
its also about social acceptability and convertibility; moreover, it is also about
expendability the possibility to remove things.
3. Importance has to be given to the costs and benets as well as the
efciency and balance and especially on social investments such as health and
education and social care. Too often these are seen as costs heavily weighted
on budgets and rarely seen as investments.
A key challenge for the Netherlands is the nancial organisational structures.
They are not prepared for the change and to accept that social interventions
now will produce long-term benets nancial and monetary benets. In seeking
what is effective, we need to walk the walk by accepting reality means that
there is no more a mono-causal relationship, i.e. that if something is changed
then there will be whole causal change within the whole system. In the following
three components, urban development of neighbourhood developments must
be much more focused on the:
1. Requirement for much more clearer strategic intents and,
2. Social and physical environment of the neighbourhood must be much
more closely related for development but also looking at the possibility of the,
3. Individuals potentials. These can be hereditary and/or acquired.
(Top) Arie Voorburg discusses
social capital and regeneration.
(Bottom) Workshop session and
discussion on jobs and economy.
Successful urban
development is about
tweaking the right knobs.Arie Voorburg
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3. Conclusion:The future is now!From the Congress dialogues, several overarching themes emerging from the
various presentations, discussions and workshops can be identied. These were
placemaking, community engagement and health and liveability. A number of
issues were also identied which signify the ongoing challenges and inuences
that the creation of liveable neighbourhoods must contend with. These included
an appreciation of the spatial scale creating neighbourhoods as spaces of work in
a new economy which emphasises a focus on t he creation of innovation.
In relation to the Scottish context of placemaking, challenges remain in planning
practice and the planning system in particular. If the current system and practice
produces unintentional consequences as measured by policy outcomes, then the
process in which policy implementation is realised requires ongoing work. Not
to do so will potentially undermine the achievements made so far in maintaining
the momentum for collaborative efforts viewed as essential elements in creating
and maintaining liveable neighbourhoods. Moreover, too often the contribution of
architecture and design is viewed as perhaps as second order issue over much
focus placed on technological solutions to the important challenges of climate
change.
Community engagement is crucial for the creation of liveable neighbourhoods.
The dialogues reveal a general consensus that how institutions engage with
communities and individuals needs to change. Identifying the creators of liveable
neighbourhoods necessitates an approach that gets inside communities in
order that the creativity of individuals who live there can be identied, encouraged
and realised. Only by such an approach can we move away from traditional
methods of engagement and involvement as set out in top-down consultation
processes. Evidence from participants through drawing on their own experiences
shows that the realisation of desired outcomes stipulated in policy plans are
often not achieved within an approach that simply engages with community
representatives. Consultation cannot be done to communities and instead
requires to be undertaken with communities. Doing things inside out may
impact positively on both the micro and macro level processes of cities and
neighbourhoods. They can act to shape, reinforce, and therefore determine the
future pathways of a neighbourhoods and individuals future.
Finally, the theme of health and liveability revealed how the importance of health
status can transcend many other - albeit no less important - issues such as
unemployment. Understanding the connections between the key determinants
of health, health inequalities and health outcomes within and between places are
important for the creation and maintenance of liveable neighbourhoods. While
health promotion and prevention programmes can prove effective at t he scale
of the neighbourhood via for example, improved access to health education and
services, tackling health-related behaviours to effect change in health outcomes
is much more challenging for policy. Increasingly policy is aiming towards
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preventative care, early intervention and holistic thinking about wellbeing. Not
only does this reect an awareness of the nature of the relationship between
health, housing and place but also a wider recognition that services generally
need to engage better with the local physical environment and institutional
context in which services are provided. Through improving institutional
join up at this level, a better understanding of both the environmental and
compositional contexts of individuals in places could help to achieve improved
health outcomes for all. Currently, there is no systematic evidence of a skeweddistribution in the availability and provision of health services. However, there
are a number of ongoing research programmes on the social and physical
determinants of health inequalities and health-inducing behaviours focused at
the neighbourhood scale. Two key conclusions are how the combination of
factors that determine health can be translated into meaningful policy and, how
might the design and architecture of places contribute to this.
What is it that requires change in order to make this happen? How will we know
what a successful place is and will we be able to replicate this as a prototype to
be rolled out in all places? For instance, if we had a list of 10 qualities of place
what would we do with it? What would this place be like?
Castello questions what kind of experiences are involved in the construct
of place? (2010, p.61). Consideration needs to be given to the whole set of
physical, perceptual, cognitive, psychological and social experiences. But
what kind of operational tools can lead us to better understanding of the
psycho-spatial phenomena of the urban environment? As Castello has further
suggested, The interaction between behaviour and environment demands
the construction of a suitable paradigm for giving objective and subjective
parameters to place, (2010, p.61). This is already well underway in the
placemaking agenda. It is how we now devise and deliver the necessary tools
and action on the ground that will make liveable neighbourhoods a reality for all
individuals.
Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction 35
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Adams, J., (2000), Hypermobility,Prospect Magazine, (March 2000 issue)
Castello, L., (2010), Rethinking the Meaning of Place: Conceiving Place in
Architecture-Urbanism, Ashgate
Fanstein, S., (2001), The City Builders: Property Development in New York and
London, 1980-2000, 2nd Ed., Lawrence, KA: The University Press of Kansas
Field, J., (2003), Social Capital, Routledge
Harvey, D., (1973), Social Justice and the City,Edward Arnold
Jacobs, J., (1961), The Death and Life of Great American Cities: The Failure ofTown Planning,Random House, New York
Lin, N., (2001), Social Capital: A Theory of Social Structure and Action , CUP
Mclennan. D., (2011), in Chisolm, S., (Ed), in Investing in Better Places:
International Perspectives,The Smith Institute, found at http://www.smith-
institute.org.uk/le/Investing%20in%20Better%20Places.pdf
NRU, (2001),A New Commitment to Neighbourhood Renewal: National
Strategy Action Plan, (The Social Exclusion Unit), UK Cabinet Ofce
Proshansky, H., Ittelson, W. & Rivlin, L., (1970), The Inuence of the Physical
Environment on Behaviour: Some Basic Assumptions, in Proshansky, H.,
Ittelson, W. & Rivlin, L., (Eds), Environmental Psychology: Man and His Physical
Setting,New York: Halt-Rinehart & Winston
Tuan, Y-F., (1987), Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience,
Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 4th Printing
Wood, R.C., (1995), People Versus Places: The Dream Will Never Die, in Caves,
R., (Ed), Exploring Urban America, An Introductory Reader, Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage Publications, pps.137-144
Porta, S., Strano, E., Iacoviello, V., Messora, R., Latora, V., Cardillo, A., Wang
F. & Scellato, S., (2009), Street Centrality and Densities of Retail and Services in
Bologna, Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, 36, 450-465.
All images are credited to John Thompson, Honorary President,
The Academy of Urbanism, except
A+DS credits: pages 6,7, 12 [top and mid], 13 [top and mid], 22,24,25, 28 and
35
Gary Watt, ISIS: page 12, bottom
Bibliography
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Architecture and Design Scotland
The Congress was supported and co-facilitated by Architecture and Design
Scotland (A+DS). As a non-departmental public body, it is the Scottish
Governments national champion for good architecture, design and planning
in the built environment. The aim of A+DS is to promote excellence in
placemaking, architecture and planning. It achieves this by supporting the
creation of places that work, which provide people with real choices and, are
ultimately, places where people want to be. It champions the highest standards
in architecture and placemaking across all sectors, advocating a better
understanding of the importance of quality design in both the public and private
sectors. A+DS does this by working through its established programmes to
champion excellence and advocate the benets of excellence in design. A+DS
has six programmes of work which move across the themes and scales of
placemaking. They are: urbanism, design review, Sustainability in Architecture
[Sust], Access to Architecture, Schools and Health.
The Academy of Urbanism
The concept and background to the Academy of Urbanism Congress VI theme
of Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction
builds on the work of the Academy in identifying, learning and celebrating what
makes for successful places. Liveable Neighbourhoods forms an integral
part of the Academys ongoing work in promoting dialogue, discourse, debate,
exchange of good practice, stimulating research and importantly, to celebrate
achievement. The major mission of the Academy is learning from place and
this is communicated in a number of ways including publication of books and
working with places particularly the nalists of the Great Places awards e.g. the
2011 Freiburg Charter launched by the Academy in March 2011.
The Academy has a number of initiatives and programmes which it has set up to
promote learning from place. The Cities X-Rays initiative is concerned with the
examining and measuring both empirically but also in terms of stories, narratives
and visits to places. The aim of Cities X-Rays is to get the under the skin of
places in order to understand, interpret appreciate and explain place to people
emphasising that place is not just about physicality. For 2011-2012, the Place
Partnering Initiative is being developed and represents a new way of working
with towns, communities and neighbourhoods. This builds on existing initiatives
already underway in different parts of the UK (e.g. UniverCities Initiative of which
the Glasgow Urban Lab is an exemplar).
Appendix 2:About the report authors
39
Appendix 1:Sponsors
The Academy of Urbanism are very grateful for the support and contribution of
all the sponsors who made the Glasgow Congress a success:
Glasgow City Council
The vision of Glasgow City Council is to enable Glasgow to ourish as a
modern, multi-cultural, metropolitan city of opportunity, achievement, culture and
sporting excellence where citizens and businesses thrive and visitors are always
welcomed.
www.glasgow.gov.uk
Scottish Government
The devolved government for Scotland is responsible for most of the issues
of day-to-day concern to the people of Scotland. The Scottish Governments
purpose is to focus government and public services on creating a more
successful country, with opportunities for all of Scotland to ourish, through
increasing sustainable economic growth.
www.scotland.gov.uk/home
Clyde Gateway URC
Clyde Gateway URC are a specially created urban regeneration company
covering 840 hectares across the east end of Glasgow, including Bridgeton and
Dalmarnock, plus Rutherglen and Shaweld in South Lanarkshire. The URC is a
partnership with Glasgow City Council, South Lanarkshire Council, and Scottish
Enterprise - with Scottish Government.
www.clydegateway.com
Architecture and Design Scotland
Architecture and Design Scotland (A+DS) is Scotlands champion for excellence
in placemaking, architecture and planning. We are an Executive NDPB of the
Scottish Government. We champion the highest standards in architecture and
placemaking across all sectors.
www.ads.org.uk
Glasgow Merchant City Townscape Heritage Initiative
Funded by Glasgow City Council, Scottish Enterprise and the Heritage Lottery
Fund this 3 million grant scheme was aimed at owners of historic buildings
within a designated area of the Merchant City.
www.glasgowmerchantcity.net
Glasgow School of Art
The GSA is internationally recognised as one of Europes foremost higher
education institutions for creative education and research in ne art, design and
architecture.
www.gsa.ac.uk
Liveable Neighbourhoods: Renaissance, Regeneration and Reconstruction8
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THEME SPEAKER ROLE ANDORGANISATION
Welcome to Glasgow(Speech)
B ai li e L iz C am ero n Exe cu ti ve Me mb erfor Development and
Regeneration Services,
Glasgow City Council
Introduction to Glasgow Al is ta ir MacDona ld AoU, Head o f P lann ing,
Glasgow city Council
GLASGOW CITY
NARRATIVE, Welcome
Speech
Kevin Murray AoU Chairman
Glasgow Vision Gerry Gormal Executive Director,
Glasgow City Council
The N at io na l P ers pe ct iv e J im McK inno n C hi ef Pl anne r, The Sc ot ti sh
Government
Social Entrepreneurs:
Making Communities Work
Lord Andrew Mawson Director, Andrew Mawson
Partnerships
NEIGHBOURHOOD
STORIES, (Chair)
Professor Brian Evans AoU, Head of Urbanism,
Mackintosh School of
Architecture
Clyde Gateway and the
Commonwealth Games
Ian Manson Chief Executive,
Clyde Gateway Urban
Regeneration Company
Regenerating Existing
Neighbourhoods
Liz Davidson Project Manager, Merchant
City Townscape Heritage
Initiative (Glasgow)
GoW el l N ei ghbo urhood s C aro l Ta nnah il l T he G la sg ow C en tre f or
Population and Health
Fi nancing Social Renewal Ari e Voorbu rg ARCADIS, Arnh em
LEARNING FROM
PLACE
John Worthington (Chair) AoU
Appendix 3:
Congress ProgrammeTable 1 below displays information on the Congress Speakers for each themeand the organisations they represent.
Table 1: Congress Event Speakers and Organisations
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PARALLEL
WORKSHOPS:
Contemporary
Neighbourhood Planning
How do Neighbourhoods
Learn?
F: Sam Cassels
Lesley Thomson
Janice Kirkpatrick
AoU, Architecture and
Design Scotland
Director Lidell Thomson
Graven Images
Neighbourhoods as
Spaces of Work
F: Janette Harkess
Rohan Gunatillake
John Lord
Director of Policy and
Research, Scottish Council
for Development and
Industry
Innovation Producer and
Consultant
Yellowbook Ltd.
Living Neighbourhoods George Morr is
Heather Chapple
Foster Evans
Scientic Advisor to
Scottish Government,
Good Places Better Health
A+DS
Director, Employers in
Voluntary Housing
City Visioning F: Prof Brian Evans
Prof Brian Porter
Cathy Johnston
AoU, Head of Urbanism,Mackintosh School of
Architecture
AoU, Mackintosh School
of Architecture
Group Manager Glasgow
City Council
Keynote: Learning from
Lebanon
Angus Gavin Urban Development
Divisional Head, Solidere
Note: F = Facilitator
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Architecture and Design Scotland
Bakehouse Close, 146 Canongate,Edinburgh EH8 8DD
Level 2, 11 Mitchell Lane,Glasgow, G1 3NU
T : +44 (0)845 1 800 642E : [email protected]
www.ads.org.uk/urbanism
The Academy of Urbanism70 Cowcross StreetLondon
EC1M 6EJ
T: +44 (0)20 7251 8777E: [email protected]
www.academyofurbanism.org.uk