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THE PRESS AND THE ST. VINCENT LABOR DISTURBANCES OF1935
Edward L.CoxDepartment of History
Rice University
Paper Presented at CSA Annual Conference, Merida,Mexico, May 23-28, 1994.
(Please do not quote or cite without the writtenpermission of the author).
From the middle of the seventeenth century, the
plantation economies of the British Caribbean had been firmly
wedded to that of Great Britain and other Imperial countries
which imported tobacco, sugar, and sugar products from the
colonies while supplying them with slaves and manufactured
goods. In 1808, the slave trade was abolished as the first
step toward the eventual advent of general emancipation of
slaves between 1834 and 1838, a process which theoretically
permitted ex-slaves full enjoyment of their freedom. But the
continuance of a sugar-based plantation economy in most
islands meant that planters generally were able to curtail
severely the degree of autonomy which ex-slaves enjoyed. In
St. Vincent, for example, so entrenched was the plantation
system that the wages of ex-slaves remained virtually
unchanged for almost 100 years after emancipation. Despite
constant complaints by planters that there existed a shortage
of laborers for the effective conduct of plantation
agriculture, as evidenced for example by the various schemes
to introduce Portuguese and Indian laborers in the island and
efforts to halt migration of workers to neighboring islands,
planter control over laborers remained severe. Denied any
meaningful alternative to working on the estates, the workers
were increasingly dependent on wages from the plantations for
their existence.'
This situation was aggravated from the mid nineteenth
century onwards in which the participation of Afro Caribbean
peoples in the political process was effectively stifled
2
through the introduction of a Crown Colony system of
government, the major tenets of which were that the governor
appointed an advisory council drawn almost exclusively from
the ranks of the white population. Even when some successful
non-whites were grudgingly afforded membership to the
council, invariably they tended to support the interests of
the entrenched aristocracy rather than championing the cause
of the masses. Signs of change appeared on the horizon
however hesitantly in the early twentieth century through the
emergence of Workingman's Associations, Representative
Government Associations, and other organizations which
articulated working class concerns and dissatisfaction with
their exclusion from the political process. Coming as these
did at the very time that the Pan African Movement and
Garvey's United Negro Improvement Association were achieving
a certain amount of following, colonial administrators were
becoming increasingly fearful lest this increase in Black and
worker consciousness might be a prelude to decolonization. 2
The worldwide depression of the 1920s and 1930s had
tremendous impact on the export oriented economies of St.
Vincent and all the other Caribbean colonies. With shrinking
demand for sugar and arrowroot--which had been traditionally
exported to Great Britain--prices fell. This in turn had a
negative impact on government's revenues, which ultimately
led to the adoption of austere fiscal measures. Not only was
government forced to reduce the salary paid to its civil
servants, but estate owners likewise reduced the wages paid
3
to workers. Unemployment grew, as did underemployment.
Amidst the fall in their standard of living, particularly for
workers who were heavily dependent on plantation wages for
their livelihood--discontent increased as workers linked
their worsening economic and social situation with their
disenfranchisement. As Franklin Knight has observed, "The
Depression hit hard at the local export economies. Sugar
prices fell. Wages almost disappeared; and the usual escape
valves of emigrating to work rapidly closed as Panama, Cuba,
and the United States suddenly found black Caribbean laborers
dispensable and undesirable. Between 1935 and 1938 labor
unrest raced throughout the Caribbean like fire on a windy
day. In 1935 the sugar workers in St. Kitts and British
Guiana went on strike, followed by a coal strike in St.
Lucia, and a strike against an increase in customs duties in
St. Vincent. In 1937 the oilfield workers in Trinidad went
on a strike that widened into a general strike, and
eventually merged into widespread labor unrest in Barbados,
St. Lucia, British Guiana, and Jamaica. In 1938 Jamaican
dock workers refused to work without better pay and better
working conditions. The colonial authorities panicked.
Military reinforcements rushed to the colonies to support the
local law enforcement officers. Order was restored at a cost
of 115 wounded, 29 dead, and considerable property damage." 3
While it would probably be disingenuous to suggest that
there existed of necessity a direct linkage between all these
labor disturbances, few would deny that the root cause was to
4
be found in the bankruptcy of outmoded economic, social, and
political systems. This paper provides a brief overview of
the St. Vincent disturbances of 1935 and then examines the
relationship between the Administrator and one newspaper in
that island, "The Times," in the months preceding the
disturbances. It argues that by exposing the flawed policies
of government and their negative impact on the working class,
"The Times" was relegated to an adversarial relationship with
the authorities. Rather than accepting the criticisms as a
means of changing course, government unwittingly created a
situation where disturbances became much more likely. The
declaration of a State of Emergency during the disturbances
provided the ideal opportunity for government to muzzle "The
Times" through its censorship of local newspapers, and
finally the passing of a Seditious Publications Act after
normalcy was restored. In the immediate wake of the
disturbances, publications critical of governemnt came not
from within St. Vincent but from neighboring islands.
The disturbances started about 11.30 A.M on Monday,
October 21st, 1935, when a crowd assembled outside the Court
House during a sitting of the Legislative Council. At that
time, the legislature was giving second reading to two
ordinances. The first ordinance eventually reduced the
license fees of motor vehicles for 1936, while the second
raised the duties on a number of articles which government
regarded "as luxuries and not as necessities. The sole
5
exception was in the case of matches where the Grenada rate
of duty was adopted, and it was assumed that, in spite of
this increase of import duty, matches could be sold
throughout St. Vincent at 1/2 d. a box which is the standard
price in Grenada." 4
About 12.15 P.M., a crowd estimated at about 300,
carrying sticks and reportedly some with cutlasses,
approached the governor on the steps of the Court House and
shouted "we want work," "we want money," "we want food."
Governor Grier agreed to meet with them later in the day at
the Library--where in response to their repeated demands for
work he could only promise them additional road work on the
windward side of the island-- but in the meantime a section
of the crowd attacked the prison, freed the prisoners, and
pelted some cars parked nearby with stones. The police later
read the Riot Act and fired shots in the air as a means of
dispersing the crowd. Casualties ensued when shots were also
fired at a section of the crowd which had assembled in a dry
goods store. Local authorities sent a cable to Grenada
asking for military assistance from H.M.S. Challenger, and
mobilized whatever paramilitary and volunteer forces they
could muster. In the meantime, however, several houses on
the outskirts of Kingstown were attacked and looted, and
there was also some property damage.
The declaration of a State of Emergency on the following
morning suggests that although government adopted the posture
that the situation was well in hand, they felt it unwise to
6
take any chances in what was still a potentially volatile
situation. For a number of individuals of European descent
had sought refuge in the police barracks on the previous day,
and officials were even then still uncertain as to the state
of affairs in the rural areas. As part of their emergency
measures, government also imposed a censorship on the local
press and on news cables. 5
Early in the morning of the 22nd, reports reached
authorities that disturbances had also occurred in Camden
Park, on the leeward part of the island, and that the house
and store of a Portuguese shopkeeper had been looted. Later
the same day, it was learned that disturbances had also taken
place the previous night at Georgetown on the windward coast.
Damage was limited to the breaking of doors and windows
because the two policemen stationed there had succeeded in
dispersing the crowd by firing shots over their heads. But
some had thereafter traveled to Byera where they cut
telephone poles and wires until the arrival of the lorry
patrol caused them to disperse.
Altogether, disturbances lasted no longer than the 22nd.
During the two days of unrest, three civilians were killed,
three died in hospital, thirteen were detained in hospital,
and twelve were treated as outpatients. No police or members
of the paramilitary establishment lost their lives, but six
were detained in hospital and six treated as outpatients.
From October 23 onwards the authorities engaged in the
task of rounding up individuals who took an active part, or
7
were considered to have so acted, in the disturbances in
Kingstown and Camden Park. Official sentiment was that "the
people of the labouring class particularly have been stirred
up to the point of agitation by people who ought to know
better, and although it may not be possible to put one's
finger on individual offenders, the taking of measures to
suppress the activities of such instigators should be given
serious consideration." 6 Some of the ringleaders had
apparently absconded to the hills and evaded authorities for
some time. The prime target, however, was George McIntosh, a
local druggist and head of the Representative Government
Association, a body which was at the forefront of the
campaign for greater participation by Afro Vincentians in
local political affairs. Though charged with "levying war
against the King," McIntosh was eventually acquitted. 7 His
efforts on behalf of the working class were finally
appreciated by government in 1948 when he was awarded the
O.B.E.. Even then, this honor was clouded somewhat by
reference to his role in the 1935 disturbances. For having
admitted that McIntosh "has on all occasions championed the
cause of the poorer classes for better wages and living
conditions," the governor felt constrained to add that "in
his zeal in this direction he was brought before the Court as
an abettor in the riots of 1935....The memory of this
prosecution has tended to embitter him although he still
continues...his championship of the poorer classes." 8
8
In 1935, though, government was faced with the task of
terminating the disturbances and ascertaining their causes.
Government clearly felt that irresponsible reporting by
newspapers had played no small role in the labor unrest.
Mention has earlier been made of the censorship placed on
newspapers one day after the disturbances began. This would
seem to suggest that government felt that the local press may
have played a role in mobilizing opponents of government.
While not supporting government's efforts to silence a free
press, a close perusal of one of the local newspapers, "The
Times," indicates that indeed it had been an outlet for anti-
government sentiment long before the disturbances began. It
may just be, however, that government mistakenly felt
convinced that it had little to fear from the citizenry.
As early as April, 1935, for example, a number of
articles highly critical of government policy and its
handling of legislative matters appeared in "The Times."
Separate though interlocking issues were raised in the
articles, aimed ultimately at demonstrating the ineptitude of
the Grimble administration and his own insensitivity to the
interests and aspirations of the ordinary folk of St.Vincent.
One piece, entitled "A Public Question," suggested that
"something seems to be going radically wrong with the local
government" inasmuch as a notice appeared on a large black
board at a Drug Store in Middle Street (most likely
McIntosh's) in which passers by were asked whether they were
satisfied with the government of the island. 9 This not too
9
well disguised suggestion of governmental ineptitude and
growing worker dissatisfaction was a theme which was picked
up in even more strident manner in other issues of the paper.
Grimble's handling of affairs relating to a statutory
body, the Electricity Supply Authority, provided much
ammunition with which "The Times" attacked his
administration. The Governor in Council's decision to bypass
the Authority in unilaterally changing the fees for the
testing of meters did not go unnoticed and drew considerable
public criticism in "The Times." 10 Nor did the feeble efforts
of C.B. Sayles, the Chairman of the ESA, to defuse the
situation by publishing a letter aimed at distancing the
Authority from the assertions made in "The Times" alleviate
the situation any. In fact, this letter compounded the issue
by causing the newspaper to publish the details of Grimble's
high handed behavior and "gross official discourtesy,
something quite contrary to the characteristics of a truly
British Gentleman, courtesy, affability--graciousness." 11
"The Times" also made tremendous capital of Grimble's
dismissal of an employee associated with the Ice and
Refrigerating Plant, which fell under the control of the ESA.
After having worked a thirteen hour shift without any relief
arriving, the employee shut down the facility and was about
to leave when the acting Chief Electrician unexpectedly
arrived. Having accused the employee of disobeying orders,
the Chief Electrician dismissed him the following morning.
Government a greed to pay him a little more than a month's
10
salary, even though he was entitled to two month's. That the
Administrator supported the action of the Chief Engineer
while dismissing the pleas by the ESA for milder disciplinary
action was interpreted as a sign of indifference to the
welfare of the workers, especially as this employee had been
recruited from Grenada to provide specialized services at the
Ice Plant. Claiming a desire to "dissociate ourselves with
the treatment to a fellow West Indian," the "Times"
reiterated its demand that "Grimble Must Go." 12
In addition, "The Times" argued that Grimble was always
prepared to approve lcw wage levels for Vincentian workers
which they found demeaning at best. As a result of changes
he had instituted in the Public Works Department, a perusal
of the new "Pay List" would cause one to "wonder how these
people live." At the ESA, "the Colonial Office Expert
Electrician laid down a system which called for the
employment of trained men and the pay adequate for such. As
soon as that Expert left the island for elsewhere, Mr.
Grimble issued his instructions ...to dispense with the
services of trained men and reduce the status and pay of
others..." According to the paper, "men who had given
several months gratuitous service to qualify as efficient to
serve in a most technical department of public usefulness to
the Colony" were treated thus shabbily because Grimble had
"got certain people in the Gilbert and Ellis Islands to do a
similar service as labourers. People who did not know their
worth and had little use for money." But Vincentians were
11
"more civilized," knew their worth, had "much use for money"
and should not therefore be treated as Grimble had treated
the "uncivilized people in the Gilbert and Ellis Islands."
Because of his misguided belief that native labor must be
exploited, "Grimble Must Go." 13
Another charge laid at Grimble's door was that his
abolition of the General Post Office as a cost saving measure
had led to undue delay in the processing of letters, to the
great detriment of business houses. Again making reference
to the Gilbert and Ellis Islanders, "The Times" remarked that
if those inhabitants were satisfied to wait six months for
their mails, "we are not and will not tolerate any such
delay. We are the masters in this our Saint Vincent home,
and the General Post Office is maintained by this community,
hence it must facilitate the community and particularly the
business section; and the new rules and restrictions which
are rendering the Post Office useless ever so fast must be
repealed in reply to the serious complaints that are being
made by every section of the people." 14 It seems that the
voices of protest against Grimble's policies were growing
increasingly louder.
Things may well have improved had the Administrator been
fairly accessible. But according to "The Times," the
opposite was the case. Individuals, some of whom were
"persons of good standing in the island," who sought an
audience with Grimble to discuss their grievances were not
allowed to do so. They complained "sorely that they are not
12
permitted to speak with Mr. Grimble as they were accustomed
to speak with other Administrators." Though it is tempting
to suggest that these were the voices of individuals who
suddenly found themselves out of favor with the new
government, it is equally true that a more astute
Administrator would have availed himself of such
opportunities to discuss grievances which were daily
escalating.
Grimble's cause was not enhanced much by the spirited
defense which the rival newspaper, "The Vincentian,"
occasionally mounted on his behalf. That the editor of "The
Vincentian" was a great admirer of Grimble is a matter of
public record.lD "The Times" categorized one such defense,
written by an individual calling himself "Impartial
Judgement," as "inspired" though obviously either "dictated
or written by Mr. Grimble himself." While "Impartial
Judgement" credits Grimble with a central role in the Three
Rivers Peasantry Scheme in which the Three Rivers Estate was
purchased by government and divided into lots for purchase by
the peasantry, the "Times" correctly pointed out that the
Scheme had evolved during the administration of Major Peoples
and that Grimble's role had been limited to the ceremonial
opening. Concluding that the article represented "a poor
contortion of a contribution with a commixture of editorial
interjections," the "Times" hoped that the island would soon
be "relieved of Mr. Grimble whose early career and intensive
13
researches among uncivilized people have fashioned him for
the government of a backward people only." 16
Such public criticisms against the Administrator
reflected sharp divisions within the body politic. The
efforts of the Representative Government Association to
obtain participation in government for a larger number of
Vincentians meshed beautifully with the utterances against
Grimble, in particular, and Crown Colony government, in
general. By September, "The Times" had shown no signs of
lessening its assaults on an individual whom it regarded as
both inept and contemptuous of the interests of the common
people. Continuing its "Grimble Must Go" campaign, the
September 26 issue announced its intention to treat fully in
future issues with the several acts of maladministration by
Grimble. These included: The Sugar Protection Ordinance and
the Sugar Market, the Ice Contract, The Biabou Water Supply,
the selection of4he Mental Home Site, L'affaire Woods, his
attitude towards the Kingstown Town Board in their attempt to
secure an improved water supply and a covered market, the
Girls High School site, and the dumping of the two most
important officers of the colony in Mr. Corea's yard. 17 This
undoubtedly was a most ambitious agenda which could
conceivably have run right into December.
Addressing the sugar issue, the paper queried whether an
adequate supply of local sugar existed for the needs of the
island until the next reaping season. If the answer was no,
then who was to be blamed for the existing situation? "The
14
Times" answered its own question by suggesting that the
inhabitants of the island had been "subjected to a form of
racketeering in this produce and that Mr. Grimble's weakness
is the cause of our trouble." It expressed astonishment on
discovering that sugar was actually being imported into the
colony. Further, it was "staggered to learn that someone in
the KNOW placed large orders in Barbados for sugar to be
delivered here in and around November at the very time when
the request was made for sugar protection law." Moreover, it
wished to know "if the sugar protection legislation was just
a blind to penalise an already impoverished sugar consumer." 18
The inference clearly was that the Administrator had forged
an alliance with members of the mercantile community in order
to exploit the workers.
Before "The Times" could complete its coverage of the
various items listed above, the volatile local situation had
taken a decisive turn for the worse. For on October 18, the
Administrator had presented to the Legislative Council and
taken full responsibility for two revenue producing bills.
The Licenses (Amendment) Ordinance 1935 and The Customs
Duties (Amendment #14) Ordinance 1935 had been touted as
absolutely essential if St. Vincent were to put its financial
house in order and build up for its rapidly shrinking Reserve
Funds. 19
Ironically, this issue of "The Times" also carried
coverage of the disturbances of October 21. Rather than
providing the carping commentary on Grimble's policies or
15
even a detailed explanation of the causes of the
disturbances, the paper carried a brief message as follows:
"The Times" deeply apologises for its undue lateness in
publication. Three columns of an article entitled 'Who is to
blame' dealing with the various aspects of the riot have been
disallowed publication by Government censorship, much to our
inconvenience." In addition, an article entitled "What is
wrong with St. Vincent" was not printed. In its place
"ARTICLE CENSORED AGAIN. TOO LATE FOR ANOTHER." was
inserted. 20 "The Times" had felt the full impact of the
censor's axe, and for the time being was forced to publish
only government-approved articles in its coverage of the
disturbances and St. Vincent society and politics.
Government clearly recognized that censorship approved
during the period of the State of Emergency could not be
prolonged indefinitely after the lifting of the emergency
measures. To ensure that "The Times" tone down its
criticisms of government, Grimble obtained passage of a
Seditious Publications Ordinance, based partly on the St.
Lucia Ordinance of 1920 though it included some harsher
aspects. For example, the authorities now had discretionary
power for the summary trial of offenders. In his address to
the legislature when the Ordinance was being discussed,
Grimble provides us a clear first hand account of his
perception of the press during the stormy past six months or
so. According to him, the liberty of the press had been
grossly abused in the past, and he was unprepared to permit a
16
continuation of such abuse. He continued: "On my first visit
to St. Vincent, I said I welcomed constructive criticism, but
there is a difference between constructive criticism and
deliberate misrepresentation, coupled with abuse of
administration, and at embittering the feelings of the
uneducated." As far as he was concerned, the Ordinance was
aimed at preserving the "decency of society as a whole." 21
"The Times" would hardly have agreed with Grimble's
assessment of the situation.
Now that "The Times" was forced to tow the government
line, or at least lower the level of its rhetoric, it was
left to newspapers in neighboring islands to provide
uncensored and relatively independent commentary of the
events in St. Vincent. Grenada's "West Indian," under the
editorship of Clement Wickham, jumped aggressively to fill
the void. While he was still relying on the scanty
information furnished through cables or local government
releases, Wickham had penned an editorial in which he stated
that though to the outside world the events in St. Vincent
might appear to be "a sudden outburst of uncontrollable
people," closer examination of the circumstances would
eventually reveal "that the relations between the working
class on the one hand and the Government and the employing
class on the other had not been on a sound footing." He
called on employers to "seek to inspire confidence and trust
by identifying with its humbler brethren," while
simultaneously advocating increased education, "proper
17
organization of the working class, and a breaking down of the
barriers which separate one class from the other." If, he
argued, there is a "solid core of education and discipline in
the working class," whatever differences might arise could
eventually be settled without violence. 22
Recognizing how unreliable the information available
through Canapress and filtered through the watchful eyes of
the censors might be, Wickham decided to journey to St.
Vincent on the morning of October 23rd to evaluate the
situation for himself. While deprecating the frequency with
which disturbances had been occuring recently, Wickham felt
that a serious examination of the root causes were in order.
"The West Indian is on the whole a patient, good humored sort
of fellow. The labouring class manages to smile under
conditions which would try the patience of Mark Tapley. When
trouble arises there should be a close and searching scrutiny
to find out whether there is not some grievance which the
ignorant and misguided people sought to remedy by wrong
measures." Recognizing that the disturbances in St. Vincent
could not be undone, he recommended that Governor Grier
impress on the Colonial Office some of the facts he had
gleaned through the past few months. "That forceful and
downright method which he adopted in receiving a deputation
of the St. Vincent Representative Government Association
recently might be adopted with equal force and apositeness in
his reminders to the Colonial Office. If any of these Crown
Colonies are on the rocks or near them, it is not the fault
18
of the people. They have had no responsibility for
Government, and it is unfair to throw it in their teeth. But
the Colonial Office might be invited to enquire into the
conditions of living, the wage scale, the pressure of
taxation, and the cost of administration. These are pressing
questions but they are ignored and anybody who seeks to bring
them home is looked upon as an agitator....These general
reflections are in no way intended to prejudice the St.
Vincent issue. But they might be of value in other
communities in the vicinity of our unhappy neighbour." 23
Wickham's insightful analysis of some of the issues
pertinent to the St. Vincent disturbances assume added
poignancy in light of subsequent Colonial Office policies.
For, rather than dismissing the various outbreaks of labor
disturbances as being highly localized incidents which could
be treated with band aid type remedies, the Colonial Office
ultimately decided to appoint a high powered Commission of
enquiry under the chairmanship of Lord Moyne to make an
overall assessment of the state of affairs in the Caribbean
and to offer recommendations for their improvement. Their
findings, and the testimony of the various witnesses
throughout the Caribbean or resident in Britain while
maintaining an interest in the Caribbean, provided
compellingly useful information which British policy makers
utilized in charting a hesitantly new course for the
Caribbean from the 1940s onwards.
19
At no time did either Grimble or Grier admit that the
St. Vincent situation had deteriorated to the point that it
did because of the confrontational relationship which existed
between Grimble and "The Times." To do so would have called
into serious question Grimble's ability as an administrator.
Removing him before his tour of duty ended would undoubtedly
have appeared as caving in to the wishes of the "Times" and
would have enhanced the stature and following of both that
newspaper and the representative Government Association.
Rather, they argued that the root cause of the disturbances
was to be found in the activities of outside agitators who
were manipulating the working class. Constant references
were made to a visit which T. Albert Marryshow had made to
St. Vincent the week before the disturbances and the impact
of his public address sponsored by the Representative
Government Association. They also invoked the Italian
invasion of Abyaiinia as being the catalyst for all
individuals of African ancestry to rise in arms against
whites. 24 While both of these positions may have some merit,
it is equally true that had Grimble and other colonial
authorities heeded the concerns articulated by the "Times,"
the situation may never have deteriorated to the point of
bloodshed.
1 As late as 1938, for example, one writer speaking on the lack of change in thelandholding and laboring classes throughout the Caribbean noted that "acentury of British rule has created a local bourgeoisie without changing theposition of the laborer. In Trinidad in 1931, just over one percent of thepopulation owned over half the area under cultivation, while in St. Vincentless than one percent owned two thirds of the cultivated land." C.O. 950/30,"Memorandum on the Economic, Political, and Social Conditions in the West
20
Indies and British Guiana, Presented By the International African ServiceBureau, the League of Coloured Peoples, and the Negro Welfare Association,"September 9, 1938.2 On this, see for example, Tony Martin, The Pan African Connection
3 Franklin W. Knight, The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism, (New York, 1978), 179.
4 C.O. 321/363/64320, Gov. Selwyn Grier to The Right Honourable MalcolmMacDonald, M.P., Nov. 12, 1935.5 The Order in Council announcing of the State of Emergency was printed inthe St. Vincent Government Gazette (Extraordinary), Tuesday Oct. 22, 1935.Copies were also posted at various strategic points in the island.6 Speech of Mr A.M. Punnet. Minutes of Legislative Council, Oct. 28, 1935, in St.Vincent Government Gazette, Nov. 15, 1935.7 "The Times," Thursday, Dec. 11, 1935, p.3.8 "Recommendation of George Augustus McIntosh for O.B.E. Civil Division,"(Confidential) Kings' Birthday Honours, 1948, in Archives at GovernorGeneral's Office, Grenada.9 "The Times," 18th April. 1935.10Ibid. Because of complaints of the inaccuracy of some meters, the Authorityhad earlier determined that the meters should be tested periodically. To meetthe cost incurred, a fee of ten shillings had been imposed. At a later stage, theAuthority- considered these fees to be exorbitant and recommended to Grimblethat they be reduced to two shillings. Grimble disallowed the amendedregulation and after consultation with the Chief Electrician who suggested afee of five shillings, amended it further in keeping with the ChiefElectrician's recommendation and published it in the Government Gazette asthough it had come from the Authority. See "The Times," 20th June, 1935.11 "The Times," 6th June, 1935 and 20th June, 1935.12 "The Times," 20th June. 1935, and 23rd May, 1935.13 "The Times," 13th June. 1935.14 "The Times," 30th May. 1935.15 Robert M. Anderson, the newspaper's editor, dedicated his Notes and Reflections on St. Vincent. With Chronology from 1409-1937, (Kingstown, St.Vincent; 1937) "To His Excellency Arthur Francis Grimble, C.M.G., (Governor ofthe Seychelles) In Appreciation of His Services as Administrator of theColony of St. Vincent."16 "The Times," 6th June, 1935. Grimble had apparently written an article bouthis experiences with and observations of natives in the Gilbert and EllisIslands. He later published A Pattern of Islands,which was used as an Englishtext in secondary schools in Grenada at least.17 "The Times," 26th September, 1935.18 Ibid.19 "The Times," October 31, 1935, carrying summary of minutes of LegislativeCouncil on 18th October.20 "The Times," October 31, 1935.21 C.O. 321/369/64333, Grier to Thomas, December 14, 1935.22 "The West Indian," Wednesday, Oct. 23, 1935.23 "The West Indian," Thursday, October 24, 1935.