+Tebow-Participant_reference_in_Bru_narrative_texts _2010

AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE IN BRU NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN

KHOK SA-AT VILLAGE

Charles Thomas Tebow II

Presented to Payap University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree ofMASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

Faculty of Arts

Payap UniversityMarch 2010

CHARLES TEBOW II AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE IN BRU NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN KHOK SA-AT VILLAGE

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AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE IN BRU NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN

KHOK SA-AT VILLAGE

Charles Thomas Tebow II

Presented to Payap University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree ofMASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

Faculty of Arts

Payap University, Chiang Mai, ThailandMarch 2010

Title AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE IN BRU NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN KHOK SA-AT VILLAGE

Researcher Charles Thomas Tebow II

Degree Master of Arts in Linguistics

Main Advisor Asst. Prof. Thomas M. Tehan Ph.D.

Approval Date 04 March 2010The members of the thesis examination committee:

1. __________________________________________________ Committee Chair(Prof. Somsonge Burusphat) Ph.D.

2. __________________________________________________ Committee Member(Asst. Prof. Thomas M. Tehan) Ph.D.

3. __________________________________________________ Committee Member(Larin Adams) Ph.D.

This thesis is accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Linguistics.

Approval Date: ______________________

______________________________(Aj. Malee Kongwannit)Dean of the Faculty of Arts

Copyright © Charles Thomas Tebow II Payap University 2010

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to Dr. Tom Tehan for his patient help and encouragement. I also want to thank Dr. Larin Adams for his thorough reading of this thesis and his insightful comments and suggestions. I am thankful for the opportunity I had to live and study in the village of Khok Sa-at with Thongbai Khunakorn and Kabin Hunghuan. They spent many hours teaching me Bru. Thongbai was a dedicated writer who typed in more than 40 Bru narratives. I am grateful for the insights these two dedicated teachers gave me into their language. Finally, I am grateful to my wife Joy and my three children, Zach, JoAnna and Ellie, who patiently endured a year of thesis writing.

Charles Thomas Tebow II04 March 2010

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Title An analysis of participant reference in Bru narrative texts as spoken in Khok Sa-at village.

Researcher Charles Thomas Tebow II

DegreeMaster of Arts in LinguisticsPayap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand

Advisor Asst. Prof. Dr. Thomas M. TehanDate Approved 04 March 2010Number of Pages 116Keywords Discourse analysis, Bru, Participant reference

ABSTRACTThis study analyzes the participant identification system of five third-person narrative texts in the Bru language as spoken in the village of Khok Sa-at (Bru KS) of Sakon Nakhorn province, Thailand. The analysis describes referring expressions used to track participants and their discourse functions.The inventory of referring expressions used to track participants consists of null (zero) reference, nouns, pronouns, NPs with classifiers, NPs with demonstratives and NPs with relative clauses. Each of these referring expressions have a particular function and role in the discourse to identify referents and to signal thematic salience.Givón's (2001b) method of topic persistence and decay is used to objectively determine participant rank. This method identifies which participants are central, major, minor or peripheral. Dooley and Levinsohn's (2001) method is used to discern sequential participant reference patterns in terms of default encodings in eight different environments. The combination of these two methodologies revealed useful insights into some of the difficulties of identifying the referents experienced by non-native Bru KS speakers.

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ช��อเร��อง การว�เคราะห�การอ�างถ�งผ��ม�ส�วนร�วมในเร��องเล�าภาษาบร� ท��พ�ดในหม��บ�านโคกสะอาด

ผ��จ%ดท&า Charles Thomas Tebow II

หล%กส�ตร Master of Arts in Linguisticsมหาว�ทยาล%ยพาย%พ จ%งหว%ดเช�ยงใหม� ประเทศไทย

อาจารย�ท��ปร�กษาว�ทยาน�พนธ�หล%ก รองศาสตราจารย� ดร. Thomas M. Tehan

ว%นท��อน.ม%ต�ผลงาน 04 ม�นาคม 2553

จ&านวนหน�า 116

ค&าส&าค%ญ การว�เคราะห�เร��องเล�าภาษาบร�

บทค�ดย�อ

ว�ทยาน�พนธ�ฉบ%บน�1ว�เคราะห�ระบบการกล�าวถ�งผ��ม�ส�วนร�วมในเร��องเล�าท��ม�บ.คคลท��สามจ&านวน 5 เร��อง ในภาษาบร�ท��พ�ดในหม��บ�านโคกสะอาด จ.สกลนคร ประเทศไทย โดยบรรยายร�ปภาษาแทนส��งอ�างถ�งท��ใช�ในการระบ.ผ��ม�ส�วนร�วมและหน�าท��ทางปร�จเฉทของร�ปภาษาด%งกล�าว

ร�ปภาษาแทนส��งอ�างถ�งท��ใช�ในการต�ดตามผ��ม�ส�วนร�วมประกอบด�วยการอ�างถ�งท��ไม�ปรากฏร�ป ค&านาม ค&าสรรพนาม นามวล�ท��ม�ค&าล%กษณะนาม นามวล�ท��ม�ค&าระบ.เฉพาะ และนามวล�ท��ม�ค.ณาน.ประโยค ร�ปภาษาแทนส��งอ�างถ�งเหล�าน�1ม�หน�าท��และบทบาทเฉพาะในปร�จเฉทเพ��อระบ.ส��งอ�างถ�งและท&าให�ใจความหล%กม�ความเด�น

งานว�จ%ยน�1ใช�ว�ธ�การคงอย��และลดห%วข�อของ Givón (2001b) ในการก&าหนดล&าด%บของผ��ม�ส�วนร�วมอย�างเปCนร�ปธรรมโดยระบ.ว�าผ��ม�ส�วนร�วมคนใดเปCนต%วเอก ม�บทบาทหล%ก บทบาทรอง หร�อเปCนต%วประกอบ และน&าว�ธ�การของ Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) มาใช�ในการพ�จารณาร�ปแบบของการอ�างถ�งผ��ม�ส�วนร�วมอย�างต�อเน��องในแง�ของการถอดรห%สโดยปร�ยายในสภาพแวดล�อมท��แตกต�างก%น 8 แบบ การใช�ว�ธ�การท%1งสองว�ธ�น�1ท&าให�เข�าใจปOญหาท��เก�ดข�1นในการระบ.ส��งอ�างถ�งส&าหร%บผ��ท��ไม�ได�ใช�ภาษาบร�ท��พ�ดในหม��บ�านโคกสะอาดเปCนภาษาแม�

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements....................................................................................................ii Abstract....................................................................................................................iii บทค�ดย�อ......................................................................................................................iv List of Tables...........................................................................................................viii List of Figures...........................................................................................................ix Abbreviations and Symbols........................................................................................xChapter 1 Introduction..............................................................................................1

1.1 The Bru people..................................................................................................21.2 Language background.......................................................................................3

1.2.1 Language classification...............................................................................31.2.2 Language vitality........................................................................................51.2.3 Previous research on Bru and So................................................................6

1.3 Research questions............................................................................................61.4 Objectives of the study......................................................................................71.5 Limitations and scope........................................................................................71.6 The text corpus..................................................................................................7

1.6.1 Data collection............................................................................................71.6.2 Plot summaries...........................................................................................81.6.3 Text genre.................................................................................................11

1.7 Theoretical approach.......................................................................................12Chapter 2 A brief description of the Bru KS language .............................................14

2.1 Phonology......................................................................................................142.2 Grammar overview.........................................................................................16

2.2.1 Word formation........................................................................................162.2.2 Phrase level..............................................................................................182.2.3 Clause types..............................................................................................312.2.4 Embedded clauses.....................................................................................33

2.3 Summary.........................................................................................................36Chapter 3 Referring expressions..............................................................................37

3.1 Literature review............................................................................................373.1.1 Individuation and specificity....................................................................38

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3.1.2 Identifiability, activation status and thematic salience.............................383.2 Methodology...................................................................................................403.3 NPs with attributive modifiers in discourse.....................................................41

3.3.1 Nonrestrictive modifiers...........................................................................413.3.2 Restrictive modifiers.................................................................................42

3.4 Possessive phrases in discourse.......................................................................433.5 NPs with classifier phrases in discourse..........................................................44

3.5.1 Specificity.................................................................................................443.5.2 Identifiability............................................................................................453.5.3 Thematic salience.....................................................................................45

3.6 NPs with demonstratives in discourse.............................................................463.6.1 Tracking use.............................................................................................473.6.2 Recognitional use......................................................................................47

3.7 Proper nouns in discourse...............................................................................483.8 Kin terms in discourse.....................................................................................493.9 Pronouns in discourse.....................................................................................52

3.9.1 Deictic functions of pronouns...................................................................523.9.2 Anaphoric functions of pronouns..............................................................543.9.3 Pronominal constructions.........................................................................54

3.10 Classifier phrases as referring expressions ....................................................563.11 Demonstratives as referring expressions........................................................573.12 Zero anaphora in discourse...........................................................................583.13 Summary.......................................................................................................58

Chapter 4 Participant rank.......................................................................................614.1 Theoretical approach to participant ranking...................................................614.2 Methodology..................................................................................................624.3 Participant ranking according to look-back and decay....................................654.4 Introducing participants ................................................................................71

4.4.1 Central participants..................................................................................724.4.2 Major participants....................................................................................744.4.3 Minor participants....................................................................................764.4.4 Peripheral participants and props.............................................................78

4.5 Summary.........................................................................................................80Chapter 5 Participant identification patterns...........................................................82

5.1 Theoretical approach ......................................................................................825.2 Methodology..................................................................................................835.3 Rules for default encoding patterns.................................................................85

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5.3.1 Subject reference patterns.........................................................................855.3.2 Non-subject reference patterns.................................................................98

5.4 Non-default encoding patterns......................................................................1105.4.1 More than default encoding for subject contexts....................................1105.4.2 More than default encoding for non-subject contexts.............................1125.4.3 Less than default encoding for subject contexts......................................1125.4.4 Less than default encoding for non-subject contexts...............................114

5.5 Summary.......................................................................................................114Chapter 6 Conclusion.............................................................................................115

6.1 Summary of findings.....................................................................................1156.2 Evaluation of methodology ..........................................................................1166.3 Significance of findings.................................................................................1166.4 Further research............................................................................................116

Bibliography..........................................................................................................118 Appendix 1: The Seven Orphans............................................................................124 Appendix 2: The Big Snake Son-In-Law.................................................................150 Appendix 3: The Buyeang Fish Story.....................................................................176 Appendix 4: The Wild Buffalo Ear.........................................................................193 Appendix 5: The Grandfather Ghost......................................................................211 Appendix 6: King Paajit.........................................................................................227

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Consonant inventory...................................................................................14Table 2: Monophthong vowel inventory...................................................................15Table 3: Diphthongs..................................................................................................15Table 4: Examples of clear and breathy register.......................................................15Table 5: Final consonant inventory...........................................................................16Table 6: Personal pronouns.......................................................................................20Table 7: General pronouns........................................................................................22Table 8: Demonstratives...........................................................................................23Table 9: Classifiers....................................................................................................25Table 10: Auxiliary vs. Independent Verbs...............................................................27Table 11: Post-verbals...............................................................................................29Table 12: Subordinating conjunctions.......................................................................34Table 13: Inventory of Bru KS referring expressions.................................................58Table 14: Participant rank by number of mentions...................................................63Table 15: Look-back values of most important participants......................................65Table 16: Adjusted look-back values of most important participants........................67Table 17: Decay values of most important participants............................................68Table 18: Final ranking of most important participants............................................70Table 19: Major participants.....................................................................................76Table 20: Minor participants.....................................................................................78Table 21: Peripheral participants..............................................................................80Table 22: Distribution of S1 category.......................................................................86Table 23: Distribution of S2 category.......................................................................90Table 24: Distribution of S3 category.......................................................................93Table 25: Distribution of S4 category.......................................................................96Table 26: Distribution of N1 category.......................................................................99Table 27: Distribution of N2 category.....................................................................102Table 28: Distribution of N3 category.....................................................................105Table 29: Distribution of N4 category.....................................................................107Table 30: Default coding for central and major participants...................................114

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Map of Northern Katuic languages in Thailand, Laos and Vietnam ............2Figure 2: Bru Language Family Tree ..........................................................................3Figure 3: Detailed Map of 8 Bru KS villages (Mapmagic Thailand:2008)....................4

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ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

1S first person singular1P_Exc first person plural exclusive1P_Inc first person plural inclusive2S second person singular2P second person plural3S third person singular3S_H third person singular

honorific3P third person pluralAdjP adjectival phraseAdvP adverbial phraseCAUS causativeClf classifierClfP classifier phraseC complementiserCOMP completiveDEM demonstrativeEMPH emphaticEXCL exclamativeIMP imperativeINDEF indefiniteINTENS intensifierIRR irrealisLOC locativeN nounNEG negativeNEG_IMP negative imperativeNMLS nominaliserNP noun phrase

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NumP numeral phrasePASS passivePOSS possession markerPossP possessive phrasePP preposition phrasePRO pronounPrt particlePST pastPROG progressiveRECIP reciprocalREFL reflexiveREL relativizerSV stative verbSVO Subject, verb, objectV verbVP verb phraseVIP very important participant

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Chapter 1

Introduction

This thesis is a study of the participant reference system found in five third-person narrative texts of the Bru language as spoken in the village of Khok Sa-at in Sakon Nakhorn province, Thailand. It analyzes the participant reference system in terms of its function with the goal of making discoveries that will aid in understanding the emic discourse tendencies of Bru narrative text.Following the actors in a Bru narrative can be difficult due to the extensive use of zero anaphora, i.e. leaving the actor unspecified. When zero anaphora is used, Bru speakers assume that the context of the text is sufficient to specify the participant. This study will examine in what contexts zero anaphora is used. Along with zero anaphora, Bru narratives use proper names, kinship terms and pronouns to refer to participants, as well as longer noun phrases. This study will examine the different strategies of participant reference and what motivates Bru speakers to use them.All languages have a system of identifying participants within a narrative. Each participant reference system uses referring expressions, generally Noun Phrases (NPs) in all their forms, according to its own particular discourse grammar. The discourse grammar of a language determines when pronouns and proper names are necessary to identify a participant. Paragraph boundaries, salience and disambiguation all influence the type of referring expressions likely to be used. Grimes (1975:47) argues that the participant identification system of a narrative text provides a means for establishing the identity of a referent and maintaining it without confusion to the hearers.The following chapters seek to describe the participant identification system of Bru narrative. The remainder of chapter one will describe the Bru people, where they are located and their language classification. It will also present the research questions, objectives and scope of the study. It will introduce the six texts to be examined and will explain the theoretical methodology used to analyze the texts.

Chapter 2 provides a brief description of Bru phonology and sentence level grammar. Chapter 3 describes the inventory of referring expressions used in Bru narrative. Chapter 4 applies Givón's theory of “Look-Back” and “Decay” to rank participants in their order of importance. Chapter 5 describes participant identification patterns in 8 different contexts using Dooley and Levinsohn's (2001:44) methodology. Chapter 6 summarizes the findings of this paper and evaluates the methodology used.

1.1 The Bru people

There are approximately 120,000 speakers of Bru Tri located in southern Laos and central Vietnam. In Thailand there are 3 distinct Bru dialects with populations of around 5000 speakers each. They are located in Ubon Ratchathani province (Bru Wyn Buek), Mukdahan Province (Bru Don Luang) and Sakon Nakhorn province (Bru Khok Sa-at). See Figure 1 for a map of the main Bru population areas from (Mann 2009:10).

This study will focus on the Bru speech variety of the village of Khok Sa-at (Bru KS) located in Sakon Nakhorn province of Northeast Thailand.

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Figure 1: Map of Northern Katuic languages in Thailand, Laos and Vietnam (Mann 2009:10)

So

Bru KS

Bru Don Luang

Bru Woen Buk

Bru Tri

1.2 Language background

Bru is an Austroasiatic, Mon-Khmer language in the Katuic branch. The Ethnologue (Gordon 2005) classifies 20 languages as Katuic. Some of the major languages are Bru, Katang, Suey, Kuy, Ta-oih and So. They are found in Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Thailand.

1.2.1 Language classification

Miller and Miller (1996) refer to the Bru languages of Northeast Thailand as being in the North Katuic grouping (with Thomas 1966; Smith 1981). Smith includes Katang, Sui, So and Bru in this subgroup. However, the Ethnologue (Gordon:2005) identifies these languages as West Katuic. The Katuic family derives its name from the Katu language.Miller and Miller (1996) argue that there is a strong relationship between the So, Bru, and Katang groups and separate the Suai, Kuy and Kuai as a different sub-category. Figure 2 below shows a proposed partial Mon-Khmer language family tree following Miller and Miller.

AustroasiaticMunda Mon-Khmer

Northern Mon-Khmer Eastern Mon-Khmer Southern Mon-KhmerKhasic Palaungic Khmuic

Khmeric Bahnaric Katuic Vietic

West Katuic North Katuic East Katuic Central Katuic Kuay Bru Kaseng Ta-Oih

Suy So Katu-Pacoh Suay Katang Nguq-Nkriang

Figure 2: Bru Language Family Tree

The Bru language data for this thesis comes from the village of Khok Sa-at in the Phang Khone sub-district of Sakon Nakhorn province of Thailand. The village of Khok Sa-at represents the language variety spoken by eight villages within the Phang Khone and Phanna Nikhom sub-districts along the shore of the Nam Un reservoir.1 The eight villages are shown in figure 3 below.

1 The eight villages are Khok Sa-at, Kham Wae, Nong Hai Yaay, Nong Hai Noi, Naa Lao, Naa Than, Huay Bun and Hin Taek.

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Figure 3: Detailed Map of 8 Bru KS villages (Mapmagic Thailand:2008)

Henceforth, this variety will be referred to as Bru KS, though there is no agreed upon name that refers to this variety. Bru KS is not mutually intelligible with the Bru Tri of Laos and Viet Nam, the speakers of which are approximately 150 kilometers away, nor is it mutually intelligible with the Bru of Don Luang in Mukdahan province (100 kilometers away). Neither is Bru KS mutually intelligible with the Bru of Wyn Buek of Ubon Ratchathani province. Miller reports that the Bru of Khok Sa-at originate from the Meung Wang area in Laos near the Vietnamese Border (Miller and Miller:1996). The Bru and So languages of Northeast Thailand are very similar, as seen in the high percentage of cognates (91%) they share (Miller and Miller:1996) and in observed ease of language acquisition between the two languages. The story teller of Khok Sa-at relates2 how the Bru came from Laos a few generations ago and states that the neighboring So of Kusuman village and the Bru of Dong Luang were in the same migration, settling in different regions. Migliazza (2003) states that the So people came to Thailand from central Laos within the last 150 years due to political and economic conditions there.The religious orientation of the Bru in Khok Sa-at is traditionally animist but strongly influenced by Thai Buddhism. They make their living through rice paddy farming, raising cattle, fishing, foraging and temporarily moving to Bangkok to work in factories. 2 This historical narrative is not included in the texts under study.

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Bru KS

Bru Don Luang

Bru Woen Buk

Bru Tri

Khok Sa-at

Kham Wae

Nong Hay YaayNong Hay Noi

Hin Daek

Na Lao

Na Than Huay Bun

Hiway 22

1.2.2 Language vitality

According to Kabin Hunghuan, the village headman of Khok Sa-at, the Bru speaking population of these villages is approximately five thousand people. All of the villages have a mixed population, with Phu Thai and Isaan speakers living together with the Bru KS speakers. About half the population of Khok Sa-at speak Bru while ninety percent of the population of Naa Lao village speak Bru. Most of the Bru KS speakers are bi-lingual in Isaan (Lao) and Bru. Many also speak Thai fluently as public schooling has become more available in the last forty years.While no sociolinguistic surveys were conducted to measure language vitality, the author lived in the village of Khok Sa-at for fourteen months and visited the other seven villages. It was observed that many elementary school children of Bru parents in Khok Sa-at were not speaking the Bru language, and language informants stated that the children of parents who have intermarried do not speak Bru, though many have a passive understanding. The children of Naa Lao village are reported to speak Bru within the family and were observed to be using Bru within the village.Using Fishman's (1991) Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS), the village of Khok Sa-at is estimated to be in stage 7, where the older generation is using the language but the children are not using it. The language is still spoken in the home among those in their mid-twenties and older. Those younger than twenty rarely used Bru. Thus there is the beginning of a disruption between the child-bearing generation and the newest generation. The village of Naa Lao is estimated to be in stage 6 of the GIDS because the children are learning the language naturally in an intergenerational context. Stage 5 requires that there be literacy in the threatened language along with some informal education. As there is only a beginning orthography, no literacy and no formal or informal education, the Bru KS language cannot be in stage 5.Fishman (1991) argues that stage 6 is the level for language maintenance. While the other six villages of this variety were not visited often enough to make observations, it is reported that they are in the same category as Khok Sa-at (Stage 7). The villages of Na Than and Huay Bun, which are closer to the village of Naa Lao, were reported to have a higher percentage of Bru speakers and may still be in Stage 6.At these levels of language maintenance, the Bru language is threatened. If the mixed population villages of Khok Sa-at and the surrounding area could increase their language use among the children, they could achieve a level 6. If literacy

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materials now being developed are accepted and used by the Bru speaking population, then Bru KS may be able to achieve a level 5. If this happens, then this variety of Bru would remain viable for the foreseeable future.If Bru KS is compared to the Mpi language survey data found in Tehan and Nahhas (2009), it can be seen that the Bru KS language is more likely to be maintained due to the larger population of speakers. The Mpi village of Ban Sakoen is in Stage 8 as only older members of the village speak Mpi. The neighboring Mpi village of Ban Dong is in Stage 7 as some of the children speak Mpi and more have a passive understanding (Tehan and Nahhas 2009:6). It is expected that the Bru KS language will follow the same trajectory as Mpi if there is no effort to maintain the language through literacy and through increasing its status by teaching it as a subject in local schools.

1.2.3 Previous research on Bru and So

The Bru language of Vietnam and Laos, referred to as Bru Tri, has been studied by John and Carolyn Miller who have written articles on the sentence level grammar (Miller, John:1964; Miller, Carolyn:1964) and a short discourse analysis (Miller and Miller 2002).

Migliazza (1998) has written a grammar of the closely related So language as well as discourse articles (2000; 2001; 2003) and a lexicostatistical study (1992). Gainey (1985) has written a comparative phonology of Kui, Bru and So. Burusphat (1989 and 1993) has written about Kui narratives. There are no studies published on participant reference in Bru narrative text.

1.3 Research questions

The following questions are addressed in this thesis:1. What is the inventory of referring expressions available for identification in

Bru narrative discourse? 2. What are the default encodings for tracking participants in the various

contexts of narrative discourse? 3. When is null reference used and what is the motivation for its use?4. What motivates the use of non-default encodings of participant

identification?

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1.4 Objectives of the study

The objectives in this study were to collect and examine five Bru narrative texts. The phonetically transcribed texts were used to present a short description of Bru KS phonology and grammar. An additional 3000 word Bru dictionary compiled by the author was also used to inform the phonology. The texts were then analyzed by:

1. Compiling an inventory of referring expressions and describing their functions on the discourse level,

2. Describing the default patterns for participant identification, and3. Identifying non-default occurrences of participant identification and

suggesting possible motivations for them.

1.5 Limitations and scope

This study is based on an analysis of five third-person narrative texts. These texts were written by the son of the village storyteller, who edited them to reflect natural Bru speech. Only one type of text is studied, namely third person narratives.Another limitation of this research is that the author is not a native speaker of Bru KS and has had to rely on language informants for correct translation and interlinearalization of the texts. There are some ambiguities in the text which could lead to a variant translation. It is believed that these ambiguities are minimal for the purposes of this study.

1.6 The text corpus

There are six narrative texts in the corpus. Five of these texts are analyzed, while the sixth (King Paajit) was added for the purpose of providing examples of proper nouns in the text and was not completely analyzed. This section describes how the texts were collected and gives a summary of each of the narratives.

1.6.1 Data collection

All of the texts in this study were collected in the village of Khok Sa-at in Sakon Nakhorn province, Thailand. My language informant, Thongbai Khunakorn, typed these stories in the tentative Bru Khok Sa-at orthography. Mr. Khunakorn and I then interlinearalized each text in the Fieldworks3 computer program. We also phonetically transcribed each word in the lexicon created by the Fieldworks program

3 Fieldworks was developed by SIL and can be downloaded for free at http://fieldworks.sil.org.

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to allow phonological analysis. The stories were written in June of 2007 and interlinearalized beginning in July and August of 2007.Mr. Khunakorn edited the texts to make them grammatically well-formed according to his intuition. He is the son of the village storyteller who has told these stories many times. The village story teller is bilingual in Lao and adds many Lao words when telling a story. These Lao words were edited out when a natural Bru word could be substituted. Sometimes the Lao words were a repetition of a Bru word, added to aid the understanding of Bru children who might not know that particular Bru word.Mixing languages in a bi-lingual situation is a naturally occurring phenomenon. Mr. Khunakorn had definite opinions as to which Lao words had been fully adopted into the Bru lexicon and which words were not. Thus, the narratives under study were edited with a “purist” disposition.

1.6.2 Plot summaries

These plot summaries will outline the main events of the narratives to aid the reader in understanding the subsequent analysis of this paper. The Seven Orphans is a mythical story about a barren couple who desire children. They pray to the gods and are given seven sons who have Merit. These seven sons eat all of the couple's food, and so the couple decides to abandon them in the forest. First they try to abandon the seven sons by leaving them in a deep hole. After that fails, the father attempts to crush them by having a tree fall on them. The children escape the second attempt by crawling out from under the tree and then finding their way home. The third attempt is successful as the children climb too high in a tree chasing a squirrel and are left there by their father. The gods save the children by sending a large bird who brings them to a new land near the mythical Seven Mountains. The seven orphans prosper in the new land and grow up. One day they meet seven daughters of a near-by king who are trading for rice. The seven orphan boys have enough to trade with the seven daughters who save their people during a famine. Soon after that, the couples marry and live together happily all of their days.The Big Snake Son-in-Law (S-I-L) is a mythical story with two episodes. The first episode is about an old couple who have many unmarried daughters. One day, the couple finds a snake who has taken all of the ripe mangoes. The snake gives them the mangoes on condition that the daughter who eats the mangoes must become his wife. The youngest daughter eats the mangoes and has to become the snake's wife.

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She is afraid but keeps to the bargain. The snake, seeing that she is an honest person, reveals that he is really a god and removes his snake skin to reveal a handsome husband. She wishes her husband would be a person permanently and a crow helps by stealing the snake skin and dropping it in the fire while the husband is in human form clearing the fields. The wife then disguises her husband by smearing charcoal on his face so that her sisters would not be jealous. The husband is discovered to be a handsome man when water is spilled on him and the sisters are envious. The second episode is about another mother and father who have one unmarried daughter and who want to have a god/snake for a son-in-law also. So they catch a snake and force their daughter to marry it. The snake quickly eats the daughter and makes a hole in the wall of the house to escape. The father and mother pursue the snake but they can not catch up to it. Two brothers are then introduced as farmers living in the mountains. One day they go to check their trap and find a big snake caught in it. They cut the snake open and find the young woman who is still breathing. They revive her and heal her. When she is healed, she can not remember who she is or where she came from. She offers to marry the brother who saved her. The two brothers agree that it is more appropriate for the older brother to marry her. After they are married, she plants a pumpkin vine and prays to the gods that they will make it grow until it reaches her mothers house. The gods grant her request and the vine grows onto the roof of her mother and father's house. The mother and father follow the vine back to its source and discover their daughter. They are united and live happily together all of their days. The Buyeang Fish is a mythical story about a younger brother who helps people and animals. His older brother orders soldiers to kill him out of fear and envy. The younger brother convinces the soldiers to set him free, and he goes in search of a new city. He has no food and eats only the fruit on the trees. While walking in the woods, he saves a buyeang fish instead of eating it. He also saves a deer and a wolf. Then he comes to a city where a witch has turned everyone except an old woman into stone. He saves the village by challenging the witch's magical powers and is able to hide from her magic mirror with help from the fish, deer and wolf. In anger, the witch throws down her wand which breaks and the tip points back at the witch and turns her to stone. The spell is broken, and the king gives his daughter and kingdom to the younger brother. They live together happily all of their days.The Wild Buffalo Ear is a Bru mythical story. The word si.ŋuːr 'wild buffalo' in the title is difficult to translate as the Bru did not know what kind of animal it was.

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They said it was big like a buffalo and lived in the mountains but there are none of these kinds of animals left in the mountains of Thailand. Some So speakers reported that they had a similar word which meant wild buffalo. The Wild Buffalo Ear is about a grandfather and grandson who receive a gift of meat from some hunters. They are surprised when their gift is only the ear of a wild buffalo. The gods take pity on them and transform the ear into a beautiful woman who secretly prepares food for them. They discover her and she marries the grandson. After living together some time, the spirit in the fields causes weeds to grow. The grandfather and grandson can not pull up all of the weeds. The daughter-in-law solves the problem by stabbing the field with sharpened sticks. Later, there is a famine and the daughter-in-law transforms leaves into rice as they are steamed. The grandfather discovers that she is steaming leaves and angrily criticizes her. She overhears the criticism, goes to the field and pulls up her sharpened stakes and leaves the grandfather and grandson, never to be seen again.The Ghost Grandfather is about a grandfather who dies and leaves his grandson with no family. The grandson mourns so much that the grandfather has pity and gives him medicine to see the world of the dead. The grandson lives in a ghost village with his grandfather. Some friends come to take the grandson hunting and the grandson fails to shoot a deer, but does capture an insect. The grandfather shows his grandson that the insect is the deer by causing it to transform into its original body. Then the grandson hunts birds and kills three. The grandfather shows the grandson that the birds were high officials in the ghost village. The grandson must flee the ghost village and return to the land of the living where he mourns his grandfather. King Pachit is a text translated from the Isaan language and contains elements of both myth and history, with frequent authorial intrusions explaining to the listener how some actual places were named due to the events of this narrative. It is about Prince Pachit who goes in search of a bride. It was prophesied that he would find his wife near the city of Pimaanburi. The prophesy led him to a pregnant woman and he asked that her child be raised to be his wife if it was a girl. When the girl was born, Prince Pachit saw that she was beautiful and named her Arapim. When Arapim grew up, Prince Pachit returned to his home city to inform his father and gather gifts. While he was away, Arapim met Prommatat, the king of Pimaanburi, who tried to force her to marry him. But when he came close to her, her body became too hot to touch. Prince Pachit then finds and rescues Arapim. During their escape, a monk deceives them and captures Arapim. She escapes but is now separated from Prince

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Pachit. The gods show Arapim a medicine which revives the dead. She resurrects the daughter of a rich man who had died. As a reward, the rich man makes a rest house in the city with a mural depicting how she was separated from Prince Pachit. Arapim transforms herself into a man to search for Prince Pachit. Meanwhile, Prince Pachit comes to the city, sees the mural and finds Arapim in her male state. She transforms herself back into a woman, they marry and return to rule King Pachit's city. The complete texts of these narratives are included in Appendices 1 – 6.

1.6.3 Text genre

The texts in this study are all monologue narrative texts. They are classified as narratives because they are agent focused and have a chronological progression (Longacre 1996). Each text has at least three participants as that is ideal for studying the particular system of participant reference in a language. There are no first person narratives in this study.Greninger (2009) describes additional features such as textual form, textual content, context and rhetorical goals which further refine the genre of a text.Textual form is used to classify the structure of the text. All the narratives of this study are classified as fables as opposed to remote narratives or reports. Four of the five narrative fables are participant focused. The one event focused exception is The Big Snake Son-in-Law (S-I-L) which takes part in two episodes, each incorporating a big snake who becomes a son-in-law. In this event-focused fable, more participants are introduced and they move in and out of focus faster than in the participant focused fables.Each of the fables has an introduction, a body and a closure. The introduction of each fable contains a title and some form of the standard introduction tɛː lʌː duːn tʌ�ʔ t�ʃʌ�ː 'from before, a long time ago' which identifies the narrative as a fable. The introduction also consists of identifying the participants and the setting using the existential verb bɯːn 'exist'.The body of the text follows the actions of the participants in a chronological order. The participants are generally in focus and are introduced with a full noun phrase and sometimes a relative clause.The standard closure to the fable has the participants 'living happily ever after' with the standard ɤːt ruaʔ ɔː kṳː kṳː si.ŋaj (literally 'live happy good every day'). The two exceptions to this standard ending were 'The Wild Buffalo Ear' narrative where the

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wife leaves the husband and grandfather never to be seen again and in 'The Grandfather Ghost' story where the grandson must live by himself kṳː kṳː si.ŋaj 'every day'. Each closure has a finis realized as the one word sot 'end'.The textual content of each of the narratives has to do with family and living together in harmony. We see in these narratives the daily struggle for food and the importance of having children. An exception to the textual content is seen in 'The Buyeang Fish' story which has less rural content; having to do with cities, control, soldiers, witches and magic. It is interesting to note that 'The Buyeang Fish' narrative uses props familiar to Western fairy tales such as: a magic mirror, a wand which turns people to stone, and a city with soldiers. Perhaps this narrative has been influenced by Western fairy tales.The rhetorical goal of these fables is to entertain the listeners. One could argue that an additional rhetorical goal in 'The Buyeang Fish' narrative is the importance of helping others, though this is never made explicit with a moral at the end of the story.

1.7 Theoretical approach

This study analyzes participant reference using various discourse theories. The overarching theory common to discourse is that words and sentences can best be understood in their environment. It is understood that text boundaries motivate word choice and sentence structure. Deictic terms such as demonstratives and pronouns may have particular functions related to the text as a whole which a discourse approach can identify.This thesis applies Givón's (1983) theory of topic continuity which examines how topics are coded on a clause-by-clause basis. He theorizes that the coding used to identify a participant is motivated by (1) the length of absence from the scene, (2) potential interference from other topics, (3) availability of semantic information, and (4) availability of thematic information (1983:11). Lambrecht (1994) presents a cognitive theory of what is in the minds of a speaker and hearer during a narrative. He is concerned with how a speaker signals information to a hearer using particular language specific coding. vanDijk and Kintsch (1983:72) present four assumptions about how speech is processed. They are: (1) language users have a limited memory, (2) they cannot process many different kinds of information at the same time, (3) production and

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understanding of utterances is linear, and (4) other factors beyond linguistic information are required for understanding, such as a knowledge of the culture.These theories form the underlying assumptions of Dooley and Levinsohn's (2001:44) methodology which seeks to discover default participant reference patterns in eight different environments.

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Chapter 2

A brief description of the Bru KS language

This chapter describes the phonology of Bru KS and gives a brief overview of its grammar. The phonology is based on over 3000 words collected by the author between February 2007 and April 2008 for a dictionary of the Bru KS dialect. The grammar is based on the six texts under study as well as elicited examples.

2.1 Phonology

Bru has 21 consonants (Table 1) and 28 vowels. Of the vowels, 22 are monophthongs (Table 2) consisting of 11 basic vowels that are contrastive in length and 5 diphthongs (Table 3). There are two registers, but no tones.

Table 1: Consonant inventory

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Stops-voiceless p t t;ʃ [c] k ʔ

Stops-aspirated pʰ tʰ tUʃʰ kʰ

Stops-voiced b d

Fricatives s h

Nasals m n ɲ ŋ

Flaps r

Approximates w l j There is free variation between /w/ and /v/ which is probably influenced by Lao. Also, /f/ is used in some foreign words like farang 'foreigner' which has come into general use. In some words, the /f/ is in free variation with /pʰ/.

Table 2: Monophthong vowel inventory

Front Central Back

Short Long Short Long Short Long

High i i: ɯ ɯ: u uː

Mid e e: ɤ ɤ: o oː

Low-mid ɛ ɛ: ʌ ʌ: ɔ ɔː

Low a a: ɒ ɒː

Table 3: Diphthongs

Front Mid-glided Central Back

High ia ɯa ua

Mid e`a oa

Low Bru KS has contrasting registers in its vowels consisting of a clear register and a breathy register. Of the 28 vowels listed in tables 2 and 3, all have register distinction except for the mid-front to low-mid glide e�a which is only found in the breathy register. Thus there are 53 contrastive vowel phonemes.Some examples of clear and breathy indicated by .. below the vowel are listed in Table 4.

Table 4: Examples of clear and breathy register

Clear Breathy

kiː 'loom' ki�ː 'there'

ta.kajh 'swipe horn' ta.ka�jh 'break'

mat 'future' ma�t 'eye'Any of the consonants of table (1) may appear in the onset of a syllable. The set of stops which may appear in the coda of a syllable are reduced to unaspirated voiceless stops. Nasals, approximates and flaps are also permitted in the coda as shown in Table (5).

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Table 5: Final consonant inventory

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Stops-voiceless p t c k ʔ

Fricatives h

Nasals m n ɲ ŋ

Flaps r

Approximates w l j Phonological words are mainly monosyllabic or disyllabic. The first syllable of disyllabic words is always unstressed and restricted to three types. The first type is a syllabic nasal which assimilates to the point of articulation of the second syllable. The second type consists of a short /a/ vowel. The third type of first syllable takes the shape of CV(N) with the 'V' restricted to a short /a/ /i/ and /u/. The first syllable is always in the clear (non-breathy) register.The major syllable is always stressed and may contain either a long or short monopthong or a dipthong. The major syllable may occur in either clear or breathy register. The shape of the second syllable is C1 (C2) V (C3) (C4). The following describes the inventory of possible phonemes for each position:

C1=any of the 20 consonants shown in Table 1,C2=/r l/,V =any monophthong or diphthong shown in Table 2 or Table 3,C3= /w j h/, andC4 = any of the consonants shown in Table 5.

2.2 Grammar overview

This section describes word formation, the noun phrase (NP), NP modifiers, the verb phrase (VP) and the various possible clause types in Bru KS.

2.2.1 Word formation

There is little morphology in Bru Khok Sa-at. What little morphology there is exists as a prefix on the verb or is in the form of reduplication to form an expressive.

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2.2.1.1 Morphology

The causative prefix 'a' is common as in the case of a.t�ʃiːt 'to kill', a.kiŋ 'cause to roll' and a.sɛːŋ 'cause to go down'. Examples (1) and (2) illustrate this.

(1) The_Buyeang_fish.011

lɤ�ːjso

kɯ�tthink

a-t�ʃiːtCAUS-die

sɛːmyounger

So he thought (about) killing the younger brother.

(2) The Little Monk.098

a.ɲaː.kuː monk

kɯːjʔ small

lɤ�ːj so

pʌʔ go

iːt take

klɔːŋball

ko�ːlstone

a-kiŋ CAUS-roll

a-sɛːŋCAUS-down

So the little monk took the boulder (and) rolled it down the hill.

2.2.1.2 Reduplication and elaborate expressions

Reduplication is used for intensification as in examples (3) and (4). (3) The_Seven_Orphans.028

t�ʃuajʔsearch

si.mɯː vine

hɯk big

hɯk big

(I will) search for a very big vine.

(4) The_Seven_Orphans.029

a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjvine

pi�cdig

n�.truːdeep

n�.truː deep

So (they) dug very deep.

A kind of reduplication common to Mon Khmer languages is word pairs in a set expression of four words. Matisoff (1973:81-2) calls this construction an elaborate expression and explains that it is a compound containing 4 elements in an (A-B-A-C) or (A-B-C-B) form. It is considered more poetic to use this construction of four words when two would be sufficient. Bru often uses this kind of construction as seen in example (5).

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(5) The_Seven_Orphans.005

taʔmake

tʰraj field

taʔmake

suan garden

(They) farmed.

2.2.2 Phrase level

This section examines aspects of Bru grammar at the phrase level, starting with the noun phrase (NP) and continuing on to adjective phrases (AdjP), adverbial phrases (AdvP) and ending with verb phrases (VP).

2.2.2.1 Noun phrase

The noun phrase (NP) is typically realized as a noun, which acts as the head of the phrase, and is optionally followed by one or more attributes. These attributive modifiers are stative verbs (SV), classifier phrases (ClfP), demonstratives (DEM) or a simple possessive phrase (PossP). Head nouns in Bru KS are not marked for number or gender. Two head nouns may act as a compound and are often used to represent a class of things as in the case of examples (6), (7) and (8) below.

(6) The Buyeang Fish.025

tʰrɛː shirt

a.laːjpants

'clothes'

(7) The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.004

m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poa father

'parents'


sɛːmyounger sibling

aːj older sibling

'siblings'

Another form of a compound noun is used for names of plants and animals. All specific names of animals, like “crow”, are usually prefaced by their class as in

18

example (9). If one says si.aːk 'crow' without the class, most Bru speakers will be confused.

(9) The Grandfather Ghost.092

t�ʃom bird

si.aːkcrow

'crow'

A noun phrase can possess an immediately preceding NP and this possession can indicate ownership or relationship. Pronouns are often used to possess a preceding NP. In example (10), the first person singular pronoun ŋ9.koaʔ possesses the head noun kɔːn ka.muːl 'child female' indicating relationship. In this case, Bru KS depends on word order to mark possession. Other possessive constructions will be discussed below.

(10) The Seven Orphans.199kɔːnchild

ka.muːlfemale.unmarried

ŋ9.koaʔ1S_Poss

'my daughters'

A modifier of an NP can be a verb which acts to describe the noun. Stative verbs in Bru KS are syntactically used the same as adjectives are used in other languages. Smith (1979:84) states that there are no adjectives in Mon-Khmer languages, only stative verbs. Under this interpretation, sizes and colors are considered to be stative verbs rather than adjectives. In example (11), the stative verb kɯːjʔ 'small' acts like an adjective modifying the head noun a.t�ʃuː 'knife'. In example (12), kɯːjʔ 'small' acts like a verb copula and is the predicate of the sentence “The jungle is very small.”

(11) Seven_Orphans.154bɯːn have

bɯːnhave

a.t�ʃuːknife

kɯːjʔsmall

mṳaj one

namClf_thing

“(Yes we) have, (we) have a small knife.”

(12) The_Grandfather_Ghost.036trɯŋjungle

ki�ːthat

tʌːNEG

hɯkbig

dɔːkPrt_contra

trɯŋjungle

kɯːjʔsmall

kɯːjʔ small

“Actually that jungle is not big. The jungle is very small.”

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2.2.2.2 Pronouns

Pronouns (PRO) usually take the place of an NP. There are two types of pronouns: personal pronouns and reflexive pronouns. There are no possessive pronouns or dual pronouns as is common in other Mon-Khmer languages. There is no marking for syntactic roles such as subject or object, or semantic roles such as agent or patient. The full set of personal pronouns marked for person and number are listed in Table 6 below. The first person singular pronoun kʰa.nɔːj is a diminutive form used for showing respect to people of a higher class. The third person singular pronoun na�w is used for monks, kings, sprititual beings or other respected religious persons. It is also used as a generic pronoun used in a deictic sense to point to an unidentified referent. The first person plural inclusive pronoun haj is sometimes used as a singular pronoun in cases where someone is talking to themselves. It can also be used by royalty as a 'royal we'. There are no dual pronouns.

Table 6: Personal pronouns

Singular Plural

1st Person ŋ9.koaʔ kʰa.nɔːj 'polite'haj 'informal'

hiʔ 'exclusive'haj 'inclusive'

2nd Person maj m9.paj

3rd Person anna�w (High Class)na�w (generic)

a.laj

Pronouns can function as a head noun or a possessive in a phrase. In some cases they also function as an appositive. Care must be taken to distinguish which function a pronoun is performing because all these constructions share the same word order. For sake of clarity, pronouns will be marked 'APP' when functioning as an appositive and 'POSS' when used as a possessive. Pronouns acting as the head of a NP will be marked for person and number (e.g. '1S'). Relative clauses in which a pronoun follows a noun will be discussed in section 2.2.4.1.Possession in Bru KS is marked syntactically by word order. Sometimes this can be ambiguous. In example (13), the pronoun ŋ9.koaʔ '1S' could be the possessor of the noun phrase ɲɒʔ t�ʃiːn ŋ9.koaʔ 'my ripe mango' with the head noun being ɲɒʔ 'mango'.

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Or, the pronoun ŋ9.koaʔ '1S' could be a head noun and the beginning of a new clause. The second option would produce the bold words in the following free translation: “If you want to have ripe mangoes, I will give them to you.” Participant reference considerations discussed in chapter 5 point to a zero anaphora as the preferred form of the subject of the second clause. Thus the pronoun is most likely to be a possessor of the first clause as is shown in (13) below.


kʰanif

m9.paj2P

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

ŋ�.koaʔ1S.Poss

siIRR

ɔːngive

“If you want to have my ripe mangoes, (I) will give them to you. To avoid ambiguity, Bru KS optionally marks possession with kʰɔːŋ (borrowed from Thai) as found in example (14).


ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ku.t�ʃʰan snake

pṳːtbig

The ripe mangoes of the big snake.The general reflexive pronoun is a.t�ʃaw dɯːm and is not marked for person or number. Thus it can be translated as 'himself', 'herself', 'itself', 'ourselves', etc. as illustrated in example (15).


lɤ�ːj so

iːttake

kʰan bowl

kruap cover

me�aŋ face

a.t�ʃaw dɯːmREFL.PRO

So (she) took a bowl and covered up her own face.

The question words n9.traw 'what' and a.mʌ�ʔ 'who' can be used as general pronouns meaning 'whatever' and 'whoever' respectively. The general pronouns are shown in Table 7 below.

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Table 7: General pronouns

Bru Word General meaning

Pronominal meaning

Reflexive a.t;ʃaw dɯːm himself, herself, itself, ourselves

General (thing)

n9.traw what whatever

General (person)

a.mʌ�ʔ who whoever

2.2.2.3 Noun phrase modifiers

Nouns may be followed by a classifier phrase (ClfP) and/or a demonstrative (DEM). A formula for the basic noun phrase is given in example (16) below.

(16) NP -->N (V[STAT]) (ClfP) (DEM)

2.2.2.3.1 Demonstratives

Demonstratives (DEM) are devices which point out an object in time or space. Demonstratives may function as a pronoun and replace a NP, or they may function to modify a pronoun within the NP. As in English, Bru KS demonstratives both point deictically to an entity and they specify. Bru KS has two sets of demonstratives. The first set is used mainly to denote distance and location, though sometimes they are used in conjunction with a time word to point to a particular time. The second set of demonstratives are used purely to point to time. All of the Bru KS demonstratives are listed in Table 8.

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Table 8: Demonstratives

Bru word Meaning

Set One: Distance

naj here, this thing close to the speaker.

ki�ː there, that thing close to the addressee.

tɛ�h over there, that thing far from the speaker and addressee.

Set Two: Time

t�ʃi.nɔː short time (i.e. now)

tʌː duːn not a long time (recent)

duːn long time

ɲṳaŋ ki�ː first that (i.e.before)

kliː tɛː ki�ː behind from that (i.e. after that)When a demonstrative from Set One comes at the end of a noun phrase, it indicates the distance of that noun phrase from the speaker (e.g. 'this', 'that', or 'that thing far away'). When a Set One demonstrative precedes the noun phrase, it is a locational marker (e.g. 'here,' 'there,' and 'over there'). Sometimes a demonstrative from Set One is used with a time word such as ɲe�aːm 'time' and thus can point to a particular time period such as 'this time,' or 'at that time.' When a demonstrative from Set Two is used, it points to the duration of time or a point in time. Because there are only two duration-of-time demonstratives, Bru KS constructs a third for recent time by adding a negative to duːn 'long time.' To distinguish events that precede some anchor point, ɲṳaŋ 'first' is combined with the demonstrative ki�ː to produce the concept 'before'. Events that happen after a particular anchor point are distinguished by using kliː 'behind' with tɛː ki�ː 'from that' to produce the concept 'after'.Miller and Miller (2002:125) report that Bru Tri has an additional class of demonstratives that the Millers call abstract deictics. Bru KS does not have a lexical

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word for this function, but the phrases nɛ�ːw ki�ː 'thing that' or saː ki�ː 'like that' fulfill the same abstract function as shown in example (17).

(17) The Big Snake.053

pʰɔːwhen

daŋknow

nɛ.ːwthing

ki.ːthat

sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

kaʔ so

ɔːnallow

t�ʃom bird

ŋ9.kɛːmmouth.hold

ŋ9.kʰoːl skin

ku.t�ʃʰan snake

pʌʔgo

When (they) knew that thing (eg. the plan they just discussed), the youngest sister had the bird pick up the snake skin in its mouth and go.

2.2.2.3.2 Classifier phrase

A classifier phrase (ClfP) generally consists of a classifier and a numeral. Classifiers are used to embody and quantify nouns. The correct classifier depends on the class of the noun being quantified. The ClfP can be summarized in the following formula: ClfP--> Num + ClfP. Example (18) shows the generic classifier nam, which is used for a variety of objects like tools, sticks or mirrors. The classifier naʔ is used for people while toː is used for animals as seen in examples (19) and (20). Table 9 below lists some of the most common classifiers.

(18) The Buyeang Fish.060

an3S

bɯːn have

t�ʃi.la�ŋ mirror

wi.seːt magic

mṳaj one

namCLF_gen

She had a magic mirror.


an3S

bɯːn have

kɔːnchild

mṳaj one

naʔCLF_person

She had one child.

(20) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.006 a.laj 3P

paɲshoot

bɯːn able

si.ŋuːrbuffalo.wild

mṳaj one

toːClf_animal

They were able to shoot a wild buffalo.

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Table 9: Classifiers

Set One: Sort Clf

Classifier Meaning

tuaŋ lakes, ponds

ɔk fruit

ma.nil roll, scroll

ŋ9.keah side

naʔ person

t�ʃɯː number of times

la�m pieces of wood

toː animal bodies

pɔːŋ doors, doorways

Set Two: Measure Clf

Classifier Meaning

ra.mo�ːt handful

t�ʃɯː number of times

t�ʃi.kaːt hands (measure)When a classifier phase is reduplicated, it signifies one instance of that set of things. Example (21) shows how the idea of “one of your daughters” is realized as a classifier phrase reduplication rather than using the possessive marker kʰɔːŋ.


tɛːbut

kɔːnchild


maj�2S.POSS

mṳaj one

naʔ Clf_person

mṳaj one

naʔ Clf_person

tɔŋmust

pɛn be

m9.pajwife

ŋ9.koaʔ1S.Poss

“But one of your daughters must become my wife.”

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2.2.2.4 Verb phrase

A verb phrase (VP) consists of one or more optional preverbals and an optional auxiliary verb, followed by an obligatory head verb. The head verb may be followed by an optional post-verbal constituent. Example (22) illustrates the verb phrase.

(22) Verb Phrase = (Preverbal PROG)+(Preverbal IRR)+(Preverbal NEG)+(Auxiliary Verb)+Head+(NP) + (Postverbal)

2.2.2.4.1 Preverbals

The preverbal category is a limited set which consists of the negators (NEG) tʌː 'not' and sʌʔ 'don't,' along with the future/irrealis (IRR) marker si and the progressive marker (PROG) n9.toːm. An example of the future/irrealis marker is shown in example (23).

(23) The Wild Buffalo Ear.071

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

paːjC

ɲe�aːm time

a.bɯːevening

siIRR

bɯːn exist

kuajperson

tʌ�ʔcome

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

'(We) will watch in the evening (if) there will be someone who comes to steam (our) rice.'

Example (24) shows two preverbals in one verb complex where the irrealis preverbal si follows the progressive preverbal n9.toːm. The semantic domain is that of a possible ongoing action which may be translated as 'starting' or 'beginning to.'

(24) The Wild Buffalo Ear.075a.laj 3P

kaʔ so

hɯːmsee

ma.sɛːmwoman

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

an3S

n�.toːmPROG

siIRR

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

And so they saw a woman who was starting to steam rice.

An example of the negative preverbal is found in (25) below.(25) Seven_Orphans.006

tɛːbut

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

tʌːNEG

ruaʔhappy

leːwPrt_pst

But they were not happy.

2.2.2.4.2 Auxiliary verbs

Kroeger (2005:251) states that auxiliary verbs do not:

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function as independent semantic predicates; they do not take their own arguments as normal verbs do. The semantic content of auxiliary verbs is usually grammatical rather than lexical; they are used to express elements of meaning … (such as) tense, aspect, mood, voice and polarity.

Many auxiliary verbs may stand alone as an independent verb. The meaning of a verb used as an auxiliary verb varies from the meaning it has when used as an independent verb. Table 10 below lists the common auxiliary verbs and a gloss when used as an auxiliary and as an independent verb.

Table 10: Auxiliary vs. Independent Verbs

Bru Word Auxiliary Verb Gloss Independent Verb Gloss

ɤːt 'still' 'be_located/live'

kaː 'dare' 'brave'

kɤ�ːj 'ever' 'used to'

ɔːn CAUSATIVE/BENEFICIAL4

'give'

ta�n 'yet' ---Example (26) shows the locative 'be' verb ɤːt taking its preverbal meaning as it precedes the verb ta.ŋɯh 'to pulse/breathe'. Note that in this example there is the post-verbal nʌŋ which is often paired with,but is not obligatory, the preverbal ɤːt which mean 'still'.


ta.kɔːŋneck

an3S

ɤːtstill

ta.ŋɯhpulse

nʌŋstill

Her neck was still pulsing.

4 It is sometimes difficult to discern when ɔːn is acting as a beneficial (eg. 'allow') verses when it is acting as a causative (eg. 'make to happen') This ambiguity is clarified in the phrase taʔ ɔːn 'make CAUS' which is always causative.

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2.2.2.4.3 Head verbs

The head verb of a Bru verb phrase may consist of one verb or a compound verb such as bec ra.ŋeːt 'lie.down sleep'. A compound verb does not allow an object between the verbs and is thought of as one action. A serial verb construction is also thought of as one action, but it allows an object to be inserted as shown in example (27) below. This example illustrates the serial verb construction with the verbs ku.kɔh 'chop', a.dɒʔ 'to place' and a.ka�n 'wait'. Within the first verb phase is a NP object, ku.naj 'mouse', which is required by the transitive verb ku.kɔh 'chop'. Thus, there are a string of three VPs encoding three actions in succession: chopping up the mouse, putting it away and it will wait (eg. be stored). An alternative interpretation of this serial verb construction is that a.dɒʔ is acting as a post-verbal which marks the head verb as a causative completed (eg. 'cause the mouse to be chopped up'). Under this interpretation, there would be two VPs. The first VP would be ku.kɔh ku.naj a.dɒʔ 'cause the mouse to be chopped up' and the second would be a.ka�n 'wait'. Either of these interpretations is possible.

(27) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.070t�ʃawgrandchild

maj�2S

ku.kɔhchop

ku.najmouse

a.-dɒʔCAUS-put

a.ka.n wait

“Grandson, you chop up the mouse and put (it) in storage.”

2.2.2.4.4 Post-verbals

Table 11 below lists the limited set of post-verbals in Bru KS. Some of the post-verbals also function as head verbs.

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Table 11: Post-verbals

Bru Word Verb meaning Post-verbal function

dɒʔ/a.dɒʔ put/cause to put completive/cause to be complete5

t�ʃʌ�ː finish past event

ɲɛ̀ʔ all (adverb) used up/consumed

nʌŋ in/on (locative preposition) still/yet

bɯːn have 'ability/achievement'

kan --- 'reciprocal'The verbs a.dɒʔ or dɒʔ generally mean 'to cause to put' or 'to put' when acting as a main verb. When they follow a head verb at the end of a clause, they are post-verbals and mark the verb as completed. Sometimes, as in example (27) above, it is ambiguous as to whether the a.dɒʔ is a post-verb or the head verb of a new VP. An unambiguous example is shown in (28) below.

(28) The_Seven_Orphans.093tʰeːw.daːgod

t�ʃṳajhelp

a.laj3P

a.dɒʔCOMP

The god's had helped them.

The grammaticalized form of t�ʃʌ�ː 'finish' signals that an action has happened in the past. The post-verbal ɲɛ�ʔ acts as an aspect marker to show that an object has been used up. These two post-verbals are often used together as shown in example (29) below. Note that the first instance of ɲɛ�ʔ functions as a quantifier meaning 'all' or 'the whole group.'

(29) Seven_Orphans.082m9.poafather

kɯ�tthink

paːjC

kɔːnchild

ɲɛ.ʔall

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

ku.t;ʃiːtdie

ɲɛ.ʔcompletely

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

The father thought that all of the seven children were completely dead.

One important difficulty in Bru KS is that t�ʃʌ�ː has multiple meanings depending on its syntactic position in a sentence. As a verb it means 'finish', as a post-verb it means 'PST' and as an adverbial conjunction it means 'then'. In example (30), the 5 The difference between the post-verbals dɒʔ/a.dɒʔ has yet to be explored.

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combination of ɲɛ�ʔ t�ʃʌ�ː is ambiguous. It could mean 'completely finished' and form the ending of the first clause. The second option is that ɲɛ�ʔ could be the end of the first clause and t�ʃʌ�ː could be the beginning of the second clause acting as an adverbial. The second option is preferred because of the adverbial pʰɔː which begins the first clause which forms a type of 'when/then' statement. That is, when this event happens, then this event will be the result.


pʰɔːwhen

ujhfire

kaːtburn

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

an3S_POSS

ɲɛ.ʔcomplete

t�ʃʌ.ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

pɛnbe

kuajperson

kṳː every

kṳː every

si.ŋajday

dɔːkPRT_conclusion

“When the fire burns up his snake skin, then he will be a person from then on for sure.”

The locative prepostion nʌŋ signals that an action or state is ongoing. This is shown in example (31) below. Note that the preverbal ɤːt 'still' is generally paired with nʌŋ.

(31) Seven_Orphans.038tʌːNEG

hɯkbig

ɤːtstill

kɯːjʔsmall

nʌŋstill

“It's not big, still too small.”

When the verb bɯːn 'have' is used as a post-verbal it signals ability to do something. Example (32) below shows that the post-verbal bɯːn can be negated. The post-verbal ɲɛ�ʔ can also be negated while the other post-verbals cannot be negated.


sɛːmyounger

tɛːŋmarry

kapwith

an3S

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable


[younger speaking] “No, I cannot marry her.”

The reciprocal kan is used when an action is between two or more people, as seen in example (33). Note that the kan follows the object in the transitive verb t�ʃi�h 'ride' but directly follows intransitive verbs such as wa�w kan 'to talk with each other'.

(33) The_Seven_Orphans.051haj1P_inc

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

t�ʃi�hride

ta.kɔːŋneck

kanRECIP

t�ʃoːnup

“We seven will go up by sitting on each other's necks.”

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2.2.3 Clause types

The following intransitive, transitive and ditransitive clauses demonstrate that Bru KS is an SVO language.

2.2.3.1 Intransitive clause

An intransitive clause does not take object complements. There are three types of intransitive clauses in Bru KS. They are general, reciprocal and stative. An example of a general intransitive clause is found in (34). Note that this example contains a compound verb.

(34) The_Seven_Orphans.058pʰɔːwhen

ra.nɛːn child

beclie

ra.ŋɛ.ːtsleep

When the children were sleeping...

The reciprocal intransitive clause is marked morphologically by the verbal prefix ra- The intransitive reciprocal verb is often, though not necessarily, followed by the reciprocal post-verb kan. Sometimes a reciprocal intransitive clause is marked only by the post-verb kan. When both ra- and kan are used together there is a sense of ongoing interaction. For example, ra-wa�w kan means 'converse' and which entails multiple interactions as opposed to ra.wa�w which means 'respond/say' which entails only one interaction. Not every verb which starts with the syllable ra is a reciprocal verb as seen in the verb ra.ŋɛ�ːt 'sleep' found in example (34) above. The stem of a reciprocal verb is in most cases able to stand alone as in ra.t�ʃɛːt 'run into each other' and t�ʃɛːt 'crash.' An example of a reciprocal intransitive clause is found in (35) below.

(35) The_Grandfather_Ghost.037ka.ne�afriend

brawghost

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

ki�ːthat

ra.-wa.wRECIP-say

That group of the ghost friends said to each other...

The stative intransitive clause denotes a state of existence or being. Most words that are categorized as adjectives in other languages are analyzed as stative verbs in Bru KS, since they can stand alone as the predicate of a clause. An example of the stative intransitive clause is found below.

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(36) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.121ɒʔgrandfather

re.ajangry

pa.le�ajʔvery

The grandfather was very angry.

2.2.3.2 Transitive Clause

The transitive clause in Bru KS consists of a subject preceding the verb and an object following. While the subject and object are semantically obligatory, one or the other or both are sometimes left implicit when it is known by context. An example of a transitive clause with an explicit object is found in (37) below. An example of a transitive clause with an elided object is found in (38).


m9.paj wife

aːjolder

t�ʃohplant

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

The older brother's wife planted a pumpkin.


a.je�aʔgrandmother

tʰaw old

ki�tpick.off

Øvine

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

The old woman picked off the tip of the vine in the morning.

2.2.3.3 Ditransitive clause

A ditransitive clause consists of a subject, verb, direct object and indirect object. The direct object in the case of example (39) below is the t�ʃʰac 'meat', which immediately follows the verb. The indirect object is the recipient of the object, which in this case is the first person plural inclusive pronoun haj. It is common for the direct object (along with the subject) to be elided if the context is rich enough as in example (40).


a.laj3P

ɔːngive

t�ʃʰacmeat

haj1P_inc

pa.le�ajʔmany

naʔCLF_person

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

“Grandfather, many of them have given meat to us.”

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(40) The_Buyeang_Fish.026

pʰɔːwhen

Øhe

ɔːngive

Øthose things

a.laj 3P

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

When (he) had given (those things) to them …

2.2.4 Embedded clauses

Bequette (2008) describes three kinds of embedded clauses in Bunong: relative clauses, complement clauses and adverbial clauses. Bru KS has the same embedded clause types.

2.2.4.1 Relative clauses

Bru KS employs a gap strategy which deletes the co-referential noun phrase from inside the relative clause. Relative clauses follow the head noun within the noun phrase. Relative clauses can be overtly marked with the borrowed Thai relativiser tʰiː. They can also be implicitly signaled by the discourse context as shown in section 3.3.1 below. An example of an overtly marked relative clause is found in (41) and an implicitly marked relative clause in (42) below.


bɯːnEXIST

kɔːnchild

a.lʌhyoungest

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

tʰiːREL

kaːdare

t�ʃa:eat

The youngest daughter was the only one who dared to eat [the mangoes].

(42) Buyeang Fish.003 and 004

ɲṳaːnbecause

sɛːmyounger.brother

pɛnbe

kuajperson

ɔːgood

li.ːanstudy

pɔːŋclever

ma.k like

t�ʃṳaj help

kuajperson

ka.nɔhother

t�ʃṳajhelp

trananimal

prṳamalso

Because the younger brother was a person (who) was good, (who) was clever in his studies and (who) liked to help other people and animals.

2.2.4.2 Complement clause

A complement clause is defined as an embedded clause that is the subject or direct object of another clause. The complementizer (C) paːj 'thus' signals an embedded

33

clause. The direct quote speech formula is a kind of complement clause and is demonstrated in (43) below.

(43) Seven_Orphans.034pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

sʌkforest

m9.poafather

atɤːŋsay

kɔːnchild

paːjC

t�ʃuajʔsearch

si.mɯːvine

hɯk big

hɯk big

dəːPRT_request

When they arrived at the forest the father said to the children thus, “Search for a very big vine.”

Other complement clauses are indirect speech, or clauses that are the object of verbs of perception or desire. Often, the complementizer is elided in a complement clause. An example of a complement clause as the object of a verb of cognition is shown in (44). An example of an elided complement is shown in (45).

(44) Seven_Orphans.082m9.poafather

kɯ�tthink

paːjC

kɔːnchild

ɲɛ.ʔall

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

ɲɛ.ʔcomplete

t�ʃʌ.ːPST

The father thought that all of the seven children were completely dead.

(45) Seven_Orphans.056baːtwo

naʔClf_person

m9.paj wife

a.jaːkhusband

n9trṳh mi�tsurprise

hɯːmsee

ØC

kɔːnchild

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

t�ʃa:eat

pɔ.ŋroot

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ.ʔconsume

Both the husband and wife were surprised to see (that) their children had returned home and had eaten the root all up.

2.2.4.3 Adverbial Clause

Adverbial clauses are used to denote time, location, manner and conditionals. Subordinating conjunctions mark an adverbial clause, though they are often elided. Table 12 below lists the subordinating conjunctions and their function.

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Table 12: Subordinating conjunctions

Subordinating conjunction

Function Gloss

pʰɔː Heads an adverbial time clause. when

t�ʃʌ� Heads an adverbial clause of result or progression.

then

jah Heads an adverbial clause of location or focus.

meanwhile/as for the

kʰan Heads a conditional adverbial clause.

if

ɲṳaːn Heads an adverbial clause of reason.

because

Example (46) demonstrates a time adverbial clause that is introduced with the subordinating conjunction pʰɔː 'when'.


taʔdo

saːlike

ki.ːthat

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃoːnup

bɯːnable

When (they) did as he said, everybody was able to get up...

Example (47) demonstrates the subordinating conjunction t�ʃʌ� 'then'. (47) The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.089

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

t�ʃa:eat

an3S

And then (it) (started to) eat her.

The subordinating conjunction jah 'on the side of' is an important discouse markertUʃʌ` that is used when changing focus from one participant to another. When jah precedes a noun of location or a locative demonstrative, a locative adverbial clause is generated. When jah precedes a NP which is a participant, a major text boundary is signaled. Example (48) demonstrates a locative adverbial clause introduced with jah. Example (49) demonstrates a major text boundary signaled by jah.

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(48) Seven_Orphans.054jahside

doŋhouse


tʰawold

taʔdo

t�ʃa:eat

kʰoːjsteam

pɔ�ŋroot

t�ʃiːnripe

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

Back at the house, the old grandmother had steamed the root and it was ready to eat

(49) Seven_Orphans.091jahside

kɔːnchild

pʰɔːwhen

m9.poafather

pʌʔgo

wetout.of.sight

a.laj3P

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ŋ9.ko�ːŋcrawl

loahout

tɛːfrom

kal tree

aluaŋstem

As for the children, when the father went out of sight, they helped each other crawl out from (under) the tree.

The subordinating conjunction kʰan 'if' precedes a conditional adverbial clause as shown in example (50) below.

(50) The_Buyeang_Fish.064kʰanif

kuajperson

lɛʔany

to.ʔhide

tɛːfrom

t�ʃi.la.ŋmirror

wi.seːtmagic

an3S

bɯːnable

an3S

siIRR

pa.tahfree

pa.ne�a ruler

kap and

m9.pa�iwife

“If anyone is able to hide from her magic mirror, she would free the king and his wife.”

2.3 Summary

Bru KS phonology consists of 21 consonants, 11 vowel positions and 5 diphthongs. The additional features of length and register multiply the number of vowel morphemes, making a total of 55 contrastive vowel morphemes. Bru KS is an isolating language with no verbal inflection. Bru KS morphology consists of a limited number of prefixes on the verbs and on reduplication. A noun phrase is head initial and makes frequent use of compounds. A verb phrase consists of a limited set of optional preverbals, an optional set of auxiliary verbs, an obligatory head verb which may be a compound and a limited set of optional post-verbals. Bru KS is an SVO language as seen in intransitive, transitive and ditransitive clauses. Bru KS also has embedded relative clauses, complement clauses and adverbial clauses.

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Chapter 3

Referring expressions

Chapter 2 gave an introduction to Bru KS phonology and grammar. This chapter examines the concept of reference, i.e. how speakers of a language linguistically signal who or what is being referred to in the text-internal world. Lambrecht (1994:38) states that speakers must create a representation for the addressee when referring to an entity or proposition. The linguistic forms that create and maintain representations are called referring expressions. This study defines referring expressions as any linguistic form used by a speaker to communicate to the hearer the identity of a referent.Referring expressions may be noun phrases, pronouns, subordinate clauses and adverbial phrases (Lambrecht 1994:75). The speaker's choice of what referring expression to use to create and maintain representations depends upon the speaker's construal of what is already in the mind of the addressee and how accessible the representation is. Thus discourse level considerations are one of the criteria that motivate the choice of referring expressions, under the assumption that “discourse-level” considerations entails information about the belief state of the addressees.The following sections analyze Bru KS narrative discourse in order to define what discourse level phenomena are signaled by various referring expressions. Before this analysis, a review of some of the theories used to analyze referring expressions is given. Then a presentation of the discourse functions of modified NP's, simple NPs, the use of proper nouns and kin terms, pronouns, classifier phrases, demonstratives and zero anaphora is given.

3.1 Literature review

In her study of Kmhmu', Osborne (2009:41) finds that “both grammatical and discourse-pragmatic factors govern the use of referring expressions.” She lists individuation and specificity of nouns as the grammatical factors; and referent

identifiability, activation status and thematic salience as the discourse-pragmatic factors.

3.1.1 Individuation and specificity

Rijkhoff (2002:28) argues that typologically, the world's languages generally employ one of four possible noun types to individuate specific entities. His four possible etic noun types are: singular object nouns, set nouns, sort nouns and general nouns. Bru KS (along with Kmhmu', Mandarin, Thai and Burmese) generally use sort nouns; sort nouns are not marked for number, they refer to concepts, and they require a classifier in the NP to individuate a specific entity, i.e. to separate an individual from the generic group/concept. Individuation of Bru KS nouns is realized by using proper nouns, possessors, classifier phrases and demonstratives.Specificity is a semantic distinction related to identifiability (discussed below) in which referents of an indefinite NP, e.g. 'a book', may be specific or non-specific. Lambrecht (1994:80-81) explains that:

One way of describing the specific/non-specific distinction in pragmatic terms is to say that a “specific indefinite NP” is one whose referent is identifiable to the speaker but not to the addressee, while a “non-specific indefinite NP” is one whose referent neither the speaker nor the addressee can identify at the time of the utterance.

3.1.2 Identifiability, activation status and thematic salience

Identifiability is the term Lambrecht (1994:77) uses to express the process whereby a speaker creates a representation of an entity (a referent) in the mind of an addressee by means of linguistic description. The creation of this representation is like creating a new file in the mind which can be opened for additional information, and closed but available when not in immediate use. If a representation/file for a referent is assumed by the speaker to be in the mind of the addressee, that entity is assumed to be identifiable and can be pointed to using linguistic devices.Givón (2001b:254) notes that “the topicality of clausal arguments in connected discourse involves two aspects of referential coherence....” These two aspects are anaphora and cataphora. Anaphoric information is information that is accessible to the hearer because it is identifiable in the immediately preceding discourse.

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Anaphoric information “instructs the hearer how to locate the referent within his/her mental representation” (Givón 2001b:254). Cataphoric information is information that points to a referent's importance within the following narrative. Anaphoric information, the information stored in the cognitive “files” of the speaker and addressee, relies upon the memory and consciousness of speech participants. Once a “file” is created, that file becomes identifiable and can be referred to with less syntactic coding (Lambrecht 1994:78). If no file is created, then the referent is non-identifiable. At times, a referent with no “file”, i.e. non-identifiable, may be presupposed by a shared cultural schema and thus in reality is identifiable. In cases of a presupposed referent, the speaker assumes that there is “a certain representation in the mind of the addressee” which is shared by both (Lambrecht 1994:79).An important grammatical signal of identifiability is the distinction between definite and indefinite noun phrases. Definiteness marks whether “a referent is assumed to be identifiable to the addressee” (Lambrecht 1994:79). It is often syntactically realized by using certain articles, possessive determiners and demonstrative determiners. Other ways to mark definiteness are word order, use of a numeral, or use of a particle. It is interesting to note that the identifiability status of a referent is normally maintained over the full extent of a discourse (Lambrecht1994:89). Chafe (1976:40) argues that “it would appear that context or scene is all-important, and that definiteness can be preserved indefinitely if the eventual context in which the referent is reintroduced is narrow enough to make the referent identifiable.”Fillmore (1982:111) calls the context a “frame” which he describes as:

… any system of concepts related in such a way that to understand any of them you have to understand the whole structure in which it fits; when one of the things in such a structure is introduced into a text, or into a conversation, all of the others are automatically made available.

A frame can be very broad in that a large number hearers would be able to identify the existential referent of the NP “the sun”, whereas a much smaller number would be able to identify the referent of “the car.” Thus a shared frame (or cognitive schema) is essential to the identification of a referent. The shared frame can be created by a shared cultural world or a shared textual world.

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A frame is made up of all the knowledge one has stored in the brain. But knowing something and thinking about it are two separate cognitive states. To process information, one must be actively thinking about the frame. If one says, “The stars really shone yesterday,” and one was thinking about the night sky while another was thinking of a professional basketball game, the referent “stars” would not be identifiable. A frame must be activated.Chafe (1987:22) argues that a particular concept, a frame or schema, may be in one of three activation states: active, accessible or inactive. An active state is when a frame/schema is the focus of one's consciousness in short term memory. An accessible state is when a frame/schema is “in a person's peripheral consciousness.” An inactive frame/schema is one that is in a person's long term memory and no longer on the periphery. The importance of activation states is that “they have formal correlates in the structure of sentences” (Lambrecht 1994:94). Activated concepts are typically coded with pronouns or zero anaphora. Inactive concepts are often coded with full NPs. It is important to note that while pronouns and zero anaphora necessarily signal activation, a full NP does not necessarily signal inactive status as there is another factor involved, namely salience. Lambrecht (1994) argues that referring expressions signal who a participant is and their future importance within the narrative (cataphoric information). The relative importance of a participant is termed 'thematic salience' by Longacre (1990), 'persistence as a topic' by Givón (2001b) and 'prominence' by Lambrecht (1994). Thus an active referent may receive more coding than warranted by activation status alone if it is thematically salient.It is expected that unidentified, thematically salient referents will receive the most coding. The purpose of default coding is to create the correct cognitive frames in which to identify and interpret the participants of a narrative.

3.2 Methodology

On the basis of these theoretical concepts, the texts were examined and analyzed in terms of the functions of referring expressions in discourse. These are described in the following sections.

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3.3 NPs with attributive modifiers in discourse

A maximally modified Bru KS NP may include attributive modifiers as well as a classifier phrase (ClfP), a possessive phrase (PossP) and a demonstrative (DEM). Attributive modifiers include stative verbs (adjective-like elements denoted as VP[stat]) and relative clauses (RelC). These attributive modifiers may be divided into a nonrestrictive class or a restrictive class. The Bru KS NP is represented in a formula in example (51) below.

(51) NP -->N (VP[stat]) (PossP) (ClfP) (DEM) (RelC)6

3.3.1 Nonrestrictive modifiers

Nonrestrictive modifiers are stative verb phrases (VP[stat]) and relative clauses (RelC) which add descriptive information about a referent, but are not intended to restrict the range of possible referents. They usually occur in the introduction of unidentifiable referents. This class of modifier provides information about the new referent, and also signals what role this referent will have in the narrative. In example (52) the younger brother (along with the older brother) are first referred to as the sons of the city ruler. Immediately following this first reference, there is a background sentence which states “they (mother and father) only loved the younger brother.” The next sentence is made up of a subordinated adverbial clause headed by the conjunction ɲṳaːn 'because' with an embedded equative clause followed by three nonrestrictive relative clauses.

(52) Buyeang Fish Story.003 - 005

m9.poafather

krṳaŋcity

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

baːwyoung man

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

aːjolder

kapand

sɛːmyounger

tɛːbut

m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

pe�ːŋlove

tɛːbut

sɛːmyounger

ɲṳaːnbecause

sɛːmyounger

pɛnbe

kuajperson

ɔːgood

li.ːanstudy

pɔːŋclever

ma.k like

t�ʃṳaj help

kuajperson

ka.nɔh other

t�ʃṳajhelp

trananimal

prṳamalso

The ruler of the city had two sons who were young men, an older son and a younger son. But the mother and father only loved the younger brother, because the younger brother was a good person who was clever in his studies and who liked to help other people and animals also.

The younger brother is the major participant in this narrative. He has the longest introduction, which consists of four clauses, not counting his first mention as being 6 Discussed earlier in section 2.2.2.3.

41

the son of the ruler. This extended description points to the younger brother's future actions as the one who is clever and helps others.Another example of a nonrestrictive modifier is shown in (53). The referent being introduced here is a snake. The noun ku.t�ʃʰan 'snake' is modified by the stative verb pṳːt 'large' and also an unmarked relative clause a.kɔːŋ ɲɒʔ kuaj a.dɒʔ '[who] had piled up the mangoes and wrapped itself around them.' Both the stative verb and relative clause are nonrestrictive modifiers.


hɯːmsee

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pṳːtlarge

a.kɔːŋCAUS.pile

ɲɒʔmango

kuajʔ wrap

a.dɒʔCOMP

(They) saw a large snake [who] had piled up the mangoes and had wrapped (itself around them).

The attributive modifiers describe the size of the snake and what it had done in the near past. This is particularly relevant as it is the inciting moment of the narrative.Osborne (2009:45) observes that in Kmhmu', “nonrestrictive modifiers also signal the thematic salience of a referent by the amount of encoding material devoted to describing it for the first time.” In examples (52) and (53), the younger son and the snake are introduced with more attributive modifiers than other participants, indicating that they will have a more salient role in the narrative.

3.3.2 Restrictive modifiers

The restrictive class of attributive modifiers serve to narrow down and restrict the range of possible referents. They generally occur with referents who have already been identified. A restrictive adjectival modifier (in Bru KS a VP[stat]) refers to a unique attribute of a referent which uniquely identifies that referent. A restrictive relative clause points back in the text to an event with which the referent is uniquely associated (Givón 2001b:176). An example of an NP with a restrictive relative clause is found in example (54) below. In this example the head noun is ka.muːl 'young adult unmarried female' which is restricted to that particular woman who the brothers had helped in the immediately preceding paragraph. So this woman is identified as the woman associated with the past event of the brothers helping her.

42


pʰɔːwhen

daŋknow

nɛ�ːwthing

ki�ːthat

aːjolder

lɤ�ːjso

tɛːŋ dɔːŋmarry

kapwith


ma.sɛːmwoman

a.laj3P

t�ʃṳaj help

When he understood the situation, the elder brother married the young woman who they had helped.

3.4 Possessive phrases in discourse

Osborne (2009:46) states that the two major functions of Kmhmu' possessive phrases are to anchor unidentifiable referents and to locate identifiable referents within the discourse world. A third function found in the Bru KS data is that otherwise optional possessive phrases add emphasis and focus to an identifiable referent.Possessive phrases anchor an unidentifiable referent by linking them to a possessor who has already been identified. Examples of possessive phrases anchoring an unidentifiable referent were rare in the data, occurring only four times. Each time they occurred, they served to anchor a minor referent which played almost no role in the narrative as is shown in example (55) below, where the unidentified referent is tʰraj 'field', which plays no active role in the narrative. It is anchored to the identifiable referents ɒʔ 'grandfather' and t�ʃaw 'grandson'. This data leads to the hypothesis that anchoring an unidentified referent by means of a possessive phrase typically signals the relative unimportance of that referent.

(55) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.008n9.t�ʃṳm group

pre�anhunter

lɤ�ːj so

ta.jah walk

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

klaːjpass

tʰrajfield

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

So the group of hunters walked back home, passing by the grandfather and grandson's field.

The second function of a possessive phrase, locating an identifiable referent in the discourse world, is shown in example (56). In this example, the kɔːn ka.muːl 'child unmarried young woman' is located in the discourse world as the children of the mother.

43


tɛːbut

kɔːnchild


maj.2S.Poss

mṳaj one

naʔ Clf_person

mṳajone

naʔ Clf_person

tɔŋmust

pɛnbe

m9.paj wife

ŋ9.koaʔ1S.POSS

But one of your daughters must become my wife.

The third function of possesive phrases is to add extra emphasis and focus to the possesor. These possesives are not obligatory. Example (57) has the possessive phrase ŋ9.kʰoːl ku.t�ʃʰan an 'his snake skin' where the already identified snake skin was used without a possesor in the previous sentence. Using the 3S pronoun emphasizes and reactivates the mental representation of the possesor.


pʰɔːwhen

ujhfire

kaːtburn

ŋ�.kʰoːlskin

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

an3S_POSS

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

pɛnbe

kuajperson

kṳː every

kṳː every

si.ŋajday


“When the fire burns up his snake skin, then he will be a person from then on for sure.”

3.5 NPs with classifier phrases in discourse

Classifier phrases not only embody and quantify nouns (see section 2.2.2.3.2), but also have discourse functions. Hopper (1986) argues that the motivation behind using classifier phrases is the relative importance or salience of a referent. Osborne (2009) states that Khmhu' classifiers signal “the specificity, identifiability and thematic salience of a referent.”

3.5.1 Specificity

Specificity is the term which describes one of the functions of classifiers. While a sort noun by itself represents a generic concept, the combination of a sort noun and a classifier specifies an individual instance of that generic concept in the real world (Foley 1997). Example (58) shows this function when it uses the classifier phrase mṳaj naʔ 'one Clf_person' to specifically refer to one particular child out of the group of seven children. If no classifier phrase had been used, then the referent would be indefinite as either the whole group of children or as one unidentified child.

44

(58) Seven_Orphans.035kɔːnchild

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

m9.poafather

m9.poafather

najhere

si.mɯːvine

hɯkbig

a.lʌːvery

One of the children: "Father, father, is a root that is very big."

3.5.2 Identifiability

Osborne (2009:49) argues that in Khmhu' speech a classifier phase with the number 'one' which is used with a new referent “tells the hearer not to search for an existing mental representation but to create a new one.” While this is also the case in the Bru narratives of this study, there are some exceptions where a new referent is not introduced with a classifier phrase using the number 'one'. The lack of a classifier phrase in the introduction may be a clue that the referent is not as salient in the narrative (see section 3.5.3). In example (59) the small village is introduced for the first time with a classifier phrase using mṳaj 'one'.

(59) The_Grandfather_Ghost.002duːntime.long

tʌ�ʔarrive

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɯːnEXIST

vi�lvillage

kɯːjʔsmall

kɯːjʔ small

mṳajone

vi.lvillage

A long time ago there was a very small village.

3.5.3 Thematic salience

Classifier phrases are also used to signal thematic salience. In general, referents who are more important to the narrative, i.e. have thematic salience, are introduced with a classifier phase. In example (59) above, the seven daughters have more thematic salience than their father the king who is introduced 2 lines earlier without a classifier phase but with a compound NP and a relative clause as shown in example (60).

(60) Seven_Orphans.174wa�wspeak

tʌ�ʔabout

jahside

pa.ne.aruler

m�.poafather

vi.lvillage

t�ʃe.ʔclose

ki.ːthat

(Now we will) talk about a village ruler (who lived) close to there.

In The Seven Orphans narrative, only the main participants, the seven orphans, and the secondary participants, the seven daughters, are introduced with classifier phrases. In The Grandfather Ghost narrative, the only referent to be introduced with

45

a ClfP was the main participant, the orphan boy. In the Big Snake narrative, the main participant of the first episode, the youngest daughter, is introduced with a ClfP. The main participants of the second episode, the daughter and the two brothers are introduced with ClfPs. In the Buyeang Fish narrative, only the main participant, the younger brother (and his older brother as they were introduced together) are coded with a ClfP. Finally, in the Wild Buffalo Ear narrative, none of the main participants receive a ClfP in their introduction. The wild buffalo which is shot does receive a ClfP, but this is to specify that there was only one wild buffalo killed and not to encode salience. The only exception to this coding strategy is found in The Big Snake S-I-L narrative where the two brother's grandfather is introduced with a ClfP. This grandfather only appears for one line and then exits the stage. One might account for this anomaly by pointing out that the ClfP for the grandfather occurs in the line where the two brothers are introduced. A possible hypothesis is that the ClfP in the appositive NP baː naʔ sɛːm aːj 'two person younger older' influence the use of a ClfP in the grandfather NP. This is shown in example (61) below.

(61) The_Big_Snake.120

wa�wspeak

tʌ�ʔabout

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

ɒʔgrandfather

ra.kɔŋman

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

Now we will talk about two brothers who lived with (their) grandfather.

Thus there is ample evidence that the use of classifier phrases is heavily motivated by thematic salience within a Bru KS discourse.

3.6 NPs with demonstratives in discourse

Himmelmann (1996) describes the discourse functions of determiners as situational and discourse deictic. A determiner functioning in a situational sense points to something outside the world of the text but present in the setting where the speech act was taking place. While Bru KS does not have determiners in the form of definite articles, it does have demonstratives which perform the same deictic functions as determiners. An example of this is shown in (62) where the size of a tree is compared to an unknown post. Either this is the story teller pointing to a house post which is outside the text world or he is using a cultural schema where the only thing the post could refer to would be the post of the orphan's house.

46

(62) Seven_Orphans.071mahequal

ta.nuːlpost

najthis

“Equal to the post (of our house).” or “Equal to a house post.”

The discourse deictic function of demonstratives will be discussed in section 3.11 as demonstratives performing this function are not found within an NP.

3.6.1 Tracking use

NPs with demonstratives are often used to track participants. They track participants by signaling identifiable referents, to specify referents that are ambiguous or to signal thematic salience. Bru KS uses the near proximal demonstrative ki�ː 'that' to track participants that are identifiable. There were no examples in the narratives where the immediate proximal demonstrative naj 'this' was used to track identifiable referents. Example (63) shows the tracking function as the ra.kɔːt 'squirrel' had already been identified.

(63) Seven_Orphans.105ra.kɔːtsquirrel

ki.ːthat

kaʔso

t�ʃoːnup

kal tree

aluaŋstem

hɯkbig

prṳamalso

“The squirrel will go up a big tree also.”

Bru KS gives special salience to referents which have a demonstrative with the additional causative prefix a. These salience promoting demonstratives are rare, occurring only three times out of the 129 times demonstratives were used in the narratives under study. In example (64) below, the tree is emphasized as the salient referent because the demonstrative a.ki�ː. 'EMPH-that' is located within the NP.

(64) Seven_Orphans.122 poːjpoint

kaltree

a.-ki.ːEMPH-that

t�ʃoːnup

tetstuck

a.mi�lcloud

The tip of that tree went up into the clouds.

3.6.2 Recognitional use

Himmelmann (1996) describes the recognitional function of NPs which have a demonstrative. This NP construction points to an inactive referent outside the text world but which is accessible in the memories of the hearers. Osborne (2009:55)

47

summarizes, “This is distinctive from tracking use in that it is typically the only reference made to this referent in the discourse, and it assumes a particular knowledge shared by the speaker and hearers.” In the five narratives analyzed for this thesis, there were only two examples of a demonstrative pointing to a text external referent. Example (65) refers to a house which is not mentioned before this point. The demonstrative either points to a house outside the text world or is a cultural construct where the listeners know that the father is referring to his own house. The storyteller expects the listeners to recognize the house he is speaking of.

(65) Seven_Orphans.118 mahequal

doŋhouse

najthis

“As big as (our) house.”

3.7 Proper nouns in discourse

Proper nouns refer to a particular referent without any modification. There were no occurrences of proper nouns in the five Bru KS narratives under study. The sixth narrative, King Paajit, was translated from Isan Thai, which is the language of wider communication. It was added to the corpus for this research to show how Bru KS uses proper nouns in discourse.Bequette (2008:62) reports that social taboos limit the use of proper names in Bunong. Proper names are avoided by using kinship terms (see section 3.8). Proper names are also avoided by referring to a parent by the name of their eldest child as in Mother X or Father Y. This phenomenon of avoiding use of proper names was not observed among the Bru of Khok Sa-at village. One hypothesis is that Bru KS has lost this language attitude through contact with the Isan Thai culture. Possibly, the lack of proper names in Bru KS narrative reflects a past taboo. Proper nouns are used to introduce an unidentifiable referent when they are first mentioned as shown in example (66) where the city of Inthapatha is introduced as a proper noun. Also, the unidentifiable referent pa.ne�a paː.t�ʃit 'King Paajit' is introduced in a presentational clause bɯːn kɔːn baːw ra.mɯ�h pa.ne�a paː.t�ʃit 'there was child young call king paajit'. The use of a proper noun may be a sign that the referent is salient, additional coding such a King Paajit receives is a better indicator that a referent is salient in the narrative. Both proper nouns in.tʰa.pa.tʰaː and paː.t�ʃit have labels or titles preceding the proper noun. This is the case with most of the proper nouns in the King Paajit narrative.

48

(66) King_Paajit.001 tɛːfrom

lʌːpast

duːntime.long

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

krṳaŋcity

in.tʰa.pa.tʰaːInthapatha

bɯːnEXIST

kɔːnchild

baːwyoung.man

ra.mɯ�hname

pa.ne.aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

A long time ago in the city of Inthapahtha, there was a young man named King Paajit.

Osborne (2009:57) argues that proper nouns in Kmhmu' are used for identifiable referents which need to be disambiguated from a group. This text sample contains no examples of proper nouns functioning this way in Bru KS. Referents are disambiguated by using kin terms and modifiers such as aːj hɯk 'older.brother big' to distinguish the eldest brother from his siblings. Bru KS can also use proper nouns to disambiguate a specific referent just as it uses kin terms.Osborne (2009:58) also shows that proper nouns can anchor unidentified referents. This is done using a possessive phrase where the proper noun acts as the anchor to make a referent identifiable. There were no examples in the text where this occurs, though it does occur with kinship terms which are analogous to proper nouns.Lastly, another function of proper nouns is that they are used as terms of address. This function is often seen in direct speech quotes where a speaker addresses or refers to the listener with a proper noun instead of a second person singular pronoun. This phenomenon was observed to occur infrequently in daily Bru conversation. It may be that bilingualism in Thai is influencing this usage. An example of proper nouns as term of address is found in example (67) below where King Paajit addresses Lady Arapim directly and yet uses her name instead of the second person singular pronoun maj� 'you'.

(67) King_Paajit.041t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

siIRR

iːttake

sin.sɔːtbride-price

tʌ�ʔcome

sɛ:krequest

ne.aŋlady

a.ra.pimArapim

“Then I will get the bride price money and come ask to marry you.

3.8 Kin terms in discourse

Kinship terms such as 'father', 'mother', 'elder sibling' and 'younger sibling' among others are ubiquitous in Bru KS discourse. In narratives one through five in this

49

paper, kinship terms are used to refer to all participants 55% of the time. Of all human participants, kinship terms were used 68%. Bunong uses kinship terms to convey the relation between two people and to show deference to those who of an older generation (Bequette 2008:62). Kinship terms are fluid within a narrative and may change depending on which participant is on stage. In The Big Snake S-I-L narrative, the youngest daughter is referred to as sɛːm 'younger' until her husband the snake loses his snake skin and has to be a person. Immediately following that event, the reference to the youngest daughter changes to m9.paj 'wife'. In Kmhmu', kin terms are used to signal non-major participants, to communicate cultural information, to address another participant, to anchor unidentifiable referents, to reactivate accessible referents and to highlight the relationships between referents (Osborne 2009:79).Kinship terms do not refer to a specific entity as do proper nouns. Therefore, they need to be modified in some way when they are introduced in a narrative. Often they are introduced with a presentational phrase followed by a relative clause as in (68) below.

(68) Seven_Orphans.002

tɛːfrom

lʌːpast

duːnlong.time

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɯːnEXIST

a.je.aʔgrandmother

tʰawold

a.t�ʃṳjhgrandfather

tʰawold

m9.pe�ʔmother

ka.dɛːŋbarren

m9.poafather

ka.dɛːŋbarren

A long time ago there was an old grandmother and an old grandfather who were barren.

While Kmhmu' uses kinship terms to signal non-major participants, Bru KS uses kin terms to refer to both major participants and non-major participants. In (68) above, the old grandmother and old grandfather are local VIPs and are introduced with a presentational phrase. In example (69) below, the m9.paj 'wife' is possessed by the t�ʃaw 'grandson, which according to Osborne would signal a non-major participant. In this case, the wife is also a major participant on par with the grandchild. Thus use of kinship terms in a possessive phrase does not necessarily signal that the possessed participant is less salient.

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(69) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.089m�.pa�iwife

t�ʃawgrandchild

kaʔso

a.blɯhask

paːjC

lṳhpull.up

batgrass

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɔːQ

The grandson's wife asked them, “Have you finished pulling up all the grass?”

Bru KS uses kin terms in discourse to signal cultural information. In example (68) above, the terms a.je�aʔ 'grandmother' and a.t�ʃṳjh 'grandfather' are understood culturally to refer to any older person. In this case, the 'grandmother' is barren and so technically could not be a real grandmother. Thus this term could be translated as 'old woman' instead of 'grandmother'. The use of the term ɒʔ 'grandfather or grandmother' shows special respect for the referent. It can be used for an actual biological grandparent or for an older person. In The Wild Buffalo Ear narrative, ɒʔ is the actual grandfather. In the Buyeang Fish narrative, ɒʔ is a term of address and respect as shown in example (70) below.

(70) The_Buyeang_fish.051an3S

lɤ�ːjso

mṳːtenter

a.blɯhask

paːjC

ɒʔgrandmother

ɒʔgrandmother

vi�lvillage

maj2S

m9.pɛʔ why

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

kuajperson

So he entered the house and asked, "Grandmother, grandmother, why aren't there any people in your village?”

Kin terms often function to highlight the relationship between participants. In The Seven Orphans narrative, the old grandfather is first referred to as a.t�ʃṳjh 'generic old man/grandfather'. Later he is referred to as a.jaːk 'husband' when conversing with his wife or when expressing his feelings about her pregnancy. When he talks to his children or is with his children, he is referred to as m9.poa 'father'. In the narrative, the father abandons his children three times. After the first two attempts to abandon the children, the narrator refers to him as a.t�ʃṳjh 'generic old man' instead of 'father', perhaps emphasizing the fact that he no longer wants to be their father. This is shown in example (71) below.

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(71) Seven_Orphans.047 and 048m�.poafather

siIRR

pʌʔgo

pʰoːtabandon

m9.pa�i2P

tɛːfrom

duːntime.long

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

wa�wspeak

t�ʃʌ�ːPST


tʰawold

kaʔso

m9.prɛ�ːkcarry.pole

pɔ�ŋroot

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

“Father is going to abandon you forever!” When he had finished speaking, the old grandfather carried the root home on a pole.

3.9 Pronouns in discourse

Lyons (1977) argues that pronouns are a spatial phenomena that point to a particular referent within the context of the narrative. This deictic function is best seen in first person pronouns where the speaker points to herself, and in second person pronouns where the speaker points to the addressee. Lyons also points out that pronouns can be used anaphorically to refer back to a referent previously mentioned in the text. This use of pronouns points back in time to a referent that was identified earlier. Therefore, pronouns can be used in a deictic manner or in an anaphoric manner.

3.9.1 Deictic functions of pronouns

Osborne (2009:62) states that the deictic use of pronouns is best seen in first person Khmhu' narratives where the storyteller may point to herself with a first person pronoun. Sometimes there is a narrator who intrudes into the narrative by using a first person pronoun to point to himself without any anaphoric reference. The narratives analyzed by this paper are all second person narratives, and there are no narrator intrusions which point to something outside the text. Thus, examples of the deictic function are rare. Osborne (2009:64) shows that the generic pronoun dee in Kmhmu' has the deictic functions of generic reference, agent backgrounding, a default first person reference and mitigation. Bru KS uses two generic third person pronouns: na�w and a.mʌ�ʔ. There are examples where these pronouns function as a generic reference, but no evidence that they have any other function. Example (72) shows how the generic pronoun na�w points to an unidentified referent. Note how na�w takes a demonstrative in (72) while in example (73) a.mʌ�ʔ does not.

52


kʰanif

na.w3S

a.lɛʔwhich

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɒʔmango

ŋ9.koaʔ1S.Poss

na.w3S

a.-ki.EMPH.-that

tɔŋmust

pɛnbe

m9.pajwife

ŋ9.koaʔ1S.POSS“Whoever eats my mangos, that one must become my wife.”


pʰɔːwhen

an3S

waʔheal

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

an3S

kaʔthen

wa�wspeak

paːjC

a.mʌ.ʔwhoever

t�ʃṳajhelp

an3S

an3S

siIRR


kapwith

na.w3P

a.kiː CAUS-there

After she had been healed she said that whoever had helped her, she would marry that person.

Another interesting example of the deictic function of pronouns is shown in examples (74) and (75), where the third person plural a.laj is used to point to a certain group of unidentified friends or group. In (74), the unidentified referent is ka.ne�a 'friend' which needs to be anchored or identified in some way. The free translation anchors the unidentified referent with the possessive pronoun 'my'. But really, the NP ka.ne�a a.laj 'friend 3P' points to some generic group of people. As villagers are sometimes referred to as friends, an alternative free translation could be 'just like other people have'. In (75), the unidentified referent is n9.t�ʃṳm 'group'. The third person plural is pointing to the whole group of people in the city.


mṳajone

si.dawnight


tʰawold

wa�wspeak

kapwith

a.jaːkhusband

paːjC

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

bɯːnhave

t�ʃawgrandchild

kɯ�ːsame

ka.ne.afriend

a.laj3P

One night, the old grandmother said to her husband, “I want to have children, I want to have grandchildren just like my friends have.”


sɛːmyounger

wa�wspeak

ɛːnagain

tɔːnperiod

ɤːtlive

krṳaŋcity

t�ʃṳajhelp

n�.t�ʃṳmgroup

a.laj3P

pa.le�ajʔvery

samequal

lɛʔwhich

The younger brother said again, “During the time I lived in the city, I helped the people so very much.”

53

3.9.2 Anaphoric functions of pronouns

Pronouns function anaphorically to reiterate the identity of a referent at paragraph boundaries. This is shown in (76) below where the main character, the youngest daughter is referred to with a third person singular pronoun an at the beginning of a text boundary. In the previous section, she had been referred to with a kin term and then a zero reference.


pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

mɯːday

ta.majnew

an3S

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

saːlike

ki�ːthat

ɛːnagain

t�ʃonuntil

t�ʃombird

si.aːkcrow

nʌŋon

kal aluaŋtree

sʌŋhear

The next day, she said the same thing to herself (out loud) until a crow up in the tree heard her.

Pronouns are also used anaphorically to give prominence to the referent. When a pronoun is used instead of a 'zero' reference, except at boundaries, it signals that the referent is in particular focus. Generally the referent is referred to with a kin term in a sentence initial adverbial phrase and then is referred to again with a pronoun before the subject marker kaʔ 'so'. This second reference comes before the main storyline verb. Example (77) and example (78) illustrate this construction.

(77) The_Grandfather_Ghost.009bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

si.ŋaj day

ɒʔgrandfather

aʔ.iːsick

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

pʌʔgo

t;ʃaXmPrt_sympathy

One day the grandfather became sick and then he went and died.


sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

hɯːm see

saː like

ki�ːthat

an3S

kaʔso

si.ɔm mi�thappy

pa.le�ajʔvery

(When) the youngest sister saw that [ie. what he was like], she was very happy.

3.9.3 Pronominal constructions

The pronominal constructions which were found in the texts were pronouns used in apposition to a clarifying noun phrase and pronouns used with a classifier phrase. Very few pronominal constructions contained demonstratives.

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3.9.3.1 Appositional pronoun constructions.

Appositional pronoun constructions are formed by a pronoun immediately proceeding a NP. Example (79) below is the only case of an appositional pronoun construction in the texts under study. It is used to disambiguate the reference and to add emphasis that the hunters had played a trick on the grandson and grandfather.


lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

a.t�ʃoːnup

paːjC

ka.tuːrear


mṳajone

namCLF_thing

najthis

bɔːQ

tʰiːREL

a.laj3P

n�.t�ʃṳmgroup

pre.anhunter

atɤːŋsay

haj1P_inc

The Grandfather spoke up saying, "Is it just one wild buffalo ear which they, that group of hunters, were telling us about?"

3.9.3.2 Pronoun phrases with classifiers

The function of a classifier phrase in a pronominal construction is to disambiguate the referents and to remind the listener who the referents are. In example (80), the use of the classifier phrase baː naʔ 'two people' is motivated by the need to reiterate the referents as it occurs at the beginning of a new section. Previous to sentence 031, the third person plural a.laj had been used in both sentences 029 and 030. In sentence 28, the referring expressions were the kin terms 'grandfather' and 'grandson'. The classifier phrase is not needed to disambiguate the referents as that is clear with the continual use of a.laj '3P'.

(80) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.031pʰɔːwhen

pa.le�ajʔmany

n9.t�ʃʰajmonth

tɔː pʌʔnext

a.laj3P

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

kaʔso

lṳhpull.up

batgrass

ʌːNEG

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

After many months passed by, the two of them had not pulled up all the weeds.

The same motivation to reiterate and emphasize the referents at a text boundary is shown in example (81) below. Note that in the sentence initial adverbial phrase, the third person pronoun a.laj has no modification. But a.laj is modified with a classifier phrase before the main storyline verb.

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a.laj3P

taʔdo

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

a.laj3P

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

lɤ�ːjso

loahout

tɛːfrom

doŋhouse

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔto

tʰrajfield

When they had done as they planned, then they both went out of the house and went to the field.

3.10 Classifier phrases as referring expressions

Classifier phrases are used anaphorically to track referents in Bru KS discourse. They are analogous to pronouns in their use, particularly when tracking two referents as a couple. This is seen in both the Seven Orphans and Big Snake narratives where the mother and father in each are referred to as baː naʔ 'two Clf_person' 12 times. The use of the classifier phrase emphasizes that both the participants are the subject of the verb. An example of a classifier phrase used as a referring expression is found in (82) below.


baː two

naʔClf_person

taʔmake

doŋhouse

ka.tuːpshack

ɤːtLOC

himedge

sʌkforest

They made a little house on the edge of a forest.

Classifier phrases as referring expressions sometimes have a unique word order at text boundaries. In example (83) below, sentence 022 starts a new section of text with a long adverbial phrase which focuses the narrative on a particular time. Then it focuses in on the two participants with the classifier phrase baː naʔ 'two Clf_person' followed by the noun phrase m9.paj kap a.jaːk 'wife and husband'. This case of NP apposition is apparently motivated by the boundary of a new section of text.


tʌ�ʔcome

si.dawnight

tʰaːŋperiod

dɤkdark

ɲaŋday

ki�ːthat

baː two

naʔClf_person

m�.pajwife

kapand

a.jaːkhusband

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kanRECIP

paːjC

When the dark of night came that day, both the wife and husband then said to each other ....

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3.11 Demonstratives as referring expressions

Osborne (2009:75) observes that demonstratives without an NP have a situational deictic function in Kmhmu', a participant tracking function and a discourse deictic function. In the Bru KS texts analyzed in this paper, there are no examples of demonstratives functioning alone, outside of an NP, pointing to something outside the text world, i.e. situational deixis. Nor are there any examples of demonstratives outside of an NP functioning to track participants. But there are many examples of demonstratives outside of an NP pointing anaphorically to an event or situation which occurred previously in the text, i.e. discourse deictic function. Osborne (2009:51) shows that discourse deictic use points to a previous segment in the text. In Kmhmu' this is realized as nɛɛw niʔ 'like this.' In Bru KS the discourse dietic use is realized as nɛ�ːw ki�ː 'thing that' or saː ki�ː 'like that'. Example (84) shows both realizations using the relatively far distal demonstrative ki�ː. They both point back to the previous revelation that the wild buffalo ear had been transformed into a beautiful woman.


ɒʔgrandfather

daŋknow

nɛ.ːwthing

ki.ːthat

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

kʰanif

pɛnbe

saːlike

ki.ːthat

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

ɔːnallow

maj�2S


kapwith

t�ʃawgrandchild

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

When the grandfather understood the situation, he said, “If it is like that, I will have you to marry my grandson.”

Demonstratives can also be used to point forward (cataphoric) to a new situation coming in the text. When the near distal demonstrative naj 'this' is used, it points forward. This is shown in example (85) where the big bird introduces its plan by pointing to what he is about to say with saː naj 'like this'.

(85) Seven_Orphans.144t�ʃombird

hɯkbig

iːttake

saːlike

naj this

The big bird - “You can do something like this.”

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3.12 Zero anaphora in discourse

Zero anaphora is used to maintain a referent which has already been activated. It is used until a new referent is activated or until there is a discontinuity within the text. This is illustrated in example (86) where the referent aːj 'older brother' is activated in line 006 and then referred to with zero anaphora for the next four clauses.

(86) The_Buyeang_fish.006-010

aːjolder

pɛnbe

kuajperson

tʌːNEG

ɔːgood

Øolder

kɯ�tthink

tʌːNEG

ɔːgood

kapwith

an3S

du often

du often

Øolder

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

an3S

bɯːn have

lɯ�ːninheritance

Øolder

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

m9.poafather

a.jʌʔoffer_up

krṳaŋcity

ɔːnfor

sɛːmyounger

lɤ�ːjso

Øolder

kɯ�tthink

a-t�ʃiːtCAUS-die

sɛːmyounger

The older brother was not a good person. Often, (he) thought evil about him (younger brother). (He) was afraid that he would receive a better inheritance. (He) was afraid that his father would give the city to his younger brother. So (he) thought about killing the younger brother.

3.13 Summary

Bru KS has a wide range of referring expressions that signal to the listener a referent's identifiability, activation status and salience. The basic rule that the amount of linguistic coding material used to refer to an inactive referent is what signals that referent's relative salience. The more coding material used, the more salient the referent. Conversely, the amount of coding material used to refer to an already activated participant signals its identifiability. The more identifiable a referent is, the less coding it receives.Table 13 below contains the inventory of referring expressions in Bru KS and their functions in the discourse.

Table 13: Inventory of Bru KS referring expressions

Referring Expression Discourse FunctionNP's with nonrestrictive attributive modifiers

To introduce unidentifiable referentsTo signal salience by the amount of codingTo signal the role of the referent

NP's with restrictive attributive To identify accessible referents using unique

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modifiers attributes or events

Possessive phrases To anchor unidentifiable referentsTo locate identifiable referents in the discourse world

NPs with classifier phrases To individuate a specific referent.To emphasize the salience of a referentTo quantify referents

NPs with demonstratives To point to referents in the world of the discourseTo point to referents outside the world of discourseTo signal identifiable referentsTo disambiguate accessible referentsTo signal thematic salience of referents

Proper nouns To introduce unidentifiable referentsTo act as terms of address

Kin terms To introduce unidentifiable referentsTo communicate cultural informationTo act as terms of addressTo re-activate accessible referentsTo show the relationship between two referents

Pronouns To identify unidentifiable referentsTo reiterate participant identity at text boundariesTo emphasize a participant

Pronominal constructions-Appositional pronoun phrases-Pronoun phrases with classifiers

To reiterate participant identity at text boundariesTo disambiguate accessible referentsTo emphasize referents

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Classifier phrases To track participantsTo mark text boundaries

Demonstratives To point to a previous or future action or event in the text

Zero anaphora To signal an active referent

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Chapter 4

Participant rank

Chapter 3 discussed the inventory of referring expressions in the Bru KS language. This chapter examines the concept of reference participant rank, i.e. the relative importance of a participant within a text. A participant's rank is signaled by how a participant is introduced in the text, the number of times it is mentioned and it's continuity throughout the text.The following sections analyze Bru KS narrative discourse in order to determine what classes of rank exist in Bru KS and then to rank each participant in its particular class.

4.1 Theoretical approach to participant ranking

Generally, animate objects are considered to be participants and inanimate objects are props. There are exceptions to this rule as sometimes inanimate objects are participants when they “are directly involved in the plot of the story” (Somsonge 1991:123). Sometimes animate objects are not involved with the plot and can be labeled as props.Somsonge (1991) argues that participants can be ranked in a narrative according to their importance. She ranks participants in Thai narrative as main, secondary and tertiary. The highest ranking participant, the main participant, will be the “initiator of most of the actions” and sometimes the recipient of other participant's actions. The main participant is present in the narrative, i.e. on stage more than the secondary and tertiary participants. Givón (1983:8) proposes that one topic/participant (he treats a participant as a kind of topic) within a thematic paragraph is likely to be a “continuity marker”. He argues that this topic/participant is the most crucial and is the one most closely tied to the theme of the paragraph. This same topic/participant is the one “most likely to be coded as the primary topic - or grammatical subject - of the vast majority of sequentially ordered clauses/sentences comprising the thematic

paragraph.” Therefore, the main participant will be “the most continuous of all the topics mentioned in the various clauses of a paragraph.” By “most continuous”, Givón means the topic/participant which has the most number of contiguous mentions in the clausal chain which make up the thematic paragraph.

4.2 Methodology

The simplest method for calculating the importance of a participant would be the total number of times that participant is mentioned, including zero anaphora. Table 14 below shows each participant's rank and number of occurrences using this simple method.

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Table 14: Participant rank by number of mentions.

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear

Most ImportantParticipant

Snake/ Husband

36

Elderly Mother

58

Seven Brothers

109

Younger Brother

79

Orphaned Grandson

86

Grand-father

74

2nd Most important participant

Youngest Daughter

34

Daughter58

Old Gndfather

86

Wicked Witch

28

Gndfather Ghost

47

Buffalo ear/woman

57

3rd Most important participant

Mother 23

Older Brother

38

Old Mother

37

Soldiers16

Ghost Friends

33

Grandson50

4th Most important participant

Father14

Younger Brother

33

Big Bird18

Older Brother

13

Birds 11

Hunters13


Seven Sisters

11

Old Man27

7 Sisters14

Old Woman

12

Deer/ Grasshopper

7

Leaf8

Other participants

Crow 9 Snake 23Pumpkin

16

Oldest Brother 13Oldest Sis.

5King 9

Wolf 10Fish 7Deer 7King 5

Parents 4

Grass 5Dog 3

Angel 2Rice 3

However, the issue is more complicated than this simple method would imply. Givón proposes a framework to quantify participant rank by measuring topic continuity. These measurements are expressed in terms of “referential distance” (look-back) and “persistence” (decay). Referential distance measures the number of clauses between references to a particular participant. Contiguous references are given the measurement of '1'. If there is a clause between references, the measure will be '2'. The first mention of a referent will be given an arbitrary value of '20', and the value of '20' will be given to any distance twenty clauses or larger. Following Somsonge

63

(1991), relative clauses and clauses in a quote phrase will not be counted. Also, there will be one subject for any series of verbs.The following paragraph from The Big Snake S-I-L will be used to illustrate the two measurements.

1.

pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋshine

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

a.jaːkhusband

tʰiːwho

pɛnbe

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pʌʔgo

t�ʃi.taːlclear.field

tʰra�ifield

2. pʰɔːwhen

Ø(they)

tʌ�ʔcome

tʰra�ifield

3.

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kaʔso

tuajhtake.off

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin.snake

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

loahout

4.

Ø(He)

pɛnbecome

kuajperson


tʰra�ifield

t�ʃonuntil

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

5.

sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

kɯ�tthink

nʌŋin

mi�theart

paːjC

1)When morning came, the youngest daughter invited her husband who was a snake to go clear the fields. 2)When they arrived at the field, 3) the big snake took off his snake skin and 4) (he) became a person until they finished clearing the fields. 5)The youngest daughter thought in her heart ...

In this text there are two participants; sɛːm a.lʌh 'youngest daughter' and a.jaːk 'husband'. Both participants appear in the first clause. Since the sɛːm a.lʌh 'youngest daughter' had been mentioned in the previous clause, she receives a look-back value of '1'. The a.jaːk 'husband' had been mentioned three clauses previous and so receives a look-back value of 3. If it had been their first mention, they would have received a look-back value of 20. In the second clause both participants are referred to with a zero anaphora and receive a look-back value of '1'. In clauses 3 and 4, the snake is mentioned and receives a look-back value of 1 for each. In clause 5, the youngest daughter is mentioned with a NP and receives a look-back value of '3'.The average look-back value is derived by dividing the sum of all the look-back values by the total number of appearances for each referent. The total look-back value for the husband/snake was 96 for the whole narrative divided by 35 references for a total of 2.74. The total look-back value for the youngest daughter was 82 divided by 32 references for a total of 2.56. Somsonge (1991:126) states that “the participant who receives the least amount of look-back value is considered to be the most important participant in a discourse.” In the case of the 1st episode of The Big Snake S-I-L. narrative, look-back values indicate that the youngest daughter is the most important participant.

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4.3 Participant ranking according to look-back and decay

This section ranks the top five participants of each narrative according to their look-back score, adjusted look-back score and persistence score. Those that were not in the top five, like the old man in the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L were left out.Table 15 below lists the most important participants in each narrative as indicated by their respective look-back values.

Table 15: Look-back values of most important participants.

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear


Youngest Daughter

2.56

Younger Brother

1.76

Old Gndfather

1.58

Younger Brother

1.37

Orphaned Grandson

1.64

Grand-father2.02


Snake/ Husband

2.74

Elderly Mother

2.00

Seven Brothers

1.85

Wicked Witch2.21

Ghost Friends

2.30

Grandson2.20


Mother 3.17

Daughter2.45

Big Bird2.17

Soldiers2.31

Grandfather Ghost2.62

Buffalo ear/woman

2.68


Father3.43

Old Bro2.47

7 Sisters2.93

Old Wom.2.58

Birds4.18

Hunters4.00


Crow3.56

Pumpkin2.5

Old Mother

2.97

Old Bro3.62

Deer7.42

Grass5.00

While the look-back data in table 15 indicates the most important participant, some factors work to skew the results. This is particularly true in the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative where the youngest brother receives the lowest look-back score even though he only participates in 38 of the 123 clauses counted in the

65

narrative. This is because he is a local VIP who is very active in only a portion of the narrative. To correct the skewing effect of a strong local VIP, the data in Table 16 has been adjusted to reflect the total amount of occurrences within the text. This is done by taking the total number of clauses and dividing that by the number of occurrences for each participant. This number is multiplied to the look-back score in Table 15. This will adjust the look-back score to reflect the percentage that the participant was present in the total number of clauses. Thus the more occurrences a participant has, the lower the multiplier will be. In the case of the younger brother in the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, he receives a multiplier of 3.72, yielding an adjusted look-back score of 6.55.Table 16 shows the original (orig.) unadjusted look-back score first and then the adjusted (adj.) look-back score as described above. The participants are ranked according to the adjusted look-back score. Shading in the table indicates a change in position.The adjusted look-back scores caused a change of participant ranking in some of the narratives. In the 1st episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, the husband/snake participant received a higher adjusted look-back score than the youngest daughter. But the scores are so close, it would be better to consider both participants as equally ranked major participants. In the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, the younger brother is demoted from first rank to third rank, behind the elderly mother and the only daughter. Ranking the elderly mother as the most important participant logically fits as she is introduced at the beginning of the episode, and it was her envy that caused the snake to eat her daughter.In the Seven Orphans narrative, the adjusted results promoted the seven orphan brothers to the highest rank. It is ambiguous as to how to count a group which sometimes is referred to as a whole and at other times an unspecified individual is chosen to represent the group. In this case, references to the whole group and to a generic representative were considered as one participant.In the Buyeang Fish narrative, the younger brother is a global VIP and is ranked much higher than the other participants in both the original and adjusted look-back scores. No participants changed ranking due to the adjusted scoring.In the Grandfather Ghost narrative, the adjusted ranking promoted the Grandfather from third position to second position over the Ghost Friends who are local VIPs.

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Finally, in the Wild Buffalo Ear narrative the adjusted look-back scores did not change the ranking of any of the participants.

Table 16: Adjusted look-back values of most important participants.

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear

Most importantParticipant

Snake/Husband

2.74 (orig.)6.90 (adj.)

Elderly Mother

2.0 (orig.) 4.2 (adj.)

Seven Brothers

1.9 (orig.)3.2 (adj.)

Younger Brother

1.4 (orig.)2.2 (adj.)

Orphaned Grandson1.6 (orig.)2.3 (adj.)

Grand-father

2.0 (orig.)4.4 (adj.)


Youngest Daughter

2.6 (orig.) 7.1 (adj.)

Daughter 2.5 (orig.) 5.2 (adj.)

Old Gndfather1.6 (orig.)3.4 (adj.)

Wicked Witch

2.2(orig.)8.5 (adj.)

Gndfather Ghost

2.62(orig.)6.8 (adj.)

Grandson2.2 (orig.)6.2 (adj.)


Mother 3.2 (orig.)12.1 (adj.)

Younger Brother

1.8 (orig.) 6.6 (adj.)

Old Mother

3.0 (orig.)14.7 (adj.)

Soldiers2.3 (orig.)15.6 (adj.)

Ghost Friends

2.3 (orig.)8.6 (adj.)

Buffalo ear/woma

n2.7 (orig.)8.8 (adj.)


Father 3.4 (orig.) 21.6 (adj.)

Old Bro 2.4 (orig.) 8.0 (adj.)

Big Bird2.2 (orig.)22.0 (adj.)

Old Wom. 2.6 (orig.)23.3 (adj.)

Birds 4.2 (orig.)46.8 (adj.)

Hunters 4.00 (orig.) 76.5 (adj.)


Crow 3.6 (orig.)34.8 (adj.)

Pumpkin 2.5

(orig.)19.2 (adj.)

7 Sisters 2.9 (orig.)38.3 (adj.)

Old Bro 3.6 (orig.)30.0 (adj.)

Deer 7.42 (orig.)131.0 (adj.)

Grass 5.00 (orig.)

187 (adj.)

Another measure of participant continuity is labeled persistence or decay. Givón (1983:15) presents a methodology to measure persistence by counting the number of clauses to the right (i.e. following in the text) of a participant in which that participant is maintained without interruption. The minimal value to a participant

67

reference will be zero if the next clause to the right does not refer to the participant. In this case, the participant decays immediately. There is no max value to the measurement of decay. The sum of all the persistence values is the persistence score of the participant.Table 17 below ranks the participants of each narrative according to their persistence score.

Table 17: Decay values of most important participants.

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear


Youngest Daughter

74

Elderly Mother

303

Seven Brothers

420

Younger Brother

347

Orphaned Grandson

320

Grand-father187


Snake/ Husband

59

Older Brother

235

Old Gndfathe

r412

Wicked Witch

100

Ghost Friends

114

Grandson121


Mother 56

Younger Brother

214

Big Bird136

Old Woman

66

Gndfather Ghost

81

Buffalo ear/woma

n115


Father 37

Daughter 208

Old Mother

87

Soldiers59

Birds5

Hunters14


Crow13

Pumpkin 47

7 Sisters 19

Older Bro37

Deer 4

Dog 3

In the 1st episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, we find that the ranking of Daughter, Snake/Husband, Mother, Father and Crow is the same as the ranking found in Table 15. This is contradicted by Table 16, where the Snake/Husband is ranked higher than the Daughter by 0.2 points. Most of the scores in Table 16 are separated by margins greater than one and it was determined that a difference of 0.2 was too

68

close to be significant. So with no significant difference in Table 16, the ranking in Tables 15 and 17 can be considered the correct ranking. In the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, the participants are ranked as Mother, Older Brother, Younger Brother, Daughter and Pumpkin. This is different from the ranking in Table 15 and in Table 16 where the Younger Brother is ranked higher than the older brother. When the look-back chart is examined, we find that the data is skewed due to two isolated references to the Older Brother at the end of the narrative which greatly increase the look-back value. If those two isolated mentions are removed, then the Older Brother receives a lower look-back score than the Younger Brother. The daughter is in the 4th position because she plays mostly a passive role in the narrative and so is often absent for a line or two as the active participants take their focus off of her. The Mother's look-back score is skewed due to a long absence during the middle of the narrative. This skewing is removed in Table 16 where she is ranked as most important. Thus, Table 17 in this case is the most reliable in ranking the participants.In the Seven Orphans narrative, the participants are ranked as The Seven Brothers, The Old Grandfather, the Big Bird, The Old Mother and the Seven Sisters. This contrasts with Table 15 where the Old Grandfather is ranked first. Since the Seven Brothers are present from the beginning of the narrative until the end, Table 16 is judged to be correct in ranking the Seven Brothers first. Ranking the last three participants of this narrative is problematic as each chart yields a different result. The easiest way to resolve this issue is to argue that the three participants are local VIPs with an equal rank: The Old Mother at the beginning, The Big Bird in the Middle and the Seven Sisters at the end.In the Buyeang Fish narrative, the participants are ranked as the Younger Brother, the Wicked Witch, the Old Woman, the Soldiers and the Older Brother. Tables 15 and 16 have the Soldiers ranked higher than the Old Woman. This is due to the contiguous nature of the references to the Old Woman, who is present for 12 contiguous clauses. The Soldiers are found in 16 clauses with two one clause breaks. If the parameters of continuity were changed to disregard a break of one clause, then the soldiers would be contiguous for 16 clauses, thus ranking ahead of the Old Woman. In either case, the Old Woman and the Soldiers are essentially the same rank. In the Grandfather Ghost narrative, the participants are ranked as the Orphaned Grandson, the Ghost Friends, the Grandfather Ghost, the Birds and the Grasshopper. It is interesting to note that the Grandfather Ghost for whom the narrative is named

69

is ranked third. He is present at the beginning of the narrative and the end, disappearing only for the two hunting scenes. He is mentioned 47 times as compared to the 33 mentions of the Ghost Friends. Yet the Ghost friends are more contiguous with no major breaks. Only Table 16 ranks the Grandfather Ghost above the Ghost Friends. One last factor involved in the ranking process is that the Ghost Friends are a group, from which generic representatives speak. The group references and the references to generic representatives were counted as being one participant. If they were treated as separate participants, the Grandfather Ghost would be ranked higher than the Ghost Friends. Finally, in the Wild Buffalo Ear narrative, the participants are ranked as Grandfather, Grandson, Buffalo Ear/Woman, Hunters and Dog. All three tables agree on the top four participants. The fifth participant is Table 17 is the Dog while in Tables 15 and 16 it is the Grass. Both participants are considered to be ranked equally.Table 18 below is a summary of the top five participants for each narrative. Table 18: Final ranking of most important participants.

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear


Youngest Daughter

Elderly Mother

Seven Brothers

Younger Brother

Orphaned Grandson

Grand-father


Snake/Husband

Older Brother

Old Gndfather

Wicked Witch

Gndfather Ghost

Grandson


Mother Younger Brother

Big Bird Soldiers Ghost Friends

Buffalo ear/woma

n


Father Daughter Old Mother

Old Woman

Birds Hunters


Crow Pumpkin 7 Sisters Older Bro Deer Dog and Grass

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In summary, the four methods of calculating participant rank are a simple count of the number of times a participant is mentioned, Givón's look-back method, a modified look-back method combining the first two methods, and Givón's decay method. The simple count method accurately predicted the final ranking of the most important participant in five of the six narratives. The exception was the first episode of the Big Snake S-I-L in which the simple count method ranked the snake/husband participant higher than the youngest daughter. The most glaring failure of the simple count method is its ranking the Daughter of the second episode of the Big Snake S-I-L as tied for Most Important Participant with the Elderly Mother. This is because while the daughter receives many mentions, she is rarely an active agent but rather a passive object being acted upon. Thus it is necessary to use the look-back and decay methods to gain a more accurate ranking of participant rank.

4.4 Introducing participants

Section 4.3 ranked the top five participants of each narrative according to the parameters of persistence and decay. This section ranks participants according to the way they are introduced and tracked in the text.A distinction must be made when analyzing referents between participants and props. Grimes (1975:43) argues that participants initiate or respond to actions, while props do not do anything. While props are usually inanimate, they can be animate if the referent never does anything. Conversely, animals and inanimate objects can be participants if they initiate or respond to actions. In the Bru texts analyzed for this paper, many of the animals are participants and not props, particularly if they can talk. An example of an animal classified as a participant is shown in (87) where the crow is introduced and starts to speak with the youngest daughter. The crow thinks up a plan to prevent the youngest daughter's husband from turning back into a snake and then helps to execute the plan.


pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

mɯːday

ta.ma�i new

an3S

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

mṳaj one

naʔClf_person

saːlike

ki�ːthat

ɛːnagain

t�ʃonuntil

t�ʃom bird

si.aːk crow

nʌŋ on

kal aluaŋ tree

sʌŋ hear

The next day, she kept saying the same thing to herself out loud until a crow up in the tree heard her.

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An example of a person who is a prop is the father of the daughter who gets swallowed by a snake in the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative. He is not one of the top five participants of this narrative. He is introduced along with the mother as a married couple. Together they capture a snake and drag it back, but he is never mentioned specifically. Then when he is mentioned 8 times specifically, he never does or says anything. He functions as a foil for the mother who does most of the action. This is shown in example (88) below.


m9.pe�ʔmother

ɤːtLOC

jahside

noaʔoutside

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kapwith

a.jaːkhusband

paːjC

maj�2S

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

mɛʔPrt_surprise So the mother who was outside said to her husband, “Will you look at that!”

Following Osborne (2009), four categories of participants in Bru KS narrative discourse are proposed: central participants, major participants, minor participants, and peripheral participants. A central participant is one that is uniquely salient throughout the narrative and is ranked higher than any other participant. Major participants rank high where they are salient, but they may not be salient throughout the narrative. Some characteristics of central and major participants in Bru KS are: they are introduced within presentational clauses and with relative or stative clauses, they are present in much of the text, and they are the main agents of the events which occur in the narrative. Minor participants are generally introduced with only a noun phrase and no relative clauses. Sometimes they are introduced within a presentational clause but often are not. They are on-stage for a small part of the narrative and are not as significant in the events of the story.Peripheral participants play only a small role in the narrative and are present for only a small portion of the narrative.

4.4.1 Central participants

Bru KS generally introduces central participants within a presentational clause, followed by 1 to 3 relative clauses. Osborne (2009:87) observes that in Kmhmu' central participants are formally introduced with an NP consisting of a head noun and a classifier phrase. Bru KS often introduces a central participant with a N +ClfP, but it is not obligatory. The ClfP tends to function to specify the number of

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participants rather than to mark them as thematically salient because both major and minor characters are introduced by a N +ClfP. The stative phrases in the introduction of a central participant often foreshadow the theme of the narrative. This is the case of sɛːm 'younger brother' who is the central participant of the Buyeang Fish narrative. In example (89) below, sɛːm is introduced first in a presentational phrase as one of the sons of the ruler; and secondly in an appositional NP as the younger of the two brothers. Then there is a sentence explaining that the mother and father only love the younger brother. This is followed with four stative phrases: 'the younger brother is a good person', 'he is smart in his studies', 'he likes to help people' and 'he likes to help animals'. The theme of this narrative is pity and helping others. The narrative follows the younger brother as he uses his wits and his goodness to escape from his older brother. The narrative shows his pity when he does not eat the Buyeang fish but saves it instead. Then the narrative concludes with the younger brother using his wits to fight a wicked witch and reaping the benefits of his friendship with animals.

(89) The_Buyeang_Fish.003-.005

m9.poafather

krṳaŋcity

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

baːwyoung.man

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

aːjolder

kapand

sɛːmyounger

tɛːbut

m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

pe�ːŋlove

tɛːbut

sɛːmyounger

ɲṳaːnbecause

sɛːmyounger

pɛnbe

kuajperson

ɔːgood

Ø (younger)

li.ːanstudy

pɔːŋclever

Ø (younger)

ma.klike

t�ʃṳajhelp

kuajperson

ka.nɔhanother

Ø (younger)

t�ʃṳajhelp

trananimal

prṳamalso

The ruler of the city had two sons who were young men, an older son and a younger son. But the mother and father only loved the younger brother because he was a good person. (He) was clever in his studies and (he) liked to help other people, and animals also.

This introduction of the younger brother is comparatively lengthy. The following clauses introduce the older brother who, in contrast to the younger brother, is not a good person and does not help other people. One could argue that the introduction of the older brother continues the focus on the younger because of the contrast of attributes. This extended description given to the younger brother and the fact that he is introduced first are signals that he is the central participant in the story. Another aspect of central participants is that they are present through most of the narrative. Central participants are usually central in the peak episode and are

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generally present at the end of the narrative. In the Buyeang Fish narrative, the central participant, the Younger Brother, is the object of the Witch's frantic search. He is not specifically mentioned except as a zero anaphora of the verb t�ʃuajʔ 'search'. He is the cause of the witch's demise. She searches for him in her magic mirror, but can not find him. In anger she throws down her wand and it breaks in half, pointing back at her and turning her to stone. All the while, the Younger Brother (central participant) is in a tunnel under her. There were only two narratives which had central participants. In the Buyeang Fish narrative, the central participant is sɛːm 'the younger brother'. In the Grandfather Ghost narrative, the kɔːn ka.mṳːt 'orphan child' is the central participant. Both of these central participants are introduced at the beginning of their respective narratives with an extended introduction. They are both present throughout the narrative and they are involved in most of the events that occur in the story. Table 14 shows that sɛːm 'the younger brother' receives 79 mentions, almost three times the 28 mentions of the 2nd most important participant. Table 14 also shows that kɔːn ka.mṳːt 'orphan child' receives 86 mentions, almost two times the 47 mentions of the 2nd most important participant. With only six narratives under study, it is difficult to conclude how frequently central participants occur in Bru narrative. The most that can be stated is that it is likely that central participants are a distinct class of participants in Bru narrative occurring in 33% of the narratives under study.

4.4.2 Major participants

Major participants differ from Central participants in that they are not present as often in the narrative as are the Central participants. Major participants must share the stage with other major participants. While they are often introduced with a presentational clause, they do not receive as many descriptive stative clauses as a Central participant. Major participants may be introduced at the beginning of a story or in the middle, often at a major text boundary.Major participants are active agents when they are present in the narrative. The daughter in the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L would seem to be a major participant as she is introduced with a presentational clause at the beginning of the narrative and she is present for much of the narrative. Yet she does not participate actively in the events of the story. Rather, she is the victim who is acted upon by her mother, the snake and the two brothers. Her only actions are to call to her mother, to cover her face, to offer herself in marriage and to plant a pumpkin vine. This

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participant is the 4th most important participant listed in the final rankings of Table 17. In the second episode of The Big Snake Son-I-L, two major participants are introduced in example (90), an older brother and a younger brother. They are introduced at a major boundary marked 120 lines into the story with an authorial intrusion wa�w tʌ�ʔ 'speak about' interpreted as “Now we will talk about …”. They are not introduced in a presentational clause but as the object of the verb wa�w tʌ�ʔ 'speak about'. They are introduced with a ClfP before the NP. This NP is in apposition to the ClfP. They receive only one descriptive stative clause, ɤːt nʌŋ ɒʔ ra.kɔŋ mṳaj naʔ 'live with grandfather man one person'. The two brothers are present for half of the episode before the younger brother disappears and the older brother is only referred to in terms of his wife.


wa�wspeak

tʌ�ʔabout

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

ɒʔgrandfather

ra.kɔŋman

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

Now we will talk about two people, a younger brother and an older brother who lived with their grandfather.

Table 19 shows all of the major participants in the narratives under study based on the following criteria: they are introduced in a presentational clause, they are introduced at a text boundary, they are introduced with a ClfP and they are in the top three rankings of Table 17. For reference sake, central participants have been added.

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Table 19: Major participants

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear

Central Participant

Younger Brother

Orphaned Grandson

Major Participant

Youngest Daughter

Elderly Mother

Seven Brothers

Wicked Witch

Grndfather Ghost

Grand-father

Major Participant

Snake/ Husband

Older Brother

Old Grndfather

Ghost Friends

Grandson

Major Participant

Mother Younger Brother

Buffalo ear/woman

4.4.3 Minor participants

Minor participants differ from Major participants as they generally receive very little descriptive coding in their introduction and are likely to be present in only small parts of the narrative. When they are present, they play a role in the events of the story. Generally, they disappear after their role is finished.The hunters in The Wild Buffalo Ear narrative are minor participants. They are introduced as a group in (91) below with a presentational clause and one stative clause describing that they lived in a village together. Also in their introduction is the classifier phrase pa.le�ajʔ naʔ 'many Clf_person'. They are introduced after the Major participants, the grandfather and grandson. The most salient fact that makes them a minor participant is that they appear as a group in line 004, interact with the major participants for 13 lines and then disappear for the remainder of the 134 line narrative.

(91) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.004bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

si.ŋajday

bɯːnEXIST

pre.anhunter

ɤːtlive

vi.lvillage

ma.nɤːjtogether

pa.le.ajʔmany

naʔClf_person

One day there were many hunters who were living together in a village.

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Within the 14 lines where the hunters are on stage, three of them are introduced as individuals. Each of the three interacts by speaking with the grandfather. They are introduced with only an NP and no Classifier Phrase as shown in (92). After one line of speech, they each disappear from the stage.

(92) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.011pre.anhunter

kuajperson

ɲṳaŋfirst

wa�wspeak

The first hunter said.

In the 1st episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, the crow is a minor character who is introduced in a sentence final Prepositional Phrase (PP) as shown in example (93). Within the PP, the crow is identified with the NP t�ʃom si.aːk 'bird crow' and no Classifier Phrase. A further PP describes the bird's location as being in a tree. The crow is on stage for 16 lines and immediately disappears after it fulfills its function of getting rid of the snake skin as shown in example (94).


pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

mɯːday

ta.majnew

an3S

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

saːlike

ki�ːthat

ɛːnagain

t�ʃonuntil

t�ʃombird

si.aːk crow

nʌŋ on

kal aluaŋ tree

sʌŋhear

The next day, she kept saying the same thing to herself out loud until a crow up in the tree heard her.


t�ʃombird

si.aːkcrow

pa.tahfree

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

sɛːŋdescend

t�ʃoʔin

ujhfire

The crow dropped the skin down into the fire.

Table 20 shows all of the minor participants in the narratives under study.

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Table 20: Minor participants

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear

Minor Participant

Father Pumpkin Big Bird Soldiers Hunters

Minor Participant

Crow Old Mother

Older Bro

Minor Participant

7 Sisters Buyeang FishDeerWolf

4.4.4 Peripheral participants and props

Peripheral participants have very little introduction. They have a very short duration in the narrative and do not initiate the salient events of the narrative. An example of peripheral participants would be the six daughters in The Big Snake S-I-L which are introduced by a NP + ClfP in a presentational clause as shown in (95). They are mentioned in lines 020, 021, 022 with the NP kɔːn 'children'. They are not mentioned again until the end of the episode in lines 074 and 075 when they are reintroduced with the NP seːm ɤːj 'younger older'. In this reintroduction, they show jealousy after seeing the youngest sister's handsome husband and say they want to have husbands just like hers. Their comment drives the story to the next episode where the reader is shown a different family that tries to duplicate the first family's success in finding a good husband who was a snake.


baːtwo

naʔClf_person

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild


ta.pa.tsix

naʔClf_person

They had six unmarried daughters.

Another example of peripheral participants is the a.t�ʃṳjh tʰaw 'grandfather old' who is introduced in the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative. In line 078, he and the old grandmother are introduced as well as their only daughter. The only overt signal as to participant classification in the introduction is that the parents do

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not receive a human classifier but are classified as another household with ɛːn mṳaj doŋ 'another one Clf_house'. The daughter is introduced with an unmarked relative clause and the human classifier na. This signals that the daughter will be more salient in the narrative than her parents. In the rest of the narrative, the old grandfather is only mentioned in conjunction with his wife. They catch a snake together and together they drag it home; but after that, the old man does nothing but listen to his wife. Since he never does anything essential on his own, he is classified as a peripheral participant.


wa�wspeak

tʌ�ʔabout


tʰawold


tʰawold

ɛːnagain

mṳajone

doŋhouse

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild


mṳajone

naʔClf_person

Now we will talk about an old man and old woman of another family who had one unmarried daughter.

The last example of a peripheral participant is the a.je�aʔ tʰaw 'grandmother old' in The Buyeang Fish narrative. It is revealing that this participant (like (96) above) is introduced with the classifier phrase mṳaj doŋ 'one Clf_house' as found in example (97) below. One would expect the classifier for person na instead of the classifier for house. These two examples are indications that using a non-person classifier in the introduction of a person signals that the participant is peripheral.The a.je�aʔ tʰaw 'grandmother old' seems to be more than a peripheral participant as she is ranked as the 4th most important participant in section 4.3 above. While she is contiguous for 12 consecutive clauses, she never does any overt action except for speaking and entering into the presence of the wicked witch. Her role is to act as a narrator, explaining the situation and then to act as a go-between with the witch. Thus she is classified as a peripheral participant.

(97) The_Buyeang_Fish.050ɤːtLOC

tɛːbut

a.je.aʔgrandmother

tʰawold

mṳajone

doŋhouse

tʌːNEG

bɯːnhave

pɛnbe

ko.ːlstone

Except for one old grandmother in her house that had not been turned to stone.

The a.je�aʔ tʰaw 'grandmother old' of the Buyeang Fish narrative and the kɔːn ka.muːl 'daughter' of the 2nd episode of the Big Snake S-I-L have characteristics of major

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participants and minor participants. While the boundary between central participants and major participants is quite distinct, the boundary between major and minor participants is less distinct and points to the idea that participants below the central ranking are most likely on a continuum, not separated by strict boundaries. Table 21 shows all of the peripheral participants in the narratives under study.

Table 21: Peripheral participants

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear

Peripheral Participant

Younger sisters

snake squirrel Old Gdmother

grasshopper god


Father King King birds dog


grassrice

4.5 Summary

This chapter shows that participants in a narrative can be ranked by their relative importance within the narrative. This ranking can be measured statistically with a simple count of the number of occurrences, the look-back method, a modified look-back method and a measure of a participants rate of decay. The simple count of occurrences is a good initial indication of participant rank, but it requires the look-back method and decay method to account for participants who are mentioned often and yet are not that important to the story in what they do. The modified look-back method is a way of combining a simple count with the look-back method to account for skewing due to long absences of a participant in the text.How a participant is introduced is another indication of a participant's rank. Participants introduced with a presentational clause along with additional coding material such as relative clauses signal more importance. There are four proposed participant categories: central participants, major participants, minor participants and peripheral participants. Central participants are more clearly defined as a category, requiring a participant to be present throughout the who narrative, to be

80

an active agent in most of the events of a narrative and to present in the peak of the narrative. Major participants, minor participants and peripheral participants are not as clearly defined as the boundaries of these categories are not as clearly drawn.

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Chapter 5

Participant identification patterns

This chapter examines the patterns of how referring expressions are used to introduce participants and maintain their identification in Bru KS narrative discourse. While different genres of Bru KS narrative could potentially have different patterns, this paper assumes that the patterns discovered in the texts under study form a system of reference that governs how referents are introduced, how they are tracked, how they are ranked and how ambiguities are resolved. This chapter describes the default patterns and discusses possible motivations for exceptions to the default pattern.

5.1 Theoretical approach

Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:112) state that, “A viable system of reference in any language must accomplish three kinds of tasks.” They list these three tasks as semantic, discourse-pragmatic and processing. The semantic task is to “identify the referents unambiguously,” meaning that a referent must be coded in such a way as to distinguish it from all other “practically possible” referents. This means that the higher the degree of possible ambiguity, the more coding material will be necessary to narrow down the correct referent.The discourse-pragmatic task concerns the level of salience and how “activated” a referent is. Activation occurs when a referent is introduced and it becomes active in the mind of the reader/listener. Activation status is usually described with the following categories: introduction, keeping on stage, dismissal, and reintroduction. Chafe (1987) uses the categories of being activated, maintaining activation status and being deactivated. The result of activation status is that the more a referent is activated, the less coding material is necessary for that referent. Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:113) state that “activation is commonly accomplished with a full noun phrase. If the participant will be prominent in the text, an initial activation noun phrase is often prominent as well in discourse-

pragmatic structuring.” Keeping a referent active requires minimal coding, such as pronouns, verb agreement or zero-anaphora. Deactivation is generally not marked as a referent tends to disappear from the stage.Finally, the third task of processing requires more coding material when there is a disruption in the text. Disruptions occur when there is a change of place, participants or time. Sometimes the disruption can be a change in the type of clause information such as storyline information versus non-storyline. To perform these three tasks, participant reference systems generally follow two strategies for participant reference. The first is a sequential strategy (or look-back) that identifies a referent “by noting who or what was mentioned most recently” (Dooley and Levinsohn 2001:117). This strategy is not concerned with the organizational structure of the text but is concerned with how to identify referents coded with something less than a full noun phrase. It is concerned with the immediate identifiability of a referent.A VIP (Very Important Participant) strategy flags one referent with special overt linguistic coding in its introduction (Dooley and Levinsohn 2001:119). This special coding signals that the referent is a VIP in the text globally or locally. It can be used to identify the VIP anywhere in the text that the VIP is thematically salient. Participants are introduced and tracked using linguistic signals that reflect their prominence or thematic salience in the narrative. In Bru KS, the VIP strategy is used with central participants, major participants and in the case of the daughter in the second episode of the Big Snake S-I-L, with a minor participant who was highly salient for a portion of the narrative. The linguistic signal used is the third person pronoun an.

5.2 Methodology

Using Dooley and Levinsohn's method (2001:44), the texts were charted clause by clause. They were then divided into thematic groupings which gave an outline of the structure of the text. The texts were also charted using Thurman charts adapted from Grimes (1975:182-191). The Thurman charts were used to show each occurrence of a referent within the text.Then participant identification patterns were analyzed using Dooley and Levinsohn's (2001:127) eight-step methodology. The first step is to list the various ways a participant can be referred to (e.g. full NP, pronoun, agreement, zero anaphora). The second step is to prepare a chart of participant encoding with special note of how

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subjects and non-subjects are coded. This was done utilizing the modified Thurman charts.The third step is to assign a number to each participant referred to more than once. The fourth step is to identify and label the linguistic context of each referent. The following labels are assigned for both subjects and non-subjects:

S1 the subject is the same as in the previous sentence,S2 the subject is the addressee of a speech reported in the previous sentence,S3 the subject is involved in the previous sentence in a nonsubject relation other than addressee, andS4 other changes of subject than those covered by S2 and S3.

N1 the referent occupies the same non-subject relation as in the previous sentence,N2 the addressee of a reported speech is the subject (speaker) of a speech reported in the previous sentence,N3 the referent is involved in the previous sentence in a different relation than that covered by N2, andN4 other references to non-subjects than those covered by N1-N3.

After all the contexts have been identified and labeled, step five is to propose default encoding values for each context. Then step six is to search for and identify any exceptions to the default coding, determining if the exception contains more or less coding than the default. The seventh step is to modify the default hypothesis of Step 5 in light of the exceptions discovered in Step 6.This leaves deviations from the default that are not explained by the context of the text. Step 8 takes these deviations as special encoding and makes a generalization of the causes for the deviation. Some examples of generalizations that can be made come from Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:133), who argue that when coding is less than the default, it is generally because “the referent is a VIP” or “that there is only one major participant on stage” or “a cycle of events is being repeated.” When the coding material is more than the default, Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:134) argue that this indicates a discontinuity in the text. Thus if a discontinuity can be identified, then an alternate coding strategy is expected.

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5.3 Rules for default encoding patterns

The motivation for particular participant reference codings depends on the method of tracking. Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) present two methods of tracking: the sequential strategy and the VIP (Very Important Participant) strategy. The sequential strategy looks back at the immediately preceding referent while the VIP has a broader scope of looking at the rank of the participant in the narrative as a whole.Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:121) state that the VIP reference system initially codes the participant in the introduction and then uses the same coding throughout the text. Thus a VIP will have a relatively small amount of coding throughout the text. When this pattern occurs throughout the text, it is called a global VIP pattern. When this pattern occurs within a section of the narrative, it is called a local VIP pattern. The Bru texts analyzed in this study use both the sequential strategy and the VIP strategy.In the following sections, the methodology of section 5.2 is used to examine sequential patterns of both subject and non-subject references. The rules for subject reference will be presented first, followed by the rules for non-subject reference patterns.

5.3.1 Subject reference patterns

This section will present rules based on an analysis of the sequential patterns found in the narratives. Exceptions to the rules are then examined to see if there is any predictable pattern to account for the exception. If there is a predictable pattern to the exception, the rules are revised to reflect those exceptions. Note that the first and second episodes of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative will be analyzed as separate narratives due to their distinct sets of participants.

5.3.1.1 Same subject (S1 context)

The S1 context identifies the coding used for the subject of an independent clause that is the same as the subject of the preceding independent clause. An analysis of the S1 context shows that the default coding is a zero reference for 3 of the narratives: The Seven Orphans, the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L and The Buyeang Fish. The other three narratives do not have a distinct default pattern but have a more even distribution between zero reference and pronoun reference. The Grandfather Ghost narrative and the Wild Buffalo Ear have an almost even distribution between zero reference and pronoun reference, with pronouns in the

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majority. The first episode of the Big Snake S-I-L is unique in that it uses a much higher percentage of NPs in the S1 context. Table 22 below shows the distribution of the referring expressions for the S1 environment of each narrative.

Table 22: Distribution of S1 category

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear

Ø 49.00% 71.00% 72.50% 79.00% 38.50% 35.44%

PRO 15.50% 12.50% 8.50% 9.70% 40.00% 46.83%

Clf_P 0.00% 5.50% 3.50% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

NP 35.50% 11.00% 15.50% 11.30% 21.50% 17.73%The first rule applies to references where the subject is the same in the previous clause or sentence (S1 context).

S1 Context RuleA zero identification is given for central and major participants while minor and peripheral participants are identified with a pronoun or NP in the S1 context.

The example of the orphan child who is the central participant of The Grandfather Ghost narrative illustrates this rule in example (98) below. Line 050 is classified as S4 (subject not in the preceding clause) with the referent being the orphan child who is coded with an NP and a pronoun in apposition to the NP. Then in lines 051-053, there are four zero references as the background information of what the orphan sees (namely nothing) is given. Then in line 055, an exception to the rule occurs and the orphan is coded with a full noun phrase as he becomes the agent who bends his bow back, ready to kill the oncoming deer.

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(98) The_Grandfather_Ghost.050-055jahside

aːjolder

ka.mṳːtorphan

an3S

kaʔso

a.ka�nwait

ɤːtLOC

ki�ːthat

As for the orphan, he waited in that place.Ø orphan

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

n9.trawwhat

loahout

t�ʃoʔin

an3S

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

(He) did not see anything come out to him at all.trananimal

kaʔso

Ø orphan

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

n9.trawanything

kaʔso

Ø orphan

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

Animals, (he) did not see; anything (else), he did not see.Ø orphan

sʌŋhear

tɛːbut

ka.ne�afriend

wa�wspeak

paːjC

an3S

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

maj�2S

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

dəːPrt_Emph

(He) only heard the friends saying, “It has gone towards you!”aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːt orphan

ŋe�ːaŋbend

ta.mi�aŋbow

dɒʔCOMP

The eldest orphan child bent his bow and held it ready.

Thus it is observed that while the default encoding is zero for central and major participants, text discontinuities can motivate extra coding in the S1 context. In the case of example (98) above, the discontinuity is a switch in information type, from background information to a mainline event. Other examples of text discontinuity are thematic boundaries and change in clause type such as the transition between a transitive clause and a speech event. Osborne (2009:95) reports that “more than default encoding occurs at a text boundary in the final sentence of a thematic grouping.” This was not found to be the case in Bru KS except for a few exceptional speech acts where the end of the speech is marked with a rare final speech clause, as shown in (99).

(99) The_Grandfather_Ghost.046kʰan if

hɯːmsee

an3S

loahout

ɔːnallow

maj�2S

paɲshoot

lo�ːtPrt_command

dəːPrt_request

ka.ne.afriend

atɤːŋsay

“If you see it come out, you must shoot it, OK.” The friends said.

87

Along with discontinuity in the text, another motivation for using more than zero reference in the S1 environment is to highlight a participant. An example of highlighting a participant is shown in example (100) below. The recovery of the woman who almost died inside of the snake is highlighted with five consecutive pronoun references in the S1 context.

(100) The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.139-143

an3S

kaʔthen

ra.t�ʃawwiggle

bɯːnable

Then she was able to move a little bit.

pʰɔːwhen

poːnfour

si.ŋajday

sɤ:ŋfive

si.ŋajday

an3S

kaʔthen

wa`wspeak

bɯːnable

After four or five days, she was able to speak.

tʌːNEG

duːntime.long

an3S

kaʔso

waʔheal

Not long after that, she was healed.

tɛːbut

an3S

t�ʃɯːremember

lɯ�aŋstory

ti�aʔbefore

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable

But she could not remember what had happened to her.

pʰɔːwhen

an3S

waʔheal

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

an3S

kaʔthen

wa�wspeak

paːjC

a.mʌ�ʔwhoever

t�ʃṳajhelp

an3S

an3S

siIRR


kapwith

na�w3P

a.-kiː CAUS-there

After she had been healed she said that whoever had helped her, she would marry that person.

If the S1 rule for default encoding takes into account the exceptions of text discontinuities and of highlighting a participant, a revised rule can be formed. The revised rule is:

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Revised Rule for S1 ContextA zero identification is given for central and major participants, except when there is a discontinuity in the text or when the referent is being highlighted as being particularly salient. Minor and peripheral participants are identified with a pronoun or NP in the S1 context.

An example of a minor participant who is coded with an NP in the S1 context is the crow in the first episode of The Big Snake S-I-L. The crow has two references in the S1 context and both are coded with an NP. An exception to this rule of minor and peripheral characters is seen in the minor character of the snake in the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L. By the S1 rule, the snake should be coded with more than a zero. But in lines 088 to 090 in example (101) below, the snake is coded with zero reference. In this case, the snake is not the salient referent, but rather the daughter who is being swallowed. Thus the under-coding signifies that the snake has been downgraded to the background of the scene.

(101) The_Big_Snake.088-090

pʰɔːwhen

si.daw night

ma.hɔjʔ moment

ku.t�ʃʰan snake

hɯk big

kaʔ so

hatwrap.around

an3S

The moment night fell, the big snake wrapped itself around her.

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

Ø snake

kaʔso

t�ʃa:eat

an3S

And then (the snake) started to eat her.

Ø snake

lɯ�ːnswallow

lɔːŋleg

an3S

ɲṳaŋfirst

It swallowed her lower leg first.

To take into account the zero coding of minor and peripheral participants, the S1 context rule is again revised as follows:

89

Final Revision of Rule for S1 ContextA zero identification is given for central and major participants, except when there is a discontinuity in the text or when the referent is being highlighted. Minor and peripheral participants are identified with a pronoun or NP in the S1 context, except when they are being backgrounded.

This final rule then covers all of the occurrences of participant reference in the S1 context. In later sections, the rule addendum of “except when a referent is being highlighted,” will be considered as a case of over-coding. The rule addendum of “except when they are being backgrounded” will be considered a case of under-coding. This rule than is broad enough to cover all cases, even those of over-coding and under-coding.

5.3.1.2 Subject is addressee of previous clause (S2 context)

The S2 context identifies the coding used for the subject of an independent clause that was the addressee in the preceding speech act. An analysis of the S2 context shows that the default coding is a NP as shown by Table 23 below. Note that sometimes the entire speech quote formula is omitted. In those cases, the implied subject is coded as a zero reference.


Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2

Seven Orphans

Buyeang Fish

Grandfather Ghost

Wild Buffalo

Ear

Ø 25.00% 10.00% 57.60% 33.33% 11.11% 0.00%

PRO 0.00% 0.00% 3.00% 0.00% 22.22% 0.00%

Cls_P 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

ClP+N 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

NP 75.00% 90.00% 39.40% 66.66% 66.66% 100.00%The sample of references in the S2 context is relatively small with 84 occurrences. Forty percent of the S2 references are found in The Seven Orphans narrative which contains fifteen conversations with thirty-three S2 occurrences. The pattern

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uniformly present in the S2 context in an extended conversation is that the first addressee is coded with a NP or in a few cases a pronoun. The second addressee is also coded with a NP (or pronoun). If the conversation continues back to the first addressee, the quote formula is often omitted and the reference is coded as zero. Because of the large number of extended conversations in The Seven Orphans narrative, the percentage of zero coding at 57% is significantly higher than any of the other narratives.It is also observed that since minor and peripheral participants rarely have speaking parts in a narrative, there is limited data for these classes of participants. The grandmother of the Buyeang Fish narrative is the only peripheral participant referred to in the S2 environment. Based on this data, a tentative rule is proposed for the S2 context as follows:

Tentative Rule for S2 contextWhere the referent is the addressee in a previous clause (S2), the default encoding is an NP for the first “turn” of a conversation and is optionally zero for the second “turn”.

An example of this is seen in the Buyeang Fish narrative which has nine occurrences of participant reference in the S2 context. Six of the nine occurrences occur during an extended dialogue starting at line 051 and continuing to line 071 in which there are seven “turns” in which the ɒʔ 'grandmother' and the younger brother speak to each other. The younger brother is referred to with a pronoun in the S4 context in a full quote formula when he initiates the conversation as seen in (102) below.

(102)The_Buyeang_fish.051an3S

lɤ.ːjso

mṳːtenter

a.blɯhask

paːjC

ɒʔgrandmother

ɒʔgrandmother

vi�lvillage

maj�2S

m9.pɛʔwhy

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

kuajperson

So he entered the house and asked, "Grandmother, grandmother, why aren't there any people in your village?”

When the grandmother responds, she is referred to with the kinship NP ɒʔ 'grandmother'. As a minor character, the grandmother receives a full NP for four out of five times she appears in the subject slot. The only exception is in the S2 context where on her third consecutive speech, the speech formula and referring expression are omitted.

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Thus the sequence of speech turns is: 1a) younger brother(NP)(S4), 1b) grandmother(NP)(S2), 2a) younger brother(zero)(S2) 2b) grandmother (NP)(S2), 3a) younger brother (NP)(S2) 3b) grandmother (zero)(S2), 4a) younger brother(zero)(S2). In turn (2a) the younger brother receives a zero coding. In turn (2b), the grandmother retains her full NP coding as a zero reference is optional. In turn (3a) the younger brother is coded with an NP while in (3b) the grandmother is coded with the optional zero. Finally, the younger brother receives a code of zero to end the dialogue. While it may seem that turn (3a) is an exception to the S2 rule when the younger brother is coded with an NP, it must be remembered that the zero coding is optional. In the case of (3a), the speaker reminds the listener that the younger brother is doing the speaking, but omits the quote formula. The only exceptions to the S2 rule proposed above is that in the Seven Orphans, the seven brothers who are the central participants are coded with a pronoun in one instance. Also, in the Grandfather Ghost narrative the grandson who is a central character is coded two times with a pronoun and two times with a kin term in the S2 context. Thus, the S2 rule is modified as follows:

Revised Rule for S2 contextWhere the referent is the addressee in a previous clause (S2), the default encoding is an NP for the first “turn” of a conversation and is optionally zero for the second “turn”. Major participants may optionally take a pronoun instead of an NP.

This revised rule accounts for all of the occurrences of participant reference in the S2 context.

5.3.1.3 Subject is non-subject in previous clause (S3 context)

The S3 context is defined as a referent which is the subject in the current clause and is in a non-subject relation other than addressee in the previous clause. An analysis of the S3 context shows that finding a default coding for this category is difficult due to the varied results shown in Table 24 below.

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Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1 12

occurrences

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2 10

occurrences

Seven Orphans

10 occurrences

Buyeang Fish

21 occurrences

Grandfather Ghost

12 occurrences

Wild Buffalo Ear9 occurrences

Ø 8.33% 30.00%7 20.00% 4.80% 8.33% 0.00%

PRO 8.33% 50.00%8 20.00% 19.00% 58.33% 55.55%

Cls_P 8.33% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 11.11%

NP 75.00% 20.00% 60.00% 76.20% 33.33% 33.33%Osborne (2009:100) argues that the default coding is a pronoun. Bequette (2008:96) does not find a default coding for the S3 context. Since the S3 context by definition is a subject that is different from the preceding subject, one would expect more coding rather than less coding. One would not expect to find referents to receive a zero coding in this environment. Thus a closer examination of possible motivations for a zero coding are in order.In the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative, three out of the ten S3 occurrences are coded zero. The first occurrence happens at the beginning of the episode at a major break where the referents are introduced in the non-subject slot of a presentational phrase as seen in example (103) below.


wa�wspeak

tʌ�ʔabout

a.je.aʔgrandmother

tʰawold


tʰawold

ɛːnagain

mṳajone

doŋhouse

Ø 3P

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild


mṳajone

naʔClf_person

Now we will talk about an old man and old woman of another family. They have one unmarried daughter.

One could argue that line 078 in example (103) above are not two separate independent clauses but a presentational clause with an unmarked relative clause. If that is the case, then the correct translation would be, “Now we will talk about an 7 Due to the analysis that follows, this will be modified to 10%.8 Due to the following analysis, this will be modified to 70%.9 This is the same as example (96) except that it is given an alternate interpretation as two

separate clauses with a zero subject reference in the second clause.

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old man and old woman of another family who had one unmarried daughter.” If this hypothesis is correct, then the zero reference above does not fall in the S3 category as it is not an independent clause. The next line as seen in example (104) would fall into the S3 category and have the expected coding of a pronoun.


a.laj3P

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave

pa.tiXamson-in-law

pɛnbe

ku.t;ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kɯXːsame

kanRECIP

They wanted to have a son-in-law who was a big snake just the same (as the family we just talked about.)

The result of this examination is the hypothesis that zero coding in an S3 may signal that the clause is not independent but dependent. When looking at the second case of S3 zero coding in The Big Snake S-I-L narrative, the same phenomena occurs. The previous clause introduces the participants in the non-subject slot of a presentational clause. The next clause seems to be independent, but could be a dependent relative clause. Since the referring expression is zero, it can be hypothesized that the clause is a dependent relative clause. The free translation of example (105) assumes that the clause of line 121 is dependent. If the clause were independent, line 121 would be translated as “They farmed in the mountains.”

(105) The_Big_Snake.120 and 121

wa�wspeak

tʌ�ʔcome

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

ɒʔgrandfather

ra.kɔŋman

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

Ø 3P

taʔdo

tʰrajfield

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

kohmountain

Now we will talk about two brothers, a younger and an older, who lived with their grandfather and who farmed in the mountains.

This third case of zero coding in the S3 environment is also atypical. The referent is a pumpkin plant which buds very quickly after the tip is picked off for food. Line 162 contains two clauses with both an old woman and a pumpkin plant coded as zero. In 162a (“When she had picked off the end of the pumpkin plant”) the subject is the old woman (S4 class) and the object is the pumpkin plant. Then in 162b (“by the next morning it had bud again”), the subject is the pumpkin plant coded with zero. This is shown in example (106) below.

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pʰɔːwhen

Ø she

ki�tpick.off

Ø it

a.bɯːevening

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

Ø it

bacbud

ɛːnagain

When she picked the tip of the vine in the evening, by the next morning, the vine had bud again.

With this case, the hypothesis is made that a zero reference in an S3 environment is motivated by the previous referent in a non-subject slot being also zero reference.With this is mind, the following rule for the S3 context is proposed:

Rule for S3 ContextWhen the referent is in a non-subject relation other than addressee in the previous clause (S3), the default encoding is a pronoun. When the referent in the previous non-subject relation is coded with a zero, then the referent in the S3 context will also be coded with a zero. Minor or peripheral participants will be coded with a NP.

This rule accounts for 80% of the 60 participant reference occurrences in the S3 context. The exceptions are due to over-coding the participants to promote salience or to differentiate the participants as will be discussed in section 5.4.1. Along with over-coding, exceptions also seem to be motivated by unique grammatical constructions in the previous sentence which necessitate more coding.

5.3.1.4 Not mentioned in previous clause (S4)

The S4 context is defined as a referent which is the subject in the current clause and which was not mentioned in the previous independent clause. The distribution of the S4 context is shown in Table 25 below.

95


Big Snake S-I-L

episode 1 28 occurrences

Big Snake S-I-L

episode 2 28 occurrences

Seven Orphans

72 occurrences

Buyeang Fish

25 occurrences

Grandfather Ghost

40 occurrences

Wild Buffalo Ear

47 occurrences

Ø 17.80% 25.00% 9.80% 4.00% 5.00% 0.00%PRO 0.00% 7.10% 2.80% 20.00% 10.00% 21.00%Clf_P 0.00% 10.70% 5.60% 0.00% 0.00% 2.00%NP 82.20% 57.20% 81.80% 76.00% 85.00% 77.00%

This table shows that the default coding of the S4 environment is NP. Since the S4 environment is non-contiguous with the preceding clause, one would expect more coding so that the listener would have the necessary information to create a mental image of the new participant. One would not expect to find zero coding in the S4 environment.Both episodes of the Big Snake S-I-L narrative show a higher percentage of zero coding than the other narratives. One reason for the higher percentage is that sometimes the referent is a combination of the previous subject and object referents. This is illustrated in example (107) in which the preceding clause contains a.t�ʃṳjh tʰaw 'grandfather old' in the subject slot of line 007 and m9.paj 'wife' in a non-subject slot. In line 009 they come together as the subject of the verb t�ʃuajʔ 'search' and are encoded with a zero. Note that the speech quote in line 008 was not included in the example.



tʰaw old

wa�wspeak

kapwith

m�.pajwife

paːjC

The old grandfather said to his wife, “...”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.009

Ø they

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

t�ʃon until

pʌʔgo

tʌ�ʔcome

kaltree

ɲɒʔmango

mṳaj one

kalClf_tree

They searched for the ripe mangoes until they came to one particular mango tree.

Bequette (2008:103) makes the observation that when a participant is encoded as zero in an S4 environment, the participant is already active in the scene. She states

96

that “relational givenness will often enable the listener to correctly identify who the referent is when the referring expression gives little information.”Based on the data and the observation about zero reference, a tentative rule is proposed for the S4 context as follows:

Tentative Rule for S4 context:Where the referent is not mentioned at all in the preceding clause (S4), the default encoding is an NP. If the referent is a combination of the subject and non-subject referents of the previous clause, the default encoding is zero.

An example of this rule is shown in (108) where there is a shift in focus from the younger brother mentioned in line 005 to the aːj 'older brother' reintroduced in line 006 with a kinship NP.


aːjolder

pɛnbe

kuajperson

tʌːNEG

ɔːgood

The older brother was not a good person.

Sometimes a pronoun is used in the S4 context when the referent is a central or major participant. The younger brother who is the central participant of The Buyeang Fish narrative is encoded four times exclusively with a pronoun in the S4 environment. An example of this is shown in (109). Note that the younger brother was not mentioned in lines 043 or 044.

(109) The_Buyeang_Fish.045an3S

lɤ�ːjso

ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

ɛːnagain

t�ʃonuntil

tʌ�ʔcome

krṳaŋcity

mṳajone

krṳaŋClf_city

So the younger brother went on again until he came to a city. Osborne (2009:104) states that “where there is no ambiguity, a pronoun is used.” The younger brother is so salient in the Buyeang narrative that he is encoded with a pronoun on 12 occasions in all of the S1-S4 environments. The only other participant encoded with a pronoun was the witch who receives one pronoun in the S4 environment and three in the S1 environment. Thus we observe that using a pronoun in the S4 context highlights the salience of that participant. Thus the rule for the S4 context can be modified as such:

97

Tentative Rule for S4 context:Where the referent is not mentioned at all in the preceding clause (S4), the default encoding is an NP. If the referent is a combination of the subject and non-subject referents of the previous clause, the default encoding is zero. If the referent is a central character or a local VIP, it may be encoded with a pronoun. A classifier phase may be used instead of a pronoun.

This rule accounts for 226 of the 240 participant reference occurrences in the S4 environment. The exceptions to the rule consist of eight occurrences where participants receive a zero coding. These are considered a case of under-coding and function to lessen the salience of the participant. The other exceptions to the rule were six occurrences where the participants were coded with a classifier phrase at a boundary in the text. This is a case of over-coding which serves to mark the text boundary.

5.3.2 Non-subject reference patterns

The following is an analysis of non-subject reference patterns with charts showing the frequency of the various kinds of encoding used. Using this data, rules are proposed for default encoding patterns of non-subject references.Note that in the N1, N3 and N4 contexts a new referential coding category, Verbal Particle (V_Prt), is introduced. It is observed that the verbal particle kan 'RECIP' is used only with plural participants and signals that the object is the same as the subject in the same clause. The use of kan after a verb is analogous to verbal inflection in that it signals a plurality which points back to a plural subject. When kan is used, the object slot only takes a Ø reference. One could argue that it is in fact a Ø coding, yet the mental construal of plurality caused by kan argues that this construction is a new class of coding. This coding is more prevalent in the N3 and N4 contexts. An example of kan is found in (110) below.


baːtwo

naʔClf_person

m9.pe�ʔmother

kɔːnchild

lɤ�ːjso

ra.mɔh meet

kanRECIP

So both the mother and child were reunited with each other.

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5.3.2.1 Same non-subject relation as previous clause (N1)

The N1 context is defined as a referent in a non-subject role which occurred in a non-subject role in the preceding independent clause. An initial observation of Table 26 shows that the default coding of the N1 environment is somewhat ambiguous. It is observed that in both episodes of The Big Snake S-I-L and The Seven Orphans that Ø coding is 50% or less. The Buyeang Fish, Grandfather Ghost and Wild Buffalo Ear are coded as Ø in the N1 context between 60% and 80%.The distribution of the N1 context is shown in Table 26 below.

Table 26: Distribution of N1 category

Big Snake S-I-L

Episode 1

8 occurrences

Big Snake S-I-L

Episode 216 occurrences

Seven Orphans

16 occurrences

Buyeang Fish

36 occurrences

Grandfather Ghost

9 occurrences

Wild Buffalo

Ear10

occurrences

Ø 50.00% 37.50% 50.00% 61.10% 77.80% 60.00%

Verb Prt 0.00% 6.20% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%PRO 0.00% 37.50% 0.00% 16.60% 22.20% 0.00%Cls_P 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%NP 50.00% 18.80% 50.00% 22.30% 0.00% 40.00%

While the percentages are not conclusive, one expects a default coding of Ø in the N1 environment as it is by definition contiguous with the preceding clause. The hypothesis of Ø as the default coding is further supported by the Bunong (Bequette 2008:105) and Kmhmu' data (Osborne 2009:106). While Osborne argues that minor and peripheral participants are coded with an NP in the N1 context, the texts analyzed for this paper do not indicate that this is so in Bru KS. Rather, the high percentage of PRO and NP references are due to text boundaries, highlighting a particular participant or prop, or possibly a VIP coding strategy. Four examples of Ø coding in the N1 context are shown in (111) below.

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(111) The_Buyeang_Fish.036an3S

a.jo�ʔpity

Ø fish

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃṳajhelp

Ø fish

iːttake

si.laːleaf

bualotus

a.jomwrap

Ø fish

pʌʔgo

pa.tahfree

Ø fish

ɤːtLOC

m9.pe�ʔmother

dʌʔwater

hɯkbig

He pitied the fish and so helped the fish by taking a lotus leaf and wrapping the fish up and then setting the fish free in a large river.

Based on the data, a tentative rule is proposed for the N1 context as follows:Tentative Rule for N1 context:Where the referent is mentioned in the same non-subject role in the preceding clause (N1), the default encoding is Ø. If the N1 reference is at a text boundary or if a VIP strategy is being used, PRO coding may be employed.

The rule will now be tested for validity using the Buyeang Fish narrative. In this narrative, 22 of the 35 N1 references are encoded with Ø (62.86%). This data supports the rule.All 6 occurrences of PRO encoding (17.14%) in the N1 context referred to sɛːm 'younger brother' who was the central participant of this narrative. This data supports the tentative rule as a VIP strategy is being used to encode this participant.There were 6 occurrences of kinship NP (NP[kin]) encoding (17.14%) in the N1 context. Two of those occurrences occurred at the beginning of a thematic paragraph just after a text boundary. Two of the occurrences occurred at the end of a thematic paragraph and were in a summary statement using the resultative conjunction lɤ�ːj 'so/therefore.' Two occurrences do not follow the rule and are considered to be cases of over-coding which will be discussed in section 5.5.2 below. An example of this NP[kin] coding in a summary statement at a text boundary is found in (112) below.


Ø he

lɤ�ːjso

kɯ�tthink

a.-t�ʃiːtCAUS-die

sɛːmyounger

So he (older brother) planned to kill the younger brother.

There was one occurrence of NP coding (2.85%) in the N1 context. The participants coded by the NP are tʰa.haːn 'soldiers', and the reference is not at a boundary marker

100

nor is there a VIP strategy for this group of minor participants. Neither is this a case of over-coding as they are not salient in any way. Thus the rule needs to be modified as such:

Modified Rule for N1 context:Where the referent is mentioned in the same non-subject role in the preceding clause (N1), the default encoding is Ø. If the N1 reference is at a text boundary or if a VIP strategy is being used, PRO coding may be employed. If the referent is a minor or peripheral participant, then an NP may be used.

To further test this rule, the NP coding of the first episode of The Big Snake S-I-L is examined. There are four occurrences of NP coding in the N1 context which is 50% of all occurrences. Two of the NPs are NP[kin]. One is a summary statement before a boundary following the same structure of example (112). The other NP[kin] is a case of over-coding in the climax of the narrative. The other two NP occurrences are of a minor participant and a prop. Thus the modified rule has been applicable to three of the four occurrences.Out of the 95 occurrences of participant reference in the N1 context, there were six exceptions to the rule where a major participant was coded with an NP to heighten the salience of that participant. Thus the rule was applicable to 94% of the occurrences in the N1 context.

5.3.2.2 Addressee was speaker in previous clause (N2)

The N2 context is defined as a referent who is an addressee in the current clause and who was the speaker in a previous clause. The data in Table 27 below shows that the default coding in the N2 context is Ø. This claim is supported by the statistic that 90.4% of the 73 occurrences in the N2 context are coded as Ø. The Seven Orphans narrative stands out with its 44 occurrences and its uniform 100% null coding. This high percentage of Ø reference is due to the fact that the participant who was the speaker in the previous clause is already active. Thus, that same participant as the addressee does not need to be made explicit and rarely is.

101


Big Snake S-I-L


Big Snake S-I-L


Seven Orphans

44 occurrences

Buyeang Fish

10 occurrences

Grandfather Ghost

6 occurrences


Ø 50.00% 100.00% 100.00% 80.00% 66.67% 66.67%

Verb Prt 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

PRO 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 20.00% 33.33% 33.33%

Cls_P 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%NP 50.00% 0.00%% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

NP[kin] 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%A prototypical conversation is shown in example (113) below. In line 34, the kɔːn 'children' are the addressees in an N4 context and a coded with an NP[kin]. The quote formula is made explicit in line 34 also. In line 35, m9.poa 'father' is the addressee, and he along with the quote formula is elided. The speaker, kɔːn mṳaj naʔ 'child one person' is coded with an NP[kin] + ClfP. Then in lines 36, 37 and 38 both the speaker and addressee, along with the quote formula are elided.

102


tʌ�ʔcome

sʌkforest

m9.poafather

atɤːŋsay

kɔːnchild

paːjC

t�ʃuajʔsearch

si.mɯːvine

hɯk big

hɯk big

dəːPRT_request

When they arrived at the forest the father told the children, “Search for a very big vine.”Seven_Orphans.035kɔːnchild

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

Øsaid

Øfather

m9.poafather

m9.poafather

najhere

si.mɯːvine

hɯkbig

a.lʌːvery

One child (said to the father): "Father, father, here is a root that is very big."Seven_Orphans.036 Øfather

Øask

Øchild

mahequal

lɛʔhow

(The father asked the child,) “How big?”Seven_Orphans.037Øchild

Øtell

Øfather

mahequal

ŋ9.kɔŋarm

(The child said to the father,) “As big as an arm.”Seven_Orphans.038Øfather

Øsaid

Øchild

tʌːNEG

hɯkbig

ɤːtstill

kɯːjʔsmall

nʌŋstill

(The father said to the child,) “It's not big, still too small.”

Based on the data, a tentative rule is proposed for the N2 context as follows:Tentative Rule for N2 context:Where the referent is the addressee in the current clause and the speaker in the previous clause (N2), the default encoding is Ø. If a VIP strategy is being used, then PRO coding may be used with the VIP participant.

The rule will be tested for validity by looking at the N2 occurrences which are coded with more than Ø. There are two N2 occurrences of pronouns in The Buyeang Fish

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narrative referencing sɛːm 'younger brother' who is a global VIP. There are two N2 occurrences of pronouns in The Grandfather Ghost narrative where the third person plural pronoun a.laj refers to a group of ghost friends. They are local VIPs and as such may take a pronoun in the N2 context. The N2 pronouns used in The Wild Buffalo Ear are also explained with VIP coding. Finally, the lone occurrence of an NP in the N2 context in the first episode of The Big Snake S-I-L is examined. The NP ku.t�ʃʰan 'snake' is a minor character with no VIP coding evident. Without further examples, it is difficult to determine what motivates this coding. The Kmhmu' data (Osborne 2008:105) shows that in the N1 context, minor and peripheral participants may take an NP coding in the N2 context. Since the N1 context is similar in activation status to the N2 context (Kmhmu' had no data for this category), the following modification is proposed as a hypothesis to account for the variant NP coding. The modified rule is as follows:

Modified Rule for N2 context:Where the referent is the addressee in the current clause and the speaker in the previous clause (N2), the default encoding is Ø. If a VIP strategy is being used, then PRO coding may be used with the VIP participant. A minor or peripheral participant may be coded with a NP.

This rule accounts for all 73 occurrences in the N3 context.

5.3.2.3 Non-subject is in a different non-subject role from previous clause (N3)

The N3 context is defined as a non-subject referent who is involved in the previous independent clause but in a different role. All participants in the N3 context are similar in that they are active due to their mention in the previous clause. They differ in the various roles they may play in the previous clause. The possible roles in the previous clause are: subject role, object 1 role, object 2 role. Also, involvement in a relative clause was accepted as a non-subject role for the N3 context.The data in Table 28 below shows Ø coding for a higher percentage of occurrences than any other category except for the Buyeang Fish narrative. As we have already seen, the Buyeang Fish narrative is using a VIP strategy for sɛːm 'younger brother' who is the central participant. All eight occurrences of pronoun coding refer to sɛːm 'younger brother'.

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Big Snake S-I-L

Episode 110

occurrences

Big Snake S-I-L

Episode 217

occurrences

Seven Orphans

14 occurrences

Buyeang Fish

12 occurrences

Grandfather Ghost

15 occurrences


Ø 40.00% 35.29% 71.40% 25.00% 53.33% 55.56%

Verb Prt 0.00% 29.41% 0.00% 8.33% 6.67% 22.22%PRO 10.00% 5.88% 7.15% 66.67% 26.67% 33.33%

Cls_P 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%NP 10.00% 17.65% 14.30% 0.00% 0.00% 11.11%

NP[kin] 40.00% 11.77% 0.00% 0.00% 13.33% 11.11%

NP+ClfP 0.00% 0.00% 7.15% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%Based on the data, a tentative rule is proposed for the N3 context as follows:

Tentative Rule for N3 context:Where the non-subject referent is involved in a different non-subject role in the previous clause (N3), the default encoding is Ø. If a VIP strategy is being used, then PRO coding may be used with the VIP participant.

The rule will be tested for validity by looking at the N3 occurrences in The Big Snake S-I-L narrative which are coded with more than Ø. There is one N3 occurrence of a pronoun referencing to sɛːm a.lʌh 'youngest younger sister' who is a local VIP. There is one N3 occurrence of a NP which refers to the t�ʃom 'bird' who is a minor participant. This is analogous to the snake examined in section 5.4.2.2 above, who is also a minor participant coded with an NP. Thus the rule should be modified to allow NP coding for minor and peripheral participants.Finally, there were four N3 occurrences coded with a kinship term (NP[kin]). It seems that only motivation for this over-coding is that these participants are being promoted to a more salient state. Two of these NP[kin] occurrences refer to kɔːn 'children' as they are addressed in adjacent independent clauses with the warning of

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what will happen if they eat the big snake's mangoes. The repetition and over-coding promote the salience of the warning. The third occurrence of NP[kin] occurs as the sɛːm a.lʌh 'youngest younger sister', who is a major participant is coded as m9.paj 'wife' for the first time. This transition is highlighted with over-coding in the N3 context. The final NP[kin] occurrence happens when the m9.pe�ʔ 'mother' discovers that her son-in-law is a man and not a snake. She is a minor character and this over-coding increases the salience of the revelation.With this analysis, a modified rule for the N3 context is proposed as such:

Tentative Rule for N3 context:Where the non-subject referent is involved in a different non-subject role in the previous clause (N3), the default encoding is Ø. If a VIP strategy is being used, then PRO coding may be used with the VIP participant. A minor or peripheral participant may be coded with a NP. A kinship term may be used to heighten the salience of the participant or the situation.

This rule accounts for all 79 occurrences of participant reference in the N3 context.

5.3.2.4 Other non-subject references (N4)

The N4 context is defined as the non-subject referent is not mentioned in the previous clause. The referring expression in this environment must activate a representation of the participant and so necessitates more coding. The default coding for the N4 context is some form of NP. In Table 29 all the different types of NPs are listed. No one particular type can be said to be the default at this stage of the analysis.

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Big Snake S-I-L


Big Snake S-I-L


Seven Orphans

114 occurrences

Buyeang Fish

48 occurrences

Grandfather Ghost

58 occurrences

Wild Buffalo Ear

63 occurrences

Ø 0.00% 14.93% 9.60% 8.33% 5.17% 4.69%

Verb Prt 0.00% 7.46% 10.50% 0.00% 3.45% 1.56%

ClfP 2.77% 1.49% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%PRO 0.00% 7.46% 2.60% 6.25% 18.97% 3.12%NP 50.00% 37.31% 51.80% 56.25% 44.83% 62.49%

NP+ClfP 0.00% 4.47% 5.30% 2.08% 3.45% 6.25%

NP+ RelC

8.34% 2.98% 4.40% 0.00% 5.17% 1.56%

NP+ POSS

2.77% 0.00% 0.00% 2.08% 0.00% 0.00%

NP+ DEM

0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 1.72% 3.13%

NP[kin] 27.78% 23.88% 15.80% 25.00% 13.79% 17.18%

NP[kin]+ClfP

8.34% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

NP[kin]+POSS

0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 1.72% 0.00%

NP[kin]+RelC

0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 1.72% 0.00%

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The tentative rule for the N4 context is:Tentative Rule for N4 Context:For a participant in a non-subject role that was not mentioned in the previous clause the default coding is NP.

An example of the default rule is shown in example (114). In line 005 of the Wild Buffalo Ear, the NP tran sʌk 'animal forest' is in the N4 context as it is mentioned for the first time as the object of the verbs pʌʔ paɲ 'go shoot'. In line 006 of the Wild Buffalo Ear, the NP si.ŋuːr mṳaj toː 'wild buffalo one clf_animal' is mentioned for the first time as the object of the verb paɲ 'shoot'. In this case, the NP includes a classifier phrase which embodies the buffalo as an actual animal as opposed to the hypothetical/possible animal mentioned in line 005.

(114) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.005a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

paɲshoot

trananimal

sʌkforest

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

kohmountain

They went to hunt wild animals of the forest located in the mountains.

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.006 a.laj3P

paɲshoot

bɯːnable


mṳajone

toːClf_animal

They were able to shoot a wild buffalo.

While NP is the default encoding in the N4 context by a large majority, occurrences of zero coding also occur in a minority of instances and need to be examined. In the second episode of the Big Snake S-I-L there are ten occurrences of zero reference in the N4 context. Two of the six occurrences happen during the account of the big snake swallowing the daughter. This event is described in three cycles in which the snake progressively swallows more of the daughter. Thus in episodes two and three, the daughter is the object of the verb lɯ�ːn 'swallow' and is coded with a zero as shown in example (115).


pʰɔːwhen

ma.hɔjʔmoment

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kaʔso

lɯ�ːnswallow

Ø daughter

tʌ�ʔcome

ŋ9.kiːŋwaist

In a moment, the big snake swallowed (her) up to the waist.

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Another instance of zero coding in the N4 context is when two brothers rescue the daughter by cutting her out of ku.t�ʃʰan 'snake'. The snake is the object of the verb trɛ�ːh 'cut open' in three instances. In the first instance, the snake is in the N3 context and coded with a zero. In the second and third instances, the snake is in the N4 context and is coded each time with a zero. The verb trɛ�ːh 'cut open' can take an explicit object. This seems to be a case of under-coding which will be discussed in section 5.4.4 below. An example of this under-coding is shown in example (116) below.


pʰɔːwhen

trɛ�ːhcut.open

Ø snake

pʌʔgo

biʔ little

biʔ little

kaʔthen

hɯːmsee

kʰanbowl

kɯːjʔsmall

When they had cut the snake open a little bit, they saw a small bowl.

Zero coding seems to be motivated by textual patterns where there is no ambiguity. Cyclical accounts remove ambiguity after the first cycle. Some verbs are so associated with their object that the object does not need to be explicitly stated as in trɛ�ːh 'cut.open' which is only used when butchering animals. Once the animal in question has been activated, it does not need to be maintained with PRO of NP coding.Pronoun coding is also in the minority of the N4 context and needs to be analyzed. The Grandfather Ghost narrative has a particularly high rate of PRO encoding in the N4 context at 19%. This is most likely caused by the VIP encoding strategy used in this narrative. The grandchild is the central participant and is marked as such through pronouns. An example of this VIP coding is shown in example (117) below.

(117) The_Grandfather_Ghost.027pʰɔːwhen

ma.hɔjʔmoment

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

pe�abring

an3S

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

vi�lvillage

Just then, the grandfather brought him into the village.

This same PRO coding phenomena in the N4 context also occurs in the second episode of the Big Snake S-I-L with the swallowed daughter coded as a local VIP and in the Buyeang Fish narrative where the younger brother is a global VIP coded heavily with PRO.With these observations of zero coding and pronoun coding in mind, the revised rule for the N4 context is:

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Revised Rule for N4 ContextFor a participant in a non-subject role that was not mentioned in the previous clause the default coding is NP. When there is no ambiguity in the context, zero coding may be used. Where a VIP strategy is employed, a pronoun is used.

In conclusion, NP and PRO encoding are considered the default encoding in the N4 context. Zero coding is the exception to the rule, though some motivation for these exceptions have been given. Out of the 386 occurrences of participant reference in the N4 context, 30 occurrences are considered to be exceptions, encoded with zero. Thus 92% of the N4 participant reference concurrences follow the pattern expressed in the Revised Rule for the N4 Context.

5.4 Non-default encoding patterns

The charts above show that participant identification coding generally follows the proposed rules. When participant coding does not follow the rules, the deviation points to some external motivation. The following sections will analyze these deviations and posit motivations for them.

5.4.1 More than default encoding for subject contexts

The distribution of coding in the S1 context in Table 22 shows that the Wild Buffalo Ear narrative has a high percentage of more than default coding, with 47% coded as PRO and 18% coded as NP. The extensive use of pronouns might be motivated by the need to disambiguate three major participants that are often on stage together and who have close to equal ranking. There are also many changes of time and location in this narrative which create disruptions in the text which may motivate pronoun encoding. The theory that more than default encoding promotes salience in the narrative is difficult to support in this instance as non default coding is so extensive that it loses the salience promoting power of more economical use. Even in cases where kinship nouns are used, they serve to differentiate the participants at boundaries rather than to promote their salience.When examining a more prototypically encoded narrative such as the Buyeang Fish, one finds that more than default encoding does promote salience. In the peak of the narrative in lines 106 through 110, the witch is the subject of each S1 clause. In 106

110

she is over-coded with the NP m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːt 'witch'. In line 107 she is over-coded with a pronoun. In line 107 there are four zero encodings which deemphasize the witch which in turn emphasizes the act of looking. Then in line 108, the witch and her anger are again emphasized by using a pronoun when a zero could have been used. Finally, in line 110, the witch's final act of throwing her magic mirror and magic wand away is emphasized with a pronoun. This is shown in example (118) below.

(118) The_Buyeang_Fish.106m�.pɛ.ʔ si.muːt witch

re�ajangry

pa.le�ajʔvery

The witch became very angry.The_Buyeang_Fish.107an3S

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

Ø witch

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

ɛːnagain

Ø witch

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

Ø witch

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

ɛːnagain

Ø witch

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

sɛːmyounger

lɤ�ːjat.all

She looked and then (she) looked again, (she) looked and then (she) looked again, but (she) did not see the younger brother at all.The_Buyeang_Fish.108an3S

re�ajangry

pa.le�ːajʔvery much

She was very angry.The_Buyeang_Fish.109Ø witch

kɯ�tthink

paːjC

t�ʃi.la�ŋmirror

wi.seːtmagic

kapand

a.loaŋstem

wi.seːtmagic

tʌːNEG

wi.seːtmagic

nʌŋstill

(She) thought that the magic mirror and the magic wand were not magic any more.The_Buyeang_Fish.110an3S

lɤ�ːjso

ta.kɛːlthrow


kapand

a.loaŋstem

So she threw the mirror and the wand.

These examples show that more than default encoding has two main motivations. The first is to differentiate central participants when there may be ambiguity. The

111

second motivation is to make the participant or the actions/emotions of the participant stand out as more salient.

5.4.2 More than default encoding for non-subject contexts

More than default encoding for non-subject contexts follows the same pattern as subject contexts which is that over-coding is motivated by the need to make participants unambiguous and to highlight their salience. An example of over-coding to promote salience is shown in example (119) below. In line 009 of the Buyeang Fish, the sɛːm 'younger brother' receives the default coding of NP in the N4 context. Lines 010 and 011 also code sɛːm with a NP even though they are in the N1 context which should take a zero. It is hypothesized that this over-coding highlights the younger brother's importance in the narrative as it is the instigating event in the plot line of the narrative.


ŋ9.kɔhafraid

m9.poafather

a.jʌʔoffer_up

krṳaŋcity

ɔːnfor

sɛːmyounger

(He) was afraid the his father would give the city to the younger brother.The_Buyeang_Fish.010

lɤ�ːjso

kɯ�tthink


sɛːmyounger

So he thought about killing the younger brother.The_Buyeang_Fish.011

mṳajone

si.ŋajday

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

sɛːmyounger

pʌʔgo

paɲshoot

trananimal

sʌkforest

So one day he invited the younger brother to go shoot wild animals.

5.4.3 Less than default encoding for subject contexts

Less than default encoding for subject contexts occurs in the S3 and S4 contexts where the default is pronoun or NP encoding. It was found that under-coding with zero only occurs where there is no ambiguity. In the rare case where there is ambiguity, the under-coded participant was being demoted in salience. In example (120) below, the a.je�aʔ tʰaw 'grandmother old' is the subject and is coded in line 007 with a NP (default) in the S4 context. In line 008, the subject of the verb invite is

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'they' which is coded as a zero (under-coded) in the S4 context. We know that the subject is 'they' because the reciprocal verbal particle kan must have a plural subject. Then in line 009, the old grandmother is again the subject coded with a zero (under-coded) in the S4 context. This under-coding in line 009 is very ambiguous to the non-native speaker. One wonders if the subject is the old man and old woman, or just the wife. The proof that it is just the wife comes in the speech quote of 011 where the speaker says, “Please let me (not us) have children like these crabs.” It would seem that the under-coding of the subject in lines 008 and 009 indicate that the storyteller is not as concerned with differentiating the subject, but with explaining the situation and describing the actions which make up the back ground of the narrative.


mṳajone

si.dawnight

a.je.aʔgrandmother

tʰawold

wa�wspeak

kapwith

a.jaːkhusband

paːjC

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

bɯːnhave

t�ʃawgrandchild

kɯ�ːsame

ka.ne�afriend

a.laj3P

One night, the old grandmother said to her husband, “I want to have children, I want to have grandchildren just like my friends have.” Seven_Orphans.008

pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

Ø they

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

pʌʔgo

pi�cdig

a.ri�aŋcrab

When morning came, they [old man and old woman] decided to go dig up crabs.

Seven_Orphans.009

Ø she

hɯːmsee

kɔːnchild

a.ri�aŋcrab

pa.le�ajʔmany

Ø she

kaʔthen

lɤ�ːjso

kɯ�tthink

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

m9.plɛʔlike

a.ri�aŋcrab

The grandmother saw many little crabs and so she decided that she wanted to have children just like the crabs.

Seven_Orphans.010

Ø she

lɤ�ːjso

ka.kuhkneel

t�ʃoʔto

ma.lɔ�ŋsky

sɛ:krequest

kɔːnchild

kapwith

tʰeːw.daːangel

So she knelt to the sky and requested children from the angels.

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5.4.4 Less than default encoding for non-subject contexts

Less than default encoding for non-subject contexts occurred much less frequently than under-coding in subject contexts. It was generally motivated by no need to disambiguate the participants. In all the cases of under-coding in non-subject contexts, the participants were not ambiguous due to a cultural schema which dictated a particular participant or due to the cyclical nature of the text which caused the participant to be anticipated. Osborne (2009:143) finds in Kmhmu' that less than default encoding signals a peak in the narrative, this was not found to be the case in Bru KS narratives.

5.5 Summary

Participant identification patterns of Bru KS follow both a sequential and VIP strategy. When a sequential strategy is used, participants are identified according to their context and their rank. Lower ranking participants such a minor and peripheral participants receive more coding material then central and major participants. The default coding for central and major participants is shown in Table 30 below.

Table 30: Default coding for central and major participants

S1/N1 S2/N2 S3/N3 S4/N4

Central and Major

participant Coding

Ø /Ø Ø /Ø PRO/Ø NP/NP

Minor and Peripheral participant

Coding

PRO, NP/ Ø Ø/ Ø NP/Ø NP/NP

While default encoding is the norm, factors such as highlighting a participant's salience, text boundaries, cultural schema and peak markings will motivate over-coding or under-coding.

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Chapter 6

Conclusion

This thesis has given a short survey of Bru KS phonology and grammar. It has compiled a corpus of referring expressions and examined their various functions in Bru KS discourse. It has also described how these referring expressions identify participants in Bru KS narrative text. The following sections will summarize these findings, will evaluate the methodology of this study and will discuss the significance of these findings along with suggestions for further research.

6.1 Summary of findings

Bru KS has a variety of referring expressions which include NPs plus an appositional NP, NPs with a relative clause, NPs with an embedded ClfP, NPs with embedded modifiers, unmodified simple NPs, kin terms, proper names, pronouns, classifier phrases, demonstratives and zero anaphora. Each of these forms has a function which signals the identifiability, activation status and thematic salience of participants in a discourse. These referring expressions are used in narrative text to weave a pattern of identification which introduces new participants, tracks participants when they are on stage, and reintroduces them after they have left the stage. There are two distinct patterns of identification: one follows the VIP strategy and the other follows a sequential strategy. These patterns interact with each other in narrative texts and can be described with some degree of accuracy with default encoding rules. Default encoding rules do not cover 100% of the instances due to a variety of factors such as: promoting the salience of a participant, textual boundaries or discontinuities, and cultural schemas. Factors such as text boundaries and VIP coding can be described with additional rules while factors such as promoting or demoting salience cannot.

6.2 Evaluation of methodology

Givón's (2001b) method of topic persistence and decay was helpful in objectively determining participant rank. While not always clear due to some skewing of the percentages when a participant is reintroduced after a long absence, it does point accurately to which participants are central, major, minor or peripheral. It was important to rank the participants in this way as their respective rankings were one factor that determined the encoding pattern used. Dooley and Levinsohn's (2001) method was useful in discerning sequential participant reference patterns. There are some methodological questions of what to do with multiple participants referred to as a group and then as individual representatives of that group. It was also difficult to determine if sentence initial adverbial clauses were considered independent and considered in the sequential strategy or if they should be included. This thesis included them when there was an explicit or implied participant referred to. They were not included when the adverb was one strictly of time. The combination of these two methodologies revealed useful insights into some of the difficulties of identifying the referents for the non-native Bru KS speaker. Particularly in following a participant encoded with zero reference over a number of sequential clauses.

6.3 Significance of findings

The findings of this analysis will add to the knowledge of under-analyzed languages. The six interlinearalized texts can be a source of study for other aspects of Bru KS grammar and discourse. This thesis can inform the study of related dialects and languages like So and Katang.The description of referring expressions and participant referent patterns will add to the knowledge of Katuic languages and aid in the translation of materials into Katuic languages.

6.4 Further research

Further research in other areas of discourse analysis is needed. Particularly in the areas of information structure and cohesion. Other genres of text such as expository and hortatory texts need to be analyzed using discourse methods. This would entail collecting and interlinearalizing new texts of these genres. Also, a more in-depth

116

sentence level grammar is needed for a more complete description of the Bru KS language.

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123

APPENDIX 1: THE SEVEN ORPHANS

Seven_Orphans.001ta.puːlseven

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

The Seven Orphans.Seven_Orphans.002tɛːfrom

lʌːpast

duːnlong.time

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɯːnEXIST


tʰawold


tʰawold

m9.pe�ʔmother

ka.dɛːŋbarren

m9.poafather

ka.dɛːŋbarren

A long time ago there was an old grandmother and an old grandfather who were barren.Seven_Orphans.003baː two

naʔClf_person

taʔmake

doŋhouse

ka.tuːpshack

ɤːtLOC

himedge

sʌkforest

They made a little house on the edge of a forest.Seven_Orphans.004tʌːNEG

kɤ�ːjever

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

tʌːNEG

kɤ�ːjever

bɯːnhave

t�ʃawgrandchild

tɛːbut

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

They had never had children or nieces or nephews, not even one.Seven_Orphans.005taʔmake

tʰrajfield

taʔmake

suangarden

t�ʃa:eat

doːjrice

t�ʃa:eat

dʌʔwater

kaʔthen

t�ʃa:eat

They worked in the fields, and when they ate, they had enough. Seven_Orphans.006tɛːbut

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

tʌːNEG

ruaʔhappy

leːwPrt_pst

But they were not happy.

Seven_Orphans.007mṳajone

si.dawnight


tʰawold

wa�wspeak

kapwith

a.jaːkhusband

paːjC

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

bɯːnhave

t�ʃawgrandchild

kɯ�ːsame

ka.ne�afriend

a.laj3P

One night, the old grandmother said to her husband, “I want to have children, I want to have grandchildren just like my friends have.” Seven_Orphans.008pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

pe�abring

kanRECIP

pʌʔgo

pi�cdig

a.ri�aŋcrab

When morning came, they decided to go dig up crabs.Seven_Orphans.009hɯːmsee

kɔːnchild

a.ri�aŋcrab

pa.le�ajʔmany

kaʔthen

lɤ�ːjso

kɯ�tthink

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

m9.plɛʔlike

a.ri�aŋcrab

[The grandmother] saw many little crabs, and so decided that she wanted to have children just like the crabs. Seven_Orphans.010lɤ�ːjso

ka.kuhkneel

t�ʃoʔto

ma.lɔ�ŋsky

sɛ:krequest

kɔːnchild

kapwith

tʰeːw.daːgod

So she knelt to the sky and requested children from the gods.Seven_Orphans.011saː.tʰuʔgreat one

dəːPRT

“Oh great one.”Seven_Orphans.012ɔːnallow

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

bɯːnEXIST

kɔːnchild

pa.le�ajʔvery

m9.plɛʔlike

kɔːnchild

a.ri�aŋcrab

dəːPRT

“Please let me have many children just like the children of the crabs.”Seven_Orphans.013kliːafter

tɛːfrom

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

lɤ�ːjso

ku.tawheat

tʌ�ʔcome

pa.ɲe�a king

oŋ.ingod

After that then her prayer came to the god king in the form of a heat sensation.

125

Seven_Orphans.014na�w3S

lɤ�ːjso

a.suajsend

kuajperson

bɯːnhave

bonmerit

tʌ�ʔcome

sɛːŋdescend

kɤːtbirth

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

And so He sent seven unborn children who were full of merit to go down to be born.Seven_Orphans.015pʰɔːwhen


tʰawold


tʰawold

t�ʃṳːreturn

tʌ�ʔcome

doŋhouse

kliːafter

tɛːfrom

ki�ːthat

baːtwo

n9.t�ʃʰajmonth


tʰawold

lɤ�ːjso

puʔpregnant

kɔːnchild

When the old grandmother and the old grandfather had returned to their house for two months, the old woman became pregnant.Seven_Orphans.016taʔdo

ɔːnallow

a.jaːkhusband

si.ɔm mi�thappy

pa.le�ajʔvery

This made her husband very happy.Seven_Orphans.017tʌ�ʔcome

ɲe�aːmtime

t�ʃihbirth

kɔːnchild


tʰawold

t�ʃihbirth

kɔːnchild

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

When the time to give birth came, the old woman gave birth to seven children.Seven_Orphans.018a.jaːkhusband

si.ɔm mi�thappy

pa.le�ajʔvery

The husband was very happy.Seven_Orphans.019pʰɔːwhen

tʌːNEG

duːntime.long

t�ʃuajʔsearch

t�ʃa:eat

nɛːw lɛʔwhatever

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

komenough

Not long after that, no matter what they found to eat, it was not enough.Seven_Orphans.020t�ʃuajʔsearch

n9.trawwhat

kaʔso

kɔːnchild

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

Whatever they found the children would eat all up.Seven_Orphans.021pʰɔːwhen

kɔːnchild

hɯkbig

bɯːnhave

ta.pa�tsix

ta.puːlseven

ka.mɔyear

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

leːwPRT

When the children had grown for six or seven years.

126

Seven_Orphans.022pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

si.dawnight

tʰaːŋperiod

dɤkdark

ɲaŋday

ki�ːthat

baː two

naʔClf_person

m9.pajwife

kapand

a.jaːkhusband

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kanRECIP

paːjC

kɔːnchild

pa.le�ajʔvery

saːlike

najthis

taʔdo


haj1P_inc

t�ʃaŋtherefore

li�ːaŋraise

komenough

When the dark of night came that day, both the wife and husband then said to each other, “What will we do so that we have enought to eat?”Seven_Orphans.023t�ʃuajʔsearch

n9.trawwhatever

a.t�ʃṳːbring back

an3S

kaʔso

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

Whatever (we) find and bring back, it gets all eaten up.Seven_Orphans.024a.jaːkhusband

wa�wspeak

tʌːNEG

pɛnbe

n9.trawwhat

The husband said, "No problem.”Seven_Orphans.025ma.nɤːtomorrow

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

iːttake

a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

pʰoːtabandon

“Tomorrow I will take them and abandon (them).”Seven_Orphans.026m9.paj wife

pʌʔgo

pʰoːtabandon

pʌʔgo

lɛʔwhere

Wife - “Where will you abandon them?”Seven_Orphans.027pe�ainvite

a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

pi�cdig

pɔ�ŋroot

“I will ask them to go dig roots.”Seven_Orphans.028t�ʃuajʔsearch

si.mɯːvine

hɯk big

hɯk big

“(We) will search for a very big vine.”Seven_Orphans.029a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

pi�cdig

n9.truːdeep

n9.truːdeep

“So they will dig very deep.”

127

Seven_Orphans.030ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

tahleave

a.laj3P

nʌŋon

prṳŋhole

“I will leave them in the hole.”Seven_Orphans.031ʌːyes

kla�p correct

kla�pcorrect

pʌʔgo

lo�ːtPRT_Imper

tʰawold

“Yes, that's right, go do it old man!”Seven_Orphans.032pʰɔːwhen

a.rɯ�ːpmorning


tʰawold

a.lɔ�ŋcall

kɔːnchild

The next day, the old grandfather called the children.Seven_Orphans.033ɲaŋday

najthis

m9.poafather

siIRR

pe�ainvite

kɔːnchild

pʌʔgo

pi�cdig

pɔ�ŋroot

“Today father will ask his childten to go dig roots.”Seven_Orphans.034pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

sʌkforest

m9.poafather

atɤːŋsay

kɔːnchild

paːjC

t�ʃuajʔsearch

si.mɯːvine

hɯk big

hɯk big

dəːPRT_request

When they arrived at the forest the father said, “Search for a very big vine.”Seven_Orphans.035kɔːnchild

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

m9.poafather

m9.poafather

najhere

si.mɯːvine

hɯkbig

a.lʌːvery

One child: "Father, father, here is a root that is very big."Seven_Orphans.036mahequal

lɛʔwhere

“How big?”Seven_Orphans.037mahequal

ŋ9.kɔŋarm

“As big as an arm.”

128

Seven_Orphans.038tʌːNEG

hɯkbig

ɤːtstill

kɯːjʔsmall

nʌŋstill

“It's not big, still too small.”Seven_Orphans.039kɔːnchild

ɛːnagain

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

m9.poafather

m9.poafather

pɔ�ŋroot

si.mɯːvine

hɯkbig

lɯ�ʔvery

“Again one child said, "Father, Father, (here) is a very big root.”Seven_Orphans.040mahequal

lɛʔwhere

“How big?”Seven_Orphans.041mahequal

kaltree

taːnTaan

“As big as a 'dtaan' tree.”Seven_Orphans.042ʌːyes

hɯkbig

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

pi�cdig

lɤ�ːjPRT_cont

“Yes, it's big. Dig it up!”Seven_Orphans.043kɔːnchild

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

pi�cdig

pɔ�ŋroot

t�ʃonuntil

t�ʃi.tɤːmreach

n9.truːdeep

t�ʃonuntil

mahequal

n9t�ʃʰaːŋwell

The seven children dug at the root until they reached a depth equal to that of a well.Seven_Orphans.044m9.poafather

iːttake

si.mɯːvine

a.-jɔːnCAUS-lower.rope

a.-sɛːŋCAUS.down

ɔːnfor

dɛhbreak

pɔ�ŋroot

t�ʃɒʔtie

a.-t�ʃoːnCAUS-up

ɔːnfor

The father took a vine and lowered the children down and they broke off the root, tied it to the vine so that the father could raise it up. Seven_Orphans.045m9.poafather

iːttake

si.mɯːvine


prṳamalso

The father pulled up the vine also.

129

Seven_Orphans.046m9.paj2P

ɤːtstay

najhere

dəːPRT_command

“You stay here!”Seven_Orphans.047m9.poafather

siIRR

pʌʔgo

pʰoːtabandon

m9.paj2P

tɛːfrom

duːntime.long

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

“Father is going to abandon you forever!”Seven_Orphans.048wa�wspeak

t�ʃʌ�ːPST


tʰaw old

kaʔso


pɔ�ŋroot

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

When he had finished speaking, the old grandfather carried the root home on a pole.Seven_Orphans.049kɔːnchild

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ɲe�amcry

t�ʃoʔin

nʌŋ.nʌʔtogether

The seven children started to cry with one another. Seven_Orphans.050aːjolder

hɯkbig

wa�wspeak

kapand

sɛːmyounger

paːjC

tʌːNEG

pɛnbe

n9.trawanything

The oldest brother said to his brothers, “There's no problem.”Seven_Orphans.051haj1P_inc

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

t�ʃi�hride

ta.kɔːŋneck

kanRECIP

t�ʃoːnup

“We seven will go up by sitting on each other's necks.”Seven_Orphans.052sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

iːttake

si.mɯːvine

ti�ːpull

haj1P_inc


“The youngest brother will take a vine and pull us up.”Seven_Orphans.053pʰɔːwhen

taʔdo

saːlike

ki�ːthat

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃoːnup

bɯːnable

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

When they did as he said, everybody was able to get out, and so they decided to go home.

130

Seven_Orphans.054jahside

doŋhouse


tʰawold

taʔdo

t�ʃa:eat

kʰoːjsteam

pɔ�ŋroot

t�ʃiːnripe

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

Back at the house, the old grandmother was steaming food to eat and the root was ready to eat.Seven_Orphans.055a.-t�ʃuajʔCAUSE-search

buaŋspoon

kɔːnchild

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

ta.wi�ŋtray

She was searching for the a spoon when her child said, “It's on the tray.”Seven_Orphans.056baːtwo

naʔClf_person

m9.pajwife

a.jaːkhusband


hɯːmsee

kɔːnchild

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

t�ʃa:eat

pɔ�ŋroot

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

Both the husband and wife were surprised to see that there children had returned home and had eaten the root all up.Seven_Orphans.057ka.mṳːtorphan

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

najthis

“Damn these children!”Seven_Orphans.058pʰɔːwhen

ra.nɛːnchild

beclie

ra.ŋɛ�ːtsleep

baː two

naʔClf_person

m9.pajwife

a.jaːkhusband

kaʔso

lɤ�ːjso

ra.-wa�wRECIP-say

kanRECIP

ɛːnagain

When the children were asleep, both the wife and husband talked to each other again. Seven_Orphans.059ma.nɤːtomorrow

siIRR

pʌʔgo

pʰoːtabandon

a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

lɛʔwhere

nʌŋon

“Tomorrow, where will you abandon them.”Seven_Orphans.060a.jaːkhusband

siIRR

pe�ainvite

a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ka.pɛhgabeh.fruit

“I will have them go search for gabeh fruit.”Seven_Orphans.061ŋ9.koaʔ1S

bakchop

kɔːnchild

pɛnbe

kuajperson

ra�preceive

“I will chop (the tree) and the children will be the ones to catch it.”

131

Seven_Orphans.062kaltree

ka.pɛhgabeh.fruit

domfall

a.tɛtcover

a.laj3P

The kabeh tree will fall on top of them.”Seven_Orphans.063a.laj3P

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

dɔːkPrt_conclusion

“They will surely die.”Seven_Orphans.064m9.pajwife

ma.nɤːtomorrow

ma�j2S

pʌʔgo

dəːPRT

tʰawold

Wife - “Tomorrow you go then old man.”Seven_Orphans.065pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

a.lɔ�ŋcall

kɔːnchild

ɛːnagain

When morning came, (the father) called the children again.Seven_Orphans.066kɔnchild

kɔnchild

ɲaŋday

najthis

m9.poafather

pe�ainvite

m9.paj2P

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ka.pɛhgabeh.fruit

ŋe�amsweet

nɒʔPrt_consider

“Children, today I will have you go search for sweet kapeh fruit.”Seven_Orphans.067pʌʔgo

pʌʔ go

kɔːnchild

si.ɤːjanswer

“Let's go!” The children answered.Seven_Orphans.068m9.poafather

a.jɛʔhold

a.t�ʃɛtaxe

ta.jahwalk

ɲṳaŋfirst

kɔːnchild

m9.prɛ�ːkcarry on pole

a.jaŋbasket

na�mfollow

kliːafter

The father walked ahead carrying the axe while the childern followed behind carring a big basket on a pole. Seven_Orphans.069tʌ�ʔcome

sʌkforest

kɔːnchild

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

hɯːmsee

ka.pɛhgabeh.fruit

ŋe�amsweet

When they came to the forest, two of the children saw some sweet kabeh fruit.

132

Seven_Orphans.070m9.poafather

a.blɯhask

kaltree

hɯkbig

mahequal

lɛʔwhere

The father asked, “How big is the tree?”Seven_Orphans.071mahequal

ta.nuːlpost

najthis

“As big as the post on our house.”Seven_Orphans.072m9.poafather

tʌːNEG

ŋe�amsweet

Father - “(It's) not sweet.”Seven_Orphans.073kɔːnchild

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

hɯːmsee

kaltree

ka.pɛhgabeh.fruit

ɛːnanother

One of the children saw another kapeh tree.Seven_Orphans.074m9.poafather

a.blɯhask

kaltree

hɯkbig

mahequal

lɛʔwhere

The father asked, “How big is the tree?”Seven_Orphans.075mahequal

kaltree

taːnTaːn

“As big as a Taan tree.”Seven_Orphans.076ʌːyes

bakchop

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

ŋe�amsweet

“Yes, let's chop (it) (down), (it's) sweet.”Seven_Orphans.077m9.poafather

bakchop

m9.paj2P

ra�preceive

pa.lajfruit

ka.pɛhgabeh.fruit

“I will chop and you will catch the kapeh fruit.”

133

Seven_Orphans.078sʌʔdon't

ɔːnallow

an3S

n9.trṳhfall

ku.tɛʔground

dəːPrt_command

“Don't allow them to fall to the ground.”Seven_Orphans.079m9.poafather

kaʔso

bakchop

leːwPRT_pst

And so the father chopped down the tree.Seven_Orphans.080kɔːnchild

ra�preceive

a.dɒʔCOMP

dəːPrt_command

“Children, make sure you catch all of (the fruit)!”Seven_Orphans.081pʰɔːwhen

kal tree

aluaŋstem

domfall

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

sʌŋhear

siaŋnoise

ra.nɛːnchild

nʌŋPrt_intens

When the tree had fallen, (he) did not hear any noise from the children at all.Seven_Orphans.082m9.poafather

kɯ�tthink

paːjC

kɔːnchild

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

The father thought that all of the seven children were completely dead.Seven_Orphans.083lɤ�ːjso

toːcpick.up

ka.pɛhgabeh.fruit

ŋe�amsweet

t�ʃoʔplace

a.jaŋbasket

t�ʃonuntil

pa�ɲfull

And so (he) picked up the sweet kapeh fruit and placed them in the basket until it was full.Seven_Orphans.084an3S

wa�wspeak

t�ʃoʔto

kɔːnchild

paːjC

m9.paj2P

ɤːtLOC

najhere

dəːPrt_command

kɔːnchild

He said to the children, “You stay here, children.”Seven_Orphans.085m9.poafather

jʌʔwant

pʌʔgo

pʰoːtabandon

m9.paj2P

tɛːfrom

duːntime.long

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

“Father wants to abandon you forever and ever.”

134

Seven_Orphans.086a.t�ʃṳjhgrandfather

tʰawold

lɤ�ːjso

ta.jahwalk

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

And so the old grandfather walked back home. Seven_Orphans.087tʌ�ʔcome

doŋhouse

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

m9.pajwife

lɤ�ːjat all

a.blɯhask

ma�j2S

pʰoːtabandon

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɔːQ

tʰawold

When he had arrived at the house, the wife asked (him), “Have you abandoned (them), old one?”Seven_Orphans.088pʰoːtabandon

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

“I have abandoned them.”Seven_Orphans.089ŋ9.koaʔ1S

bakchop

kal tree

aluaŋstem

a.tɛtcover

“I chopped the tree and it fell on them.”Seven_Orphans.090a.laj3P

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

laʔPrt_evid

They have really died.”Seven_Orphans.091jahside

kɔːnchild

pʰɔːwhen

m9.poafather

pʌʔgo

wetout.of.sight

a.laj3P

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ŋ9.ko�ːŋcrawl

loahout

tɛːfrom

kal tree

aluaŋstem

As for the children, when the father went out of sight, they helped each other crawl out from (under) the tree.Seven_Orphans.092tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

pɛnbe

n9.trawwhatever

Nothing had happened to any of them.Seven_Orphans.093tʰeːw.daːgod

t�ʃṳajhelp

a.laj3P

a.dɒʔCOMP

The gods had helped them.

135

Seven_Orphans.094aːjolder

pṳːtbig

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

sɛːmyounger

ta.jahwalk

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

And so the eldest brother helped his younger brothers to walk back home. Seven_Orphans.095jahside

doŋhouse


tʰawold


tʰawold

kɛʔpeel

ka.pɛhgabeh.fruit

ŋe�amsweet

At the house, the old grandmother and grandfather were peeling the sweet kapeh fruit.Seven_Orphans.096t�ʃʌ�ːthen

siIRR

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

t�ʃa:eat

And were going to help each other eat (the fruit).Seven_Orphans.097kɯ�tthink

n9.t�ʃommiss

kɔːnchild

lɤ�ːjso

ra.-wa�wRECIP-say

paːjC

kʰanif

a.laj3P

ɤːtLOC

a.laj3P

siIRR

t�ʃa:eat

nʌŋwith

haj1P_inc

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

laʔPrt_evid

They were missing the children and so said to each other, “If they were here, they would surely have been eating with us.Seven_Orphans.098wa�wspeak

tʌːNEG

ta�nyet

sotend

kɔːnchild

kaʔso

ta.lṳhrun

mṳːtenter

t�ʃa:eat

sɛw sɛːwcommotion

(They) had not finshed speaking when the children ran into the room eating and causing a commotion.Seven_Orphans.099m9.pe�ʔmother

wa�wspeak

paːjC

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

tʰawold

ɤːjPRT

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

ka.mṳːtorphan

najthis

The mother said, “These damned children have come, dearest.”Seven_Orphans.100pʰɔːwhen

t�ʃa:eat

pa.sajsatisfy

kɔːnchild

kaʔso

beclie

ra.ŋɛ�ːtsleep

When they had eaten their fill, the children went to sleep.Seven_Orphans.101baː two

naʔClf_Person

m9.pajwife

a.jaːkhusband

ra.-wa�wRECIP-say

kanRECIP

ɛːnagain

Both the husband and wife discussed again (what to do).

136

Seven_Orphans.102ma.nɤːtomorrow

ma�j2S

siIRR

pʌʔgo

pʰoːtabandon

pʌʔgo

lɛʔwhere

ɛːnagain

tʰawold

“Tomorrow, where will you abandon them again, old man.”Seven_Orphans.103ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

pe�ainvite

a.laj3P

t�ʃoːnup

iːttake

ra.kɔːtsquirrel

“I will have them go up and get a squirrel.”Seven_Orphans.104t�ʃuajʔsearch

toːClf_animal

hɯkbig

hɯkbig

“We will search for a very large one.”Seven_Orphans.105ra.kɔːtsquirrel

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

t�ʃoːnup

kal tree

aluaŋstem

hɯkbig

prṳamalso

“The squirrel will go up a big tree also.”Seven_Orphans.106a.laj3P

sɛːŋdescend

tʌːNEG

tɛ�ʔable


They will not be able to get down.”Seven_Orphans.107ʌːyes

ʌːyes

mɛ�ːntrue

naːPrt_consider

tʰawold

“Yes, yes, that seems like it will work, old one.”Seven_Orphans.108paXŋshine

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

m9.poafather

wa�wspeak

kapwith

kɔːnchild

paːjC

ɲaŋday

najthis

m9.poafather

siIRR

pe�ainvite

m9.paj2P

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ra.kɔːtsquirrel

nɒʔPrt_consider

When morning dawned, the father said to his children, “Today I will have you go search for squirrels, OK.”Seven_Orphans.109kɔːnchild

pʌʔgo

pʌʔgo

Children - “Let's go!”

137


tʌ�ʔcome

sʌkforest

kɔːnchild

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

hɯːmsee

ra.kɔːtsquirrel

ta.lṳhrun

t�ʃoːnup

kal tree

aluaŋstem

When they came to the forest, one child saw a squirrel running up a tree.Seven_Orphans.111an3S

atɤːŋsay

m9.poafather

He told his father.Seven_Orphans.112m9.poafather

a.blɯhask

paːjC

t�ʃoːnup

kaltree

hɯkbig

mahequal

lɛʔwhere

The father asked, “How big of a tree did it go up.”Seven_Orphans.113kaltree

mahequal

ta.nuːlpost

najthis

“The tree is equal to our house post.”Seven_Orphans.114oːoh

kaltree

tʌːNEG

hɯkbig

mahequal

lɛʔwhere

“Oh, the tree is not very big.”Seven_Orphans.115t�ʃuajʔsearch

ta.majnew

“Search some more.”Seven_Orphans.116kɔːnchild

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

hɯːmsee

ɛːnagain

Then one child saw another squirrel.Seven_Orphans.117m9.poafather

a.blɯhask

kaltree

hɯkbig

mahequal

lɛʔwhere

The father asked, “How big is the tree?”

138

Seven_Orphans.118mahequal

doŋhouse

najthis

“As big as our house.”Seven_Orphans.119ʌːyes

ʌːyes

m9.paj2P

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

t�ʃoːnup

na�mfollow

pʌʔgo

“Yes, yes, you all help each other go up and keep following it.”Seven_Orphans.120kʰanif

t�ʃi.tɤːmcatch.up

t�ʃʌ�ːthen


ra.kɔːtsquirrel

ɔːnfor

m9.poafather

dəːPrt_command

“If you catch it, then kill the squirrel for me.”Seven_Orphans.121ta.puːlseven

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃoːnup

na�mfollow

ra.kɔːtsquirrel

pɤːŋhigh

lɯ�ʔvery

So, the seven brothers went very high (up the tree) following the squirrel.Seven_Orphans.122poːjpoint

kaltree

a.-ki�ːEMPH-there

t�ʃoːnup

tetstuck

a.mi�lcloud

The tip of that tree went up into the clouds.Seven_Orphans.123n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

aːjolder

t�ʃaŋtherefore

t�ʃi.tɤːmcatch up

ra.kɔːtsquirrel

ki�ːthat

Finally, the older brothers caught the squirrel.Seven_Orphans.124t�ʃṳajhelp

kanRECIP

iːttake

a.t�ʃuːknife

t�ʃa�tstab

ta.kɔːŋneck

ra.kɔːtsquirrel

t�ʃaŋtherefore

ta.kɛːlthrow

a.-sɛːŋCAUS-down

ɔːnfor

m9.poafather

They helped each other stab the squirrel's neck with a knife with the result that they threw down the squirrel for the father.Seven_Orphans.125pʰɔːwhen

m9.poafather

t�ʃɒʔtie

ra.kɔːtsquirrel

t�ʃoʔin


t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

tahleave

kɔːnchild

a.dɒʔCOMP

nʌŋon

kal tree

aluaŋstem

ki�ːthat

When the father had tied the squirrel to a pole, he then left the children in that tree.

139

Seven_Orphans.126tʌːNEG

lɔpreturn

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

kɔːnchild

ɛːnagain

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

He did not look back at the children at all.Seven_Orphans.127kɔːnchild

hɯːmsee

nɛ�ːwthing

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ɲe�aːmcry

t�ʃoʔin

a.nɤ�ːjeach.other

nʌŋon

kal tree

aluaŋstem

The children saw what was happening and so started crying with each in the tree.Seven_Orphans.128aːjolder

wa�wspeak

m9.poafather

tahleave

haj1P_inc

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

sɛːmyounger

ɤːjdear

The oldest said, “Father has left us, dearest brothers.”Seven_Orphans.129sɛːmyounger

haj1P_inc

siIRR

taʔdo

nɛːw lɛʔhow

A younger brother - “What will we do?”Seven_Orphans.130siIRR

beclie

saː lɛʔhow

haj1P_inc

ra.ŋɛ�ːtsleep

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

tʌːNEG

n9.trṳhfall

bɔːPrt_Q

How will we lie down so that when we sleep we won't fall (out of the tree)?”Seven_Orphans.131sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

haj1P_inc

ti�ːpull

iːttake

pre�ːloincloth

t�ʃɒʔtie

a.-tetCAUS-stick

a.nɤ�ːjeach.other

The youngest brother - “We will take off our loincloths and tie (ourselves) fast to each other.Seven_Orphans.132t�ʃʌ�ːthen

t�ʃɒʔtie

t�ʃakbody

haj1P_inc

t�ʃoʔto

kaltree

aluaŋstem

Then we will tie our bodies to the tree.Seven_Orphans.133pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

si.dawnight

tʌːNEG

ta�nyet

beclie

ra.ŋɛ�ːtsleep

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP


When the evening came and they were not yet asleep, the brothers frightened each other.

140

Seven_Orphans.134a.laj3P

hɯːmsee

t�ʃombird

hɯkbig

parfly

tʌ�ʔcome

pɔkperch

kaltree

aluaŋstem

ki�ːthat

(Because) they saw a large bird fly to them and land on the tree.Seven_Orphans.135sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

haj1P_inc

siIRR

taʔdo

nɛːw lɛʔhow

an3S

tʌːNEG

t�ʃa:eat

haj1P_inc

bɔːPrt_Q

A younger brother - “Eldest brother, what should we do so that it does not eat us?”Seven_Orphans.136pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ji�rshake

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

They all shook with fright.Seven_Orphans.137tɛːbut

t�ʃombird

hɯkbig

sʌŋhear

ra.nɛːnchild

ki�ːthat

ra.-wa�wRECIP-say

kanRECIP

But the big bird heard what the children were saying to each other.Seven_Orphans.138an3S

lɤ�ːjso

ra.-wa�wRECIP-say

kapand

ra.nɛːnchild

paːjC

m9.paj2P

tʌːNEG

tɔŋmust

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

dɔːkPrt_contra

So it said to the children, “Actually, you all do not have to be afraid of me.”Seven_Orphans.139m9.paj2P

tʌ�ʔcome

tɛːfrom

lɛʔwhere

“Where do you come from?”Seven_Orphans.140m9.pɛʔwhy

pʌʔgo

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

kal tree

aluaŋstem

najthis

“Why are you staying in this tree?”Seven_Orphans.141aːjolder

hɯkbig

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

m9.poafather

hiʔ1P_exc

tʌ�ʔcome

pʰoːtabandon

hiʔ1P_exc

The oldest brother said, “Our father had us come (here) and then abandoned us.”

141

Seven_Orphans.143aːjolder

hiʔ1P_exc

tʌːNEG

bɯːnhave

mɔŋplace

pʌʔgo

t�ʃi.nɔːnow

The older brother - “We don't have anywhere to go now.”Seven_Orphans.144t�ʃombird

hɯkbig

iːttake

saːlike

najthis

The big bird - “You can do something like this.”Seven_Orphans.145kʰanif

m9.paj2P

poːcpick

pa.lajfruit

a.luaŋstem

ɔːnfor

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

t�ʃa:eat

t�ʃonuntil

pa.sajsatisfy

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

pʌʔgo

a.suajsend

m9.paj2P

“If you pick fruit for me to eat until I am satisfied, then I will go and take (you to a new place).”Seven_Orphans.146sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

poːcpick

pa.lajfruit

a.luaŋstem

ɔːnfor

t�ʃombird

t�ʃa:eat

t�ʃonuntil

pa.sajsatisfy

So the brothers helped each other pick fruit for the bird so that it could eat until it was satisfied. Seven_Orphans.147t�ʃombird

awhINTERJ

battime

najthis

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pa.sajsatisfy

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

m9.paj2P

siIRR

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔto

lɛʔwhere

Bird - “Oof, now that I have been satisfied, where will you go?”Seven_Orphans.148atɤːŋsay“Tell me.”Seven_Orphans.149a.laj3P

hiʔ1P_exc

tʌːNEG

bɯːnhave

mɔŋplace

pʌʔgo

They - “We don't have any place to go.”Seven_Orphans.150t�ʃombird

kʰanif

wa�wspeak

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pe�ainvite

m9.paj 2P

pʌʔgo

tɔ�ŋfield

t�ʃʌ�ʔbountiful

tɔ�ŋfield

t�ʃɤːnbountiful

nɒʔPrt_suggest

The bird - “If thats what you have to say, I invite you to go to some bountiful meadows, OK.”

142

Seven_Orphans.151t�ʃoːnup

t�ʃi�hride

klɔ�ŋback

ŋ9.koaʔ1S_Poss

“Get up and ride on my back.”Seven_Orphans.152pʰɔːwhen

t�ʃi�hride

klɔ�ŋback

t�ʃombird

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

t�ʃombird

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

parfly

pʌʔgo

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

leːwPRT

jaːŋacross

kohmountain

ta.puːlseven

kohmountain

t�ʃaŋtherefore

tʌ�ʔcome

When (they) were sitting on the bird's back, the bird took them flying across the seven mountains until they arrived.Seven_Orphans.153pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

mɔŋplace

t�ʃombird

a.blɯhask

a.laj3P

paːjC

m9.paj2P

bɯːnhave

n9.trawanything

tetstuck

t�ʃakbody

tʌ�ʔcome

bɔːPrt_Q

When they arrived at that place, the bird asked them, “Have you brought anything with you?”Seven_Orphans.154bɯːnhave

bɯːnhave

a.t�ʃuːknife

kɯːjʔsmall

mṳajone

namClf_thing

“(Yes we) have, (we) have a small knife.”Seven_Orphans.155ʌːyes

ɔː ɔːgood

kʰanif

m9.paj2P

bɯːnhave

lɯ�ːaŋstory

n9.trawwhatever

ɔːnallow

m9.paj2P

a.lɔ�ŋcall

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

t�ʃoʔin

ma.lɔ�ŋsky

dəːPrt_command

“Yes, good, good, if you have any problems, you must call for me in the sky.”Seven_Orphans.156leːwthen

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃṳajhelp

m9.paj2P

“Then I will come to help you.”Seven_Orphans.157wa�wspeak

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

t�ʃombird

hɯkbig

kaʔso

parfly

t�ʃoːnup

ma.lɔ�ŋsky

pʌʔgo

When he had spoken, the big bird flew up into the sky and left.

143

Seven_Orphans.158ra.nɛːnchild

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

taʔdo

ka.tuːpshack

ɤːtLOC

So each of the children helped each other to make a little house there.Seven_Orphans.159taʔdo

re�ːwsnare

t�ʃoʔin

t�ʃombird

prṳamalso

(They) made snares to catch birds also.Seven_Orphans.160tɔ�ŋfield

ki�ːthat

bɯːnhave

t�ʃombird

t�ʃi.pal dove

bɯːnEXIST

t�ʃombird

bringBring

n9.truajʔchicken

sʌkforest

kapand

t�ʃombird

ɛːnagain

pa.le�ajʔvery

nɛ�ːwkind

The meadows there had doves, 'Bring' birds, wild chickens and many other kinds of birds.Seven_Orphans.161trananimal

sʌkforest

kaʔso

pa.le�ajʔvery

prṳamalso

(There were) many kinds of wild animals also.Seven_Orphans.162mṳajone

si.ŋajday

mṳajone

si.ŋajday

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

siIRR

koːpgrab

t�ʃombird

bɯːnable

pa.le�ajʔvery

lɯ�ʔvery

Some days, the brothers were able to catch many, many birds. Seven_Orphans.163pʰɔːwhen

ta.kroːcut.meat

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

kaʔso

pahchop

pliumcrop

an3S_Poss

aʔ-CAUSE

loahout

kṳːevery

toːClf_animal

As they were cleaning the birds, the brothers chopped the crops out of every animal.Seven_Orphans.164bɯːnEXIST

tʰrɔːrice

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

pliumcrop

t�ʃombird

prṳamalso

There was rice seeds in the crops of the birds.Seven_Orphans.165sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

ti�ːaŋdry.sun

tʰrɔːrice

t�ʃonuntil

si.ɤːtdry

t�ʃaŋtherefore

a.-dɯːŋCAUS-bring

t�ʃohplant

The brothers put the rice seeds in the sunshine until they were dry so that they could be planted.

144


tʌ�ʔcome

n9.tɯːseason

me�arain

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

t�ʃohplant

tʰrɔːrice

nʌŋon

tʰraj field

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

mṳajone

buŋClf_basketWhen the rainy season came, the brothers helped each other to plant rice in the fields until they used up one large basket (of seeds). Seven_Orphans.167pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

n9.tɯːseason

racharvest

tʰrɔːrice

n9.t�ʃʰaj month

ma.t�ʃitten

laʔCON

mṳajone

bɯːnEXIST

tʰrɔː rice

pa.le�ajʔvery

ɤːtLOC

When the harvest season came in the eleventh month, there was a great abundance of rice in the fields.Seven_Orphans.168pʰɔːwhen

ka.mɔyear

tɔː pʌʔnext

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

tṳhpoor

tʌːNEG

maɲe�ajhlack

ɛːnagain

The next year (they) were not poor any more.Seven_Orphans.169taʔdo

la�wshed

t�ʃoʔplace

tʰrɔːrice

ta.puːlseven

la�wClf_shed

(They) made seven storage sheds to store their rice.Seven_Orphans.170tɔː pʌʔnext

tʌːNEG

duːntime.long

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

kaʔso

hɯkbig

pɛnbe

baːwyoung man

Not long after that, the brothers grew and became young men.Seven_Orphans.171kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

bɯːnhave

tʰrɔːrice

bɯːnhave

doːjrice.cooked

t�ʃa:eat

komenough

ka.mɔyear

Everyone had enough seed rice and cooked rice to eat for the year.Seven_Orphans.172wa�wspeak

tʌ�ʔcome

jahside

pa.ne�aruler

m9.poafather

vi�lvillage

t�ʃe�ʔclose

ki�ːthere

(Now we will) talk about a village ruler (who lived) close to there.

145

Seven_Orphans.173mṳajone

ka.mɔyear

kɤːtbirth

lɛːŋdry

ʌʔbarren

doːjrice

ʌʔbarren

dʌʔwater

One year, there happened to be a drought and the rice lacked water.Seven_Orphans.174tɛːbut

an3S

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild


ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

But he had seven daughters.Seven_Orphans.175tɛːbut

ka.mɔyear

ki�ːthat

an3S

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

doːjrice

t�ʃa:eat

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

But that year, he did not have any cooked rice to eat at all.Seven_Orphans.176ɔːnallow

kɔːnchild


pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

a.baŋbamboo.shoot

pʌʔgo

t�ʃi.lɛhtrade

doːjrice

(He) had the daughters go search for bamboo shoots to trade for rice.Seven_Orphans.177ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

t�ʃonuntil

tʌ�ʔcome

doŋhouse

ta.puːlseven

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

(They) were walking and searching until they came to the house of the seven orphans.Seven_Orphans.178aːjolder

hɯkbig

ki�ːthat

hɯːmsee

lɤ�ːjso

a.blɯhask

paːjC

sɛːmyounger

m9.paj2P

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

n9.trawwhat

The eldest brother saw them and so asked, “Sisters, what are you looking for?”Seven_Orphans.179m9.pɛʔwhy

pʌʔgo

pa.le�ajʔvery

naʔClf_person

a.lʌːvery

“Why did so many of you come?”Seven_Orphans.180ɤːjolder

kɔːnchild

pa.ne�aruler

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

hiʔ1P_exc

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

a.baŋbamboo.shoot

pʌʔgo

t�ʃi.lɛhtrade

aːjolder

ɤːjdear

The eldest daughter of the ruler said, “We are searching for bamboo shoots to trade for rice, dear older brother.”

146

Seven_Orphans.181vi�lvillage

hiʔ1P_exc

lɛːŋdry

“Our village is dry.”Seven_Orphans.182tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

dʌʔwater

taʔdo

ne�afield

“There is not enough water to make the fields.”Seven_Orphans.183doːjrice

t�ʃa:eat

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

“There is no rice to eat.”Seven_Orphans.184m9.poafather

lɤ�ːjso

ɔːnallow

hiʔ1P_exc

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃuajʔsearch

a.baŋbamboo.shoot

pʌʔgo

t�ʃi.lɛhtrade

naj this

laʔPrt_evid

“So our father had us come search for bamboo shoots to trade, that's the reason.”Seven_Orphans.185aːjolder

wa�wspeak

kʰanif

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

m9.paj2p

iːttake

a.baŋbamboo.shoot

a.dɒʔCOMP

najthis

laʔPrt_evid

The older brother said, “If it's like that, you all take your bamboo shoots and put them down.”Seven_Orphans.186aːjolder

siIRR

t�ʃɔktake.out

tʰrɔːrice

ɔːnfor

m9.paj 2P

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃa:eat


“I will scoop rice (out of the bag) so that you all can return home and eat.”Seven_Orphans.187sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

t�ʃɔktake.out

tʰrɔːrice

ɔːnfor


ta.puːlseven


So the brothers helped each other scoop out rice so that the seven young women could carry the rice on a pole.Seven_Orphans.188ɤːjolder

aːjolder

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

hiʔ1P_exc

t�ʃṳːreturn

we�ajfirst

dəːPrt_conclusion

The eldest daughter - “Older brother, our group will return home now.”

147

Seven_Orphans.189jahside

pa.ne�aruler

pʰɔːwhen

kɔːnchild

t�ʃṳːreturn

tʌ�ʔcome

doŋhouse

a.blɯhask

paːjC

kɔːnchild

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ɔːnallow

m9.paj 2P

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

a.baŋbamboo.shootAs for the ruler, when the children arrived home he asked them, “Children, I asked you to go search for bamboo shoots.”Seven_Orphans.190m9.paj2P

m9.pɛʔwhy

bɯːnhave

tʰrɔːrice

a.-t�ʃṳːCAUS-return

How have you been able to bring back rice?”Seven_Orphans.191kɔːnchild

hiʔ1P_exc

iːttake

nʌŋon

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

ta.puːlseven

naʔPrt_person

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

kohmountain

tɛ�hthere.far

Children - “We took it from seven brothers who live far away in the mountains.”Seven_Orphans.192kʰanif

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

mɯːday

ta.majnew

m9.paj2P

pʌʔgo

iːttake


ɛːnagain

mɛʔPrt_command

“If that is what happened, in a few days I want you to go again and bring back some more.” Seven_Orphans.193baːtwo

pajthree

si.ŋajday

tɔː pʌʔnext

sɛːmyounger

ɤːjolder

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

a.baŋbamboo.shoot

ɛːnagain

A few days later, the sisters went searching for bamboo shoots again.Seven_Orphans.194mṳːtenter

sɛ:krequest

tʰrɔːrice

nʌŋon

baːwyoung.man

ta.puːlseven

naʔClf_person

m9.plɛʔsame

ti�aʔbefore

They went to the seven young men and asked for rice just as before.Seven_Orphans.195bɯːnEXIST

tʰrɔːrice


pa.le�ajʔvery

kɯ�ːsame

ti�aʔbefore

There was plenty of rice for them to bring back the same as before. Seven_Orphans.196pa.le�ajʔvery

t�ʃɯːtime

duoften

pʌʔgo

(The daughters) went (to get rice) many times and often.

148

Seven_Orphans.197ɤːjolder

hɯkbig

a.kaːclazy

pʌʔgo

t�ʃi.lɛhtrade

kaʔso

lɤ�ːjso

pʌʔgo

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

aːjolder

hɯkbig

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

The eldest daughter got too lazy to go trade for rice and so went to live with the oldest orphan brother.Seven_Orphans.198tɔː pʌʔnext

sɛːmyounger

kuajperson

tʰiːREL

baːtwo

kuajperson

tʰiːREL

pajthree

t�ʃonuntil

tʌ�ʔcome

sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

baːwyoung.man

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

Next, the second youngest sister and the third youngest until the last sister went to live with one of the young men.Seven_Orphans.199pa.ne�aruler

daŋknow

kaʔso

lɤ�ːjso

ɔːncause

tʰa.haːnsoldier

pʌʔgo

atɤːŋsay

ta.puːlseven

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

paːjC

kʰanif

ma�klike

kɔːnchild


ŋ9.koaʔ1S_Poss

m9.paj2P

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

tɔŋmust

pʌʔgo

sɛ:krequest

When the ruler found out, he then had his soldiers go tell the seven orphans, “If you like my daughters, every one of you must come and ask to marry her.”Seven_Orphans.200aːjolder

hɯkbig

daŋknow

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

lɤ�ːjso

iːttake

tʰrɔːrice

iːttake

doːjrice

pa.le�ajʔvery

lɯ�ʔvery

pʌʔgo

sɛ:krequest

kɔːnchild

pa.ne�aruler

When the eldest brother learned of this, he then took a large amount of rice seed and cooked rice and asked to marry the ruler's child.Seven_Orphans.201kṳːevery

naʔClf_person


ɤːtlive

t�ʃa:eat

ma.nɤːjtogether

Everyone got married, living and eating together.Seven_Orphans.202pa.ne�aruler

m9.pɛʔdivide

tʰraj field

m9.pɛʔdivide

ne�afield


tɔ�ŋfield

ɔːnfor

The ruler divided many rice fields and dry fields for (the new couples). Seven_Orphans.203bɯːnEXIST

tɛːbut

ruaʔhappy

kṳː every

kṳː every

si.ŋaj day

sotend

They had only happiness all of their days. THE END

149

APPENDIX 2: THE BIG SNAKE SON-IN-LAW

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.001pa.ti�amson-in-law

ku.t�ʃʰan snake

hɯkbig

The big snake son-in-law.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.002tɛː from

lʌːpast

duːnlong_time

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɯːnEXIST

vi�lvillage

bɯːnEXIST


tʰawold


tʰawold

Once upon a time there was an old grandfather and an old grandmother who lived in a village.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.003baːtwo

naʔClf_person

bɯːnEXIST

kɔːnchild


ta.pa�tsix

naʔClf_person

They had six unmarried daughters. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.004mṳajone

si.ŋaj day

m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

One day, the mother and father went to search for ripe mangoes.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.005pʰɔːwhen

pʌʔgo

tʌ�ʔcome

sʌkforest

kaʔ so

hɯːm see

kaltree

ɲɒʔmango

pa.le�ajʔ many

kaltree

When they had arrived in the forest, they saw many mango trees.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.006tɛː but

tʌːNEG

hɯːm see

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

tɛː but

mṳajone

ɔkClf_fruit

But they did not see any ripe mangoes, not even one.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.007a.t�ʃṳjhgrandfather

tʰawold

wa�wspeak

kapand

m9.pajwife

paːjC

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔto

lɛʔwhere

ɲɛ�ʔall

The old grandfather said to his wife, “Where have all the ripe mangoes gone?”

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.008ma.hajyesterday

n9.tre�atwo days ago

ɤːt still

hɯːm see

pa.le�ajʔ very

nʌŋalso

Two days ago I saw many still here. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.009t�ʃuajʔsearch

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

t�ʃon until

pʌʔgo

tʌ�ʔcome

kaltree

ɲɒʔmango

mṳajone

kaltree

They searched for the ripe mangoes until they came to one particular mango tree.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.010hɯːmsee

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pṳːtbig

a.-kɔːŋCAUS-pile.up

ɲɒʔmango

kuajʔhug

a.dɒʔCOMP

They saw a big snake which had piled up mangoes and wrapped [itself around them]. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.011ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pṳːtbig

ki�ːthat

pɛnbe

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pa.ɲe�aking

oŋ.ingod

plɛŋ change

t�ʃakbody

tʌ�ʔcome

That snake was the snake god king which had transformed itself into a body and come (down to earth). The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.012ku.t�ʃʰansnake

a.blɯhask

baːtwo

tʰawold

paːjC

kʰanif

m9.paj2P

jʌʔwant

bɯːnEXIST

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

ŋ9.koaʔ1S.Poss

siIRR

ɔːngive

The snake asked the two old ones, “If you want to have my ripe mangoes, (I) will give them to you. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.013tɛː but

kɔːnchild


ma�j2S.Poss

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

tɔŋmust

pɛnbe

m9.pajwife

ŋ9.koaʔ1S.Poss

But one of your daughters must become my wife.

151

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.014a.je�aʔgrandmother

tʰawold

lɤ�ːjso

a.blɯhask

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

paːjC

kɔːnchild


ŋ9.koaʔ1S.Poss

pa.le�ajʔmany

naʔClf_person

siIRR

iːttake

na�w3S

a.lɛʔwhich

So the old grandmother asked the snake, “I have many unmarried daughters, which one will you take?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.015ku.t�ʃʰansnake

wa�wspeak

paːjC

kʰanif

nɛ�ːwthing

ki�ːthat

iːttake

saːlike

najthis

The snake said, “If it's like that, I will chose like this.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.016kʰanif

na�w3S

a.lɛʔwhich

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɒʔmango

ŋ9.koaʔ1S.Poss

na�w3S

a.-ki�CAUS.-that

tɔŋmust

pɛnbe

m9.pajwife

ŋ9.koaʔ1S.Poss

“Whoever eats my mangos, that one must become my wife.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.017ma�j2S

wa�wspeak

ɔːnallow

a.laj3P

ta.mɯ�ŋlisten

dəːPrt_command

“You tell them so that they will understand.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.018a.bɯː.diːevening.this

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

wa�wspeak

“This evening, I will come and enter into your house”, the snake said.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.019t�ʃʌ�ːthen


tʰawold


tʰawold

kaʔso

toːcpick.up

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

t�ʃoʔput

a.jaŋbasket


t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

Then the old woman and the old man picked up the ripe mangoes and put them in a basket which they tied to a pole and returned home.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.020pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔarrive

doŋhouse

kɔːnchild

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

kaʔso

ta.lṳhrun

tʌ�ʔarrive

ra�preceive

m9.pe�ʔmother

When they arrived at the house, all of their children came running to greet their mother.

152

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.021pʰɔːwhen

m9.pe�ʔmother

a.t�ʃuhset.down

a.jaŋbasket

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

kapwith

kɔːnchild

paːjC

kɔːnchild

kʰanif

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

najthis

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

tɔŋmust

pɛnbe

m9.pajwife

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

dəːPrt_command

When the mother had set down the basket, she said to the children, “Children, if anyone eats these ripe mangoes, then [that person] must become the wife of a big snake.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.022m9.pe�ʔmother

kapand

m9.poafather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

lɯ�ːaŋstory

tʰiːREL

ra.mɔhmeet

ɔːnfor

kɔːnchild

ta.mɯ�ŋlisten

So the mother and father told the story of what had happened so that the children could understand.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.023pʰɔːwhen

kɔːnchild

daŋknow

lɯ�ːaŋstory

kaʔthen

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

kaːdare

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pṳːtbig

lɤ�ːjat.all

After the children understood the story, no one was brave enough to eat the big snake's ripe mangoes at all.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.024bɯːnEXIST

kɔːnchild

a.lʌhyoungest

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

tʰiːREL

kaːdare

t�ʃa:eat

The youngest daughter was the only one who dared to eat [the mangoes]. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.025sɛːmyounger

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ma.haːŋhunger

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

t�ʃa:eat

pɛnbe

m9.pajwife

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

kaʔthen

pɛnbe

The younger daughter said, “I am hungry; I will eat [the mangoes], and if I become the snake's wife, so be it.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.026sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

So the youngest daughter ate the ripe mangoes by herself until they were gone.

153


tʌ�ʔcome

a.bɯːevening

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kaʔthen

sɛːŋdescend

tɛːfrom

kohmountain

siaŋnoise

n9.traːŋloud

ɯk.kaʔ.tɯkcrash_boom

When evening came, the big snake came down from the mountain with a loud crashing noise.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.028pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔarrive

doŋhouse


tʰawold

an3S

kaʔthen

lo�ːjslither

mṳːtenter

kloːŋinside

doŋhouse

When it came to the old woman's house, it entered slithering into the house.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.029m9.poafather

m9.pe�ʔmother

hɯːmsee

saːlike

ki�ːthat

kaʔthen

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

kɔːnchild


tɛːŋprepare

kʰan sɤːŋceremony five pairs

pʌʔgo

ka.kuhpray.kneel

a.jaːkhusband

tʰiːREL

pɛnbe

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

The father and mother saw what was happening and so told their daughter to arrange the five candle ceremony and to go kneel before her husband who was a snake. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.030sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

pa.le�ajʔvery

The youngest sister was very afraid.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.031tɛːbut

taʔdo

n9.trawanything

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable

But she could not do anything about it.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.032an3S

lɤ�ːjso

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔto

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pṳːtbig

tɛːbut

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

So she went to the big snake all by herself.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.033an3S

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

lɔːŋleg

ji�rshake

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

She was so afraid that her legs were shaking completely.

154

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.034tɛːbut

tɔŋmust

mṳːtenter

ɲṳanbecause

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɒʔmango

t�ʃiːnripe

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

But (she) had to enter (into marriage) because she had eaten all of the snakes ripe mangoes. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.035ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

hɯːmsee

an3S

pɛnbe

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kapwith

an3S

paːjC

ma�j2S

pɛnbe

kuajperson

ta.na�ŋhonest

The big snake saw that she was like that and so said to her, “You are an honest person.” The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.036ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

tuajhtake.of

ruːpform

ɔːnallow

ma�j2S

hɯːmsee

I will take off my form so that you can see (me as I really am).The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.037pʰɔːwhen

wa�wspeak

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kaʔthen

tuajhtake.of


ku.t�ʃʰansnake

loahout

When (he) finshed speaking, the big snake took the snake skin off.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.038an3S

pɛnbe

kuajperson

macbeautiful

pa.le�ajʔvery

He was a very handsome person.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.039sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

hɯːmsee

saːlike

ki�ːthat

an3S

kaʔthen

si.ɔm mi�thappy

pa.le�ajʔvery

(When) the youngest sister saw what he was like, she was very happy.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.040pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋshine

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

kaʔthen

pe�abring

a.jaːkhusband

tʰiːREL

pɛnbe

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pʌʔgo


tʰrajfield

When morning came, the youngest daughter invited her husband who was a snake to go clear the fields.

155


tʌ�ʔcome

tʰrajfield

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kaʔthen

tuajhtake.of


ku.t�ʃʰansnake

loahout

pɛnbe

kuajperson


tʰrajfield

t�ʃonuntil

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

When they arrived at the field, the big snake took off his snake skin and became a person until they finished clearing the fields. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.042sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

kɯ�tthink

nʌŋin

mi�theart

paːjC

taʔdo


a.jaːkhusband

haj1P_inc

t�ʃaŋthen

siIRR

pɛnbe

kuajperson

saːlike

najthis

kṳː every

kṳː every

si.ŋajday

pʌʔgo

The youngest daughter thought in her heart about if she could do anything so that her husband would be a person like this all the time. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.043pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

mɯːday

ta.majnew

an3S

kaʔthen

wa�wspeak

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

saːlike

ki�ːthat

ɛːnagain

t�ʃonuntil

t�ʃombird

si.aːkcrow

nʌŋin

kal aluaŋtree

sʌŋhear

The next day, she kept saying the same thing to herself out loud until a crow up in the tree heard her. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.044si.aːkcrow

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kapwith

sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

paːjC

tʌːNEG

ɲe�aʔdifficult

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

t�ʃṳajhelp

So the crow spoke with the youngest daugter, “It’s not difficult. I will help (you)” The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.045ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

t�ʃṳajhelp

tɛːbut

ma�j2S

tɔŋmust

t;ʃɛːmfeed

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ɔːnfor

pa.sajsatisfy

“I will help you, but you must feed me until I am full. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.046t�ʃʌ�ːthen

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

atɤːŋsay

kʰwaːm-kɯ�tNMLZ-think

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ɔːnfor

ta.mɯ�ŋlisten

Then I will tell my idea to you.”

156

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.047sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

t�ʃɛːmfeed

t�ʃombird

si.aːkcrow

t�ʃonuntil

pa.sajsatisfy

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

ma�j2S

taʔdo

saːlike

najthis

dəːPRT

When the youngest daughter had fed the crow until it was satisfied, the crow then told her, “You will do something like this.” The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.048 t�ʃombird

wa�wspeak

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR


iːttake

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

an3S

a.dɯːŋCAUS-bring

The bird said, “I will grab the snake skin in my beak and take it away.” The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.049pʰɔːwhen

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

parfly

ɤːtLOC

pɤːŋover

ka.nɔːŋpile

ujhfire

ma�j2S

kaʔso

taʔdo

a.tujhchase.away

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

“When I fly over the fire, you shoo me away.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.050ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

pa.tahfree

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

t�ʃoʔin

ujhfire

“I will drop the snake's skin into the fire.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.051pʰɔːwhen

ujhfire

kaːtburn

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

an3S

ɲɛ�ʔconsume

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

pɛnbe

kuajperson

kṳː every

kṳː every

si.ŋajday

dɔːkPRT_conclusion “When the fire burns up his snake skin, then he will be a person from then on for sure.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.052sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

paːjC

mɛ�ːntrue

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ma�j2S

wa�wspeak

The youngest sister said, “What you say is true.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.053pʰɔːwhen

daŋknow

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

kaʔso

ɔːnallow

t�ʃombird


ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

pʌʔgo

When they knew the plan, the youngest sister had the bird pick up the snake skin in its mouth and go.

157


t�ʃombird

parfly

pɤːŋover

ka.nɔːŋpile

ujhfire

sɛːmyounger

kaʔso

taʔdo

a.tujhchase.away

saːhshoo

saːhshoo

When the bird flew over the fire, the younger sister pretended to chase it away, “Shoo, shoo!”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.055t�ʃombird

si.aːkcrow

iːttake

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

ma�j2S_Poss

a.dɯːŋCAUS-bring

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

tʰawold

ɤːjdear

“The crow has taken your skin away, dearest!”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.056a.jaːkhusband

sʌŋhear

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

ta.lṳhrun

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃṳajhelp

The husband heard what was going on and so came running to help.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.057tɛːbut

tʌːNEG


But he did not come in time.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.058t�ʃombird

si.aːkcrow

pa.tahfree

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

sɛːŋdescend

t�ʃoʔin

ujhfire

The crow dropped the skin down unto the fire.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.059ujhfire

kaːtburn

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

The fire burned it up completely.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.060a.jaːkhusband

hɯːmsee

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

ɲe�amcry

The husband saw what happened and cried.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.061sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

wa�wspeak

kapand

a.jaːkhusband

paːjC

an3S

kaːtburn

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

t�ʃʌ�ːPST


The youngest sister said to her husband, “It has been burned up and is finished for sure.

158

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.062ma�j2S_Poss

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

tɔŋmust

t�ʃoʔwear

ŋ9.kʰoːlskin

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

nʌŋPRT_emph

You do not have to wear the snake skin any more.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.063pɛnbe

kuajperson

kaʔso

ɔːgood

pa.le�ajʔvery

ɤːtstill

Being a person is still very good.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.064pʰɔːwhen

sʌŋhear

m9.pajwife

wa�wspeak

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

an3S

kaʔso

pɛʔstop

ɲe�amcry

When he heard the things his wife was saying, he stopped crying.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.065m9.pajwife

lɤ�ːjso

iːttake

kuːmblack

ku.t�ʃahcharcoal

te�aːspread

me�aŋface

ɔːnfor

a.jaːkhusband

So the wife took black charcoal and spread it on her husband's face.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.066ŋ9.kɔhafraid

sɛːmyounger

ɤːjolder

hɯːmsee

siIRR


She was afraid her sisters would see and be surprised.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.067t�ʃṳːreturn

tɛːfrom

tʰrajfield

kaʔso

t�ʃṳːreturn

si.daw night

si.daw night

They returned from the fields late at night. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.068pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋshine

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

m9.pe�ʔmother

kaʔso

a.lɔ�ŋcall

kɔːnchild

pʌʔgo

tʰrajfield

The next morning the mother called her daughter to go to the fields.

159


hɯːmsee

pa.ti�amson-in-law

jṳarstand


m9.pe�ʔmother

tʰawold

kaʔso


hɯːmsee


pɛnbe

kuajperson

When she saw her son-in-law stand up, the old mother was surprised to see that he was a person.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.070sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

ɔːnfor

m9.pe�ʔmother

ta.mɯ�ŋlisten

So the youngest sister spoke so that her mother would understand.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.071pʰɔːwhen

t�ʃi.liːaʔmid-morning


kaʔso

pahchop

ujhfirewood

pɯ�ːnunder

ka.ruːmarea.under.house

m9.pajwife

kaʔso

iːttake

dʌʔwater

t�ʃoːnup

doŋhouse

Around mid-morning, as the son-in-law chopped firewood under the house as his wife took water up into the house.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.072krṳbucket

t�ʃi.pɔtslip.off

dʌʔwater

hɔkspill

t�ʃoʔin

a.jaːkhusband

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

The bucket tipped over and water spilled all over the husband.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.073pʰɔːwhen

dʌʔwater

kɤːntouch

kuːmblack

nʌŋon

me�aŋface

kaʔso

loahout

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

pɛnbe

macbeautiful

pa.le�ajʔvery

When the water touched the black charcoal on his face it came off completely and he was very handsome.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.074pʰɔːwhen

sɛːmyounger

ɤːjolder

hɯːmsee

saːlike

ki�ːthat

kaʔso


When the sisters saw him like that, they were surprised.

160

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.075wa�wspeak

t�ʃoʔin

sɛːmyounger

paːjC

ma�j2S

m9.pɛʔwhy

bɯːnhave

a.jaːkhusband

macbeautiful

a.lʌːvery

They said to the younger sister, “Why do you have such a beautiful husband?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.076hiʔ1P_exc

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave

saːlike

ma�j2S

kɯ�ːsame

kanRECIP

“We want to have a husband just the same as you.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.077taŋ tɛːsince

ki�ːthat

sɛːmyounger

a.lʌhyoungest

kaʔso

ɤːtlive

kapwith

a.jaːkhusband

ma.nɤːjtogether

ruaʔhappy

ɔːgood

Since that time, the youngest sister lived hapily together with her huspand.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.078wa�wspeak

tʌ�ʔabout


tʰawold


tʰawold

ɛːnagain

mṳajone

doŋhouse

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild


mṳajone

naʔClf_person

Now we will talk about an old man and old woman of another family who had one unmarried daughter.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.079a.laj3P

jʌʔwant

bɯːnhave


pɛnbe

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kɯ�ːsame

kanRECIP

They wanted to have a son-in-law who was a big snake just the same as the family we just talked about.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.080baːtwo

naʔClf_person

m9.pajwife

a.jaːkhusband

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

kohmountain

ɔːnfor

pɛnbe

a.jaːkhusband

kɔːnchild


So both the husband and wife decided to go search for a big snake living in the mountains so that it would be a husband for their daughter.

161


tʌ�ʔcome

kohmountain

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

kuaclasso

iːttake

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

ta.lɛnconstrictor.snake


pɛnbe


When they arrived in the mountains, they went and snared a constricting snake to take back to be their son-in-law.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.082baːtwo

naʔClf_person

m9.pajwife

a.jaːkhusband

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

le�akdrag

ti�ːpull

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

ta.lɛnconstrictor.snake

sɛːŋdescend

tɛːfrom

kohmountain

Both the wife and husband helped each other to drag and pull the boa constrictor down from the mountain.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.083pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

doŋhouse

kaʔso

iːttake

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

a.dɒʔCAUS-place

nʌŋon

kloːŋinside

doŋhouse

When they arrived home, they took the snake and placed it inside the house.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.084pʰɔːwhen

a.bɯːevening

kaʔso

ɔːnfor

kɔːnchild


tɛːŋprepare

kʰan sɤːŋceremony five pairs

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

During the evening, (they) made (their) daughter prepare the ceremony of the five pairs of candles to enter into (the house?).The_Big_Snake.085kɔːnchild


wa�wspeak

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tʌːNEG

kaːbrave

mṳːtenter

The daughter said, "I am afraid, I am not brave enough to enter (the house).”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.086m9.pe�ʔmother

wa�wspeak

paːjC

kʰanif

tʌːNEG

mṳːtenter

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR


ma�j2S

The mother said, “If you don't enter, I will kill you.”

162

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.087kɔːnchild


lɤ�ːjso

mṳːtenter

So the daughter entered [into the house].The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.088pʰɔːwhen

si.dawnight

ma.hɔjʔmoment

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kaʔso

hatwrap.around

an3S

The moment night fell, the big snake wrapped itself around her.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.089t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

t�ʃa:eat

an3S

And then started to eat her.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.090lɯ�ːnswallow

lɔːŋleg

an3S

ɲṳaŋfirst

It swallowed her lower leg first.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.091an3S

lɤ�ːjso

a.lɔ�ŋcall

ɔːnfor

m9.pe�ʔmother

t�ʃṳajhelp

So she called for her mother to help.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.092a.lɔ�ŋcall

paːjC

m9.pe�ʔmother

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

lɯ�ːnswallow

lɔːŋleg

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

She called, “Mother, the snake has swalled my leg!”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.093m9.pe�ʔmother

ɤːtLOC

jahside

noaʔoutside

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kapwith

a.jaːkhusband

paːjC

ma�j2S

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

mɛʔPrt_surprise

So the mother who was outside said to her husband, “Will you look at that!”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.094a.jaːkhusband

a.pɤ�ːrpet

lɔːŋleg

kaʔso

atɤːŋtell

m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

“(Her) husband is petting (her) leg and so (she) tells us."

163

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.095m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

lɤ�ːjso

tʌːNEG

mṳːtenter

t�ʃṳajhelp

an3S

So the mother and father did not enter the house and help her.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.096pʰɔːwhen

ɛːnagain

ma.hɔjʔmoment

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

kaʔso

lɯ�ːnswallow

tʌ�ʔarrive

luːthigh

In another moment, the snake swallowed up to her thigh.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.097an3S

kaʔso

atɤːŋtell

m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

ɛːnagain

Then she told her mother and father again.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.098m9.pe�ʔmother

wa�wspeak

kapwith

m9.poafather

paːjC

ma�j2S

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

mɛʔPrt_surprise

The mother said to the father, “Will you look at that!”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.099a.jaːkhusband

a.pɤ�ːrpet

luːthigh

kaʔso

atɤːŋtell

m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

“(Her) husband pets (her) thigh and so (she) tells us.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.100pʰɔːwhen

ma.hɔjʔmoment

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

kaʔso

lɯ�ːnswallow

tʌ�ʔarrive

ŋ9.kiːŋwaist

In a moment, the big snake swallowed up to her waist.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.101an3S

a.lɔ�ŋcall

ɛːnagain

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

lɯ�ːnswallow

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tʌ�ʔarrive

ŋ9.kiːŋwaist

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

She called out again, “The snake has swallowed me up to the waist!”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.102m9.pe�ʔmother

wa�wspeak

kapwith

m9.poafather

ɛːnagain

ma�j2S

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

a.jaːkhusband

a.t�ʃujʔtickle

ŋ9.kiːŋwaist

kaʔso

atɤːŋsay

haj1P_inc

The mother said to her husband again, “Will you look at that, her husband is tickling her waist and she tells us.”

164

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.103a.kanreally

tʌːNEG

daŋknow

n9.trawwhat

lɯ�ʔvery

kɔːnchild

haj1P_inc

najthis

“She really does not know anything at all, this child of ours.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.104ma.hɔjʔmoment

kaʔso

lɯ�ːnswallow

tʌ�ʔarrive

ma.hɤːmchest

lɯ�ːnswallow

tʌ�ʔarrive

ta.kɔːŋneck

The next moment, the snake swallowed up to her chest and up to her neck. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.105an3S

lɤ�ːjso

tat mi�tdecide

paːjC

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

tʌ�ʔarrive

t�ʃṳajhelp

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

ka�ksure

ka�ksure

So she decided that (if) there was no one coming to help (her), then she would surely die.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.106lɤ�ːjso

iːttake

kʰanbowl

kruapcover

me�aŋface

a.t�ʃaw dɯːmREFLEX

So she took a bowl and covered up her own face.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.107ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

lɤ�ːjso

lɯ�ːnswallow

an3S

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

t�ʃak body

So the big snake swallowed her whole body up.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.108tri�ːquiet

tʌːNEG

sʌŋhear

siaŋnoise

n9.trawanything

It was very quiet, not a sound was heard.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.109m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

ɤːtLOC

jahside

noaʔoutside

wa�wspeak

kanRECIP

paːjC

nɛːsure

a.jaːkhusband

a.t�ʃoaʔpester

mɯajtired

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

beclie

naːPRT_opinion

The mother and father who were outside said to each other, “Surely the husband has tired of pestering her and probably went to sleep.”

165


tʌ�ʔcome

pa�ŋshine

a.rɯ�ːpmorning

pʌʔgo

a.me�ajhawaken

kɔːnchild

jṳarstand

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

sʌŋhear

siaŋnoise

n9.trawanything

The next morning, when the mother went to awaken her daughter to get up and steam the rice, she did not hear anything.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.111m9.pe�ʔmother

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

nɛːsure

bɯːnhave

a.jaːkhusband

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

laʔPrt_evid

ta.mʌːwake.up

t�ʃi.liːaʔlate

So the mother said, “Sure, she has a husband and so wakes up late.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.112a.kaːclazy

lɯ�ʔvery

“She is so lazy!”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.113pʰɔːwhen

pɯhopen

pa.tuːdoor

pʌʔgo

ɲɛ�ːŋlook

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

When she opened the door to go look, she did not see anyone. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.114hɯːmsee

tɛːonly

pɔːŋhole

jahside

kliːbehind

doŋhouse

She only saw a hole at the back of the house.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.115m9.pe�ʔmother

ɲe�amcry

ta.lṳhrun

pʌʔgo

a.tɤːŋsay

a.jaːkhusband

paːjC

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

t�ʃa:eat

kɔːnchild

haj1P_inc

tʰawold

ɤːjdear

The mother went running and crying to tell her huspand, “The snake ate our child, dearest.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.116an3S

pɛnbe

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

lɯ�ʔtrue

tʌːNEG

mɛ�ːntrue

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

baŋ.bottransform

tʌ�ʔcome

It was a real snake, not a transformed snake come down from the heavens.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.117tʌːNEG

kɯ�ːsame

kʰɔːŋPOSS

a.laj3P

It was not the same as theirs [previous family].

166

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.118m9.poafather

kapand

m9.pe�ʔmother

lɤ�ːjso

pʌʔgo

na�mfollow

kɔːnchild

So the father and mother went and followed their daughter.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.119tɛːbut

kaʔthen

na�mfollow

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

hɯkbig

tʌːNEG


But though they followed the big snake, they did not catch up.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.120bɯːnable

tɛːonly

ɲe�amcry

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃoʔin

doŋhouse

They could only cry and return to their house.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.121

wa�wspeak

tʌXʔabout

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

ɒʔgrandfather

ra.kɔŋman

mṳajone

naʔClf_person Now we will talk about two brother who lived with their grandfather.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.122

taʔdo

tʰrajfield

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

kohmountain

They farmed in the mountains.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.123

mṳajone

si.ŋajday

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

pʌʔgo

mɛʔlook

a.lɔːtrap

One day, the brothers went to visit their traps.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.124

pʰɔːwhen

pʌʔgo

tʌXʔcome

hɯːmsee

a.lɔːtrap

laXjhspring

As they were coming, they saw that a trap had been sprung.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.125

pʰɔːwhen

pʌʔgo

ɲɛXːŋwatch

t;ʃeXʔ close

t;ʃeXʔ close

hɯːmsee

a.lɔːtrap

t;ʃṳatcaught

ku.t;ʃʰansnake

ta.lɛnsnake.constrictor

hɯkbig

As they went closer to look, they saw that the trap had caught a big constrictor snake.

167

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.126

sɛːmyounger

hɯːmsee

saːlike

kiXːthat

lɤXːjso

a.lɔXŋcall

aːjolder

tʌXʔcome

ɲɛXːŋlook

So when the younger brother had seen what had happened, he called the older brother to come and look.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.127

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

lɤXːjso

peXainvite

kanRECIP

leXakdrag

ku.t;ʃʰansnake

t;ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

So the two of them helped each other to drag the snake back to the house.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.128

pʰɔːwhen

tʌXʔcome

doŋhouse

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

sɛːmyounger

aːjolder

lɤXːjso

trɛXːhcut.open

ta.kroːcut.meat

So when the two brothers came to their house, they cut open the snake to get the meat.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.129

sɛːmyounger

waXwspeak

paːjC

ku.t;ʃʰansnake

najthis

t;ʃa:eat

nt.trawwhat

The younger brother said, “What did this snake eat?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.130

mt.pɛʔwhy

pṳŋstomach

hɯkbig

a.lʌːvery

“Why is it's stomach so big?” The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.131

pʰɔːwhen

trɛXːhcut.open

pʌʔgo

biʔ little

biʔ little

kaʔthen

hɯːmsee

kʰanbowl

kɯːjʔsmall

When they had cut the snake open a little bit, they say a small bowl.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.132

pʰɔːwhen

pɯhopen

kʰanbowl

loahout

kaʔthen

hɯːmsee

meXaŋface

kuajperson

When they pulled the bowl out they saw a person's face.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.133

sɛːmyounger

waXwspeak

kapwith

aːjolder

paːjC

aːjolder

ɤːjdear

an3S

t;ʃa:eat

kuajperson

The younger brother said to his older brother, “Dear brother, it has eaten a person!”

168


aːjolder

hɯːmsee

lɤXːjso

waXwspeak

paːjC

ta.kɔːŋneck

an3S

ɤːtstill

ta.ŋɯhpulse

nʌŋwith

So when the elder brother saw it he said, “Her neck still has a pulse.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.135

an3S

haːnot.yet

ku.t;ʃiːt die

weXajyet

“She has not died yet. [She is not dead yet.]”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.136

koːaj koːajslow slow

trɛXːhcut.open

dəːPRT_command

“Carefully cut the snake open.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.137

padiːjust.then

klaXptouch

an3S

At that moment they touched her.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.138

pʰɔːwhen

trɛXːhcut.open

iːttake

an3S

a.-loahCAUS-out

kaʔthen

tiXaŋdry.sun

an3S

dɒʔput

nʌŋon

ra.paːŋrack.dry

When they had cut open the snake and taken her out, they then dried her in the sun, putting her on a drying rack. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.139

iːttake

doːjrice

iːttake

dʌʔwater

iːttake

ra.hawmedicine

a.-t;ʃɛːmCAUS-feed

an3S

pajthree

si.ŋajday

They force fed her rice, water and medicine for three days.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.140

an3S

kaʔthen

ra.t;ʃawwiggle

bɯːnable

Then she was able to move a little bit.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.141

pʰɔːwhen

poːnfour

si.ŋajday

sɤ:ŋfive

si.ŋajday

an3S

kaʔthen

waXwspeak

bɯːnable

After four or five days, she was able to speak.

169


tʌːNEG

duːntime.long

an3S

kaʔso

waʔheal

Not long after that, she was healed.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.143

tɛːbut

an3S

t;ʃɯːremember

lɯXaŋstory

tiXaʔbefore

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable

But she could not remember what had happened to her.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.144

pʰɔːwhen

an3S

waʔheal

t;ʃʌXːPST

an3S

kaʔthen

waXwspeak

paːjC

a.mʌXʔwhoever

t;ʃṳajhelp

an3S

an3S

siIRR


kapwith

naXw3P

a.kiː CAUS-there

After she had been healed, she said that whoever had helped her, she would marry that person. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.145

pʰɔːwhen

mɯːday

ta.majnew

sɛːmyounger

kaʔthen

waXwspeak

kapwith

aːjolder

paːjC

a.mʌXʔwho

siIRR

pɛnbe

kuajperson


kapwith

an3S

The next day, the younger brother said to his older brother, “Who will be the person to marry her?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.146

aːjolder

waXwspeak

paːjC

maXj2S

eː laʔPRT_evid

The older brother said, “You of course!”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.147

sɛːmyounger

tɛːŋprepare

kapwith

an3S

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable


[younger speaking] “No, I cannot marry her.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.148

kʰanif

ŋt.koaʔ1S

tɛːŋprepare

maXj2S

siIRR

ra.nṳh miXtupset

kʰanif

pɛnbe

mt.pajwife

ŋt.koaʔ1S_Poss

t;ʃʌXːPST

“If I marry her, you will be upset if she were to become my wife.”

170


kʰanif

an3S

pʌʔgo

t;ʃuajʔsearch

nt.trawwhat

maj2S

siIRR

pʌʔgo

mɛʔlook

a.jaŋbasket

an3S

kaʔthen

tʌːNEG

kɯXːappropriate

daXjhPRT_anger “If she went out to gather something, you would go and look in her basket and that is really not appropriate.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.150

kʰanif


kapand

aːjolder

ŋt.koaʔ1S

kaʔthen

siIRR

a.lɔXŋcall

paːjC

saːjsister-in-law.older

“If she marries you, the older brother, then I will call her “saai”, my older sister-in-law.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.151

an3S

siIRR

kɯXːappropriate

kuathan

“That is more appropriate.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.152

aːjolder

atɤːŋsay

maXj2S

waXwspeak

mɛXːntrue

t;ʃʌXːPST

The older brother said, “You have spoken correctly.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.153

pʰɔːwhen

daŋknow

nɛXːwthing

kiXːthat

aːjolder

lɤXːjso


kapwith


ma.sɛːmwoman

a.laj3P

t;ʃṳajhelp

So after coming to this understanding, the older brother married with the young woman they had helped. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.154

pʰɔːwhen


ɤːtlive

t;ʃa:eat

ma.nɤːjtogether

bɯːnhave

mṳajone

ka.mɔyear

aːjolder

kapand

mt.pajwife

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

taʔdo

tʰrajfield After they had married and lived together for one year, the older brother and his wife went to work the fields.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.155

mt.pajwife

aːjolder

t;ʃohplant

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

The older brother's wife planted a pumpkin.

171


mt.pajwife

aːjolder

ka.kuhpray.kneel

sɛ:krequest

kapwith

tʰeːw.daːgod

paːjC

kʰanif

ŋt.koaʔ1S

t;ʃohplant

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

ɔːnallow

koctip

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

leXamgrow.spread

t;ʃonuntil

tʌXʔcome

doŋhouse

mt.peXʔmother

doŋhouse

mt.poafather

ŋt.koaʔ1S_Poss

tɛXhthere.far

dəːPRT_emph

Then kneeling, the older brother's wife made this request from the gods. “If I plant this pumpkin, allow the vine to grow and spread until it comes to my mother and father's house far away.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.157

kiXtpick.off

a.bɯːevening

bacbud

a.rɯXːpmorning

kiXtpick.off

a.rɯXːpmorning

bacbud

a.bɯːevening

dəːPRT_emph

“Make it so that when the tip of the vine is picked off in the evening, it will bud anew in the morning; and when it is picked off in the morning, it will sprout anew by the evening.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.158

pʰɔːwhen

tʌXʔcome

mṳajone

t;ʃitten

laʔCON

sɤ:ŋfive

si.ŋajday

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

kaʔthen

hɯkbig

a.t;ʃoːnCAUS-up

After fifteen days, the pumpkin plant grew up.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.159

si.mɯːvine

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

leXamgrow.spread

pʌʔgo

ta.puːlseven

kohmountain

t;ʃonuntil

tʌXʔcome

doŋhouse

mt.peXʔmother

doŋhouse

mt.poafather The pumpkin vine spread from the seven mountains until it came to the house of her mother and father.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.160

an3S

leXamgrow.spread

t;ʃoːngo.up

laŋ.kʰaːroof

doŋhouse

t;ʃonuntil

paXɲfull

laŋ.kʰaːroof

ɲɛXʔcomplete

It grew up onto the roof of their house and then covered it completely. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.161

a.jeXaʔgrandmother

tʰawold

kiXtpick.off

a.rɯXːpmorning


t;ʃa:eat

The old woman picked off the tip of the vine in the morning and brought it back to eat it.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.162

pʰɔːwhen

a.bɯːevening

t;ʃʌXːPST

bacbud

ta.majnew

When evening had come, the vine had bud anew.

172


pʰɔːwhen

kiXtpick.off

a.bɯːevening

a.rɯXːpmorning

t;ʃʌXːPST

bacbud

ɛːnagain

When she picked the tip of the vine in the evening, by the next morning, the vine again had bud again.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.164

an3S

lɤXːjso

kɯXtthink

nʌŋin

miXtheart

paːjC

si.mɯːvine

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

najthis

tʌXʔcome

tɛːfrom

lɛʔwhere

So she thought in her heart, “Where has this pumpkin vine come from?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.165

an3S

lɤXːjso

loXaŋtest

naXmfollow

si.mɯːvine

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

pʌʔgo

So she tried to follow the pumpkin vine, leaving that place. The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.166

naXmfollow

pʌʔgo

t;ʃonuntil

tʌXʔcome

ta.puːlseven

kohmountain

t;ʃaŋtherefore

t;ʃi.tɤːmreach

kaltree

klṳkstem

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

She kept following the vine until she came to the seven mountains with the result that she reached the base of the pumpkin vine.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.167

pʰɔːwhen

a.jeXaʔgrandmother

naXmfollow

tʌXʔcome

tʰrajfield

lɤXːjso

mṳːtenter

a.blɯhask

aːjolder

kapand

mt.pajwife

paːjC

iː.dʌhHON.female

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

najthis

maXj2S

pɛnbe

kuajperson

t;ʃohplant

bɔːQ

When the grandmother following the pumpkin vine came to the field, she entered and asked the older brother and his wife, “Madam, about this pumpkin, were you the person who planted it?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.168

mt.pajwife

aːjolder

lɤXːjso

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

mɛXːntrue

t;ʃʌXːPST

ŋt.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

kuajperson

t;ʃohplant

a.-t;ʃoːnCAUS-up

The older brother’s wife told her, “That is correct.”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.169

ŋt.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

kuajperson

t;ʃohplant

a.-t;ʃoːnCAUS-up

“I am the person who planted and raised the pumpkin plant.”

173


a.blɯhask

taʔdo

nt.trawwhat

ɒʔgrandmother

“Why do you ask, grandmother?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.171

a.jeXaʔgrandmother

tʰawold

lɤXːjso

waXwspeak

lɯXaŋstory

maʔ.uʔpumpkin

ɔːnfor

an3S

ta.mɯXŋlisten

So the old woman told the story of the pumpkin so that the she would understand.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.172

a.jeXaʔgrandmother

tʰawold

lɤXːjso

a.blɯhask

an3S

aʔ-lɔpCAUS.return

paːjC

an3S

pɛnbe

kɔːnchild

a.mʌXʔwho

And so the old woman asked her more questions, “Whose child are you?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.173

tʌXʔcome

tɛːfrom

lɛʔwhere

“Where do you come from?” The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.174

mt.pɛʔwhy

pʌʔgo

taʔdo

tʰrajfield

ɤːtLOC

pʌʔgo

najthis

“Why are you working in the field in this place?”The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.175

mt.pajwife

aːjolder

lɤXːjso

waXwspeak

lɯXaŋstory

ku.t;ʃʰansnake

t;ʃa:eat

an3S

ɔːnfor

a.jeXaʔgrandmother

tʰawold

ta.mɯXŋunderstand

So the older brothers wife told the story of how the snake had eaten her in order that the old woman would understand.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.176

pʰɔːwhen

a.jeXaʔgrandmother

tʰawold

ta.mɯXŋlisten

sotend

kaʔso

daŋknow

lɤXːjPrt_emph

paːjC

an3S

pɛnbe

kɔːnchild

a.t;ʃaw dɯːmREFLEX When the old woman had finished listening, she knew for sure that the young woman was her own child.

174


mt.pajwife

aːjolder

kaʔso

kɯXtthink

bɯːnable

kɯXːsame

kanRECIP

paːjC

a.jeXaʔgrandmother

tʰawold

a.-najINTENS-this

pɛnbe

mt.peXʔmother

an3S_Poss

And the older brother's wife had been thinking the same thing, that this woman right here was her mother.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.178

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

daŋknow

lɯXaŋstory

lɤXːjso

ɲeXamcry

t;ʃoʔto

kanRECIP

When both of them understood the story, they cried with each other.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.179

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

mt.peXʔmother

kɔːnchild

lɤXːjso

ra.mɔhmeet

kanRECIP

So both the mother and child renewed their relationship [lit. met each other].The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.180

a.laj3P

ɲeXamcry

pa.leXajʔvery

They cried a lot.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.181

mt.pajwife

aːjolder

lɤXːjso

iːttake

mt.peXʔmother

kapand

mt.poafather

pʌʔgo

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

So the older brother's wife took her mother and father to go and live with them.The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.182

taŋ tɛːsince

kiXːthat

a.laj3P

lɤXːjso

ɤːtlive

ma.nɤːjtogether

ruaʔhappy

ɔːgood

kṳː every

kṳː every

si.ŋaj day

sotend

Since then, they have lived together happily every day. The End.

175

APPENDIX 3: THE BUYEANG FISH STORY

The_Buyeang_Fish.001

lɯXaŋstory

siaʔfish

bu.jɛːŋbuyeang fish

The Buyeang Fish story.The_Buyeang_Fish.002

duːntime.long

tʌXʔcome

t;ʃʌXːPST

bɯːnEXIST

krṳaŋcity

mṳajone

krṳaŋcity

A long time ago, there was a city.The_Buyeang_Fish.003

mt.poafather

krṳaŋcity

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild

baːwyoung man

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

aːjolder

kapand

sɛːmyounger

The ruler of the city had two sons who were young men, an older son and a younger son.The_Buyeang_Fish.004

tɛːbut

mt.peXʔmother

mt.poafather

peXːŋlove

tɛːbut

sɛːmyounger

ɲṳaːnbecause

sɛːmyounger

pɛnbe

kuajperson

ɔːgood

But the mother and father only loved the younger brother because he was a good person.The_Buyeang_Fish.005

liXanstudy

pɔːŋclever

maXklike

t;ʃṳajhelp

kuajperson

ka.nɔhanother

t;ʃṳajhelp

trananimal

prṳamalso

He was clever in his studies and he liked to help other people, and animals also.The_Buyeang_Fish.006aːjolder

pɛnbe

kuajperson

tʌːNEG

ɔːgood

The older brother was not a good person.The_Buyeang_Fish.007

kɯXtthink

tʌːNEG

ɔːgood

kapwith

an3S

du often

du often

Often, he thought evil about his younger brother.


ŋ9.kɔhafraid

an3S

bɯːn have

lɯ�ːninheritance

He was afraid that the younger would receive a better inheritance. The_Buyeang_Fish.009

ŋt.kɔhafraid

mt.poafather

a.jʌʔoffer_up

krṳaŋcity

ɔːnfor

sɛːmyounger

(He) was afraid that his father would give the city to his younger brother.The_Buyeang_Fish.010

lɤXːjso

kɯXtthink

a.t;ʃiːtCAUS-die

sɛːmyounger

So he thought about killing the younger brother.The_Buyeang_Fish.011

mṳajone

si.ŋajday

lɤXːjso

peXainvite

sɛːmyounger

pʌʔgo

paɲshoot

trananimal

sʌkforest

So one day he invited the younger brother to go shoot wild animals. The_Buyeang_Fish.012

peXainvite

tʰa.haːnsoldier

pʌʔgo

pa.leXajʔvery

naʔClf_person

prṳamalso

(He) invited many of his soldiers to go also.The_Buyeang_Fish.013

pʰɔːwhen

tʌXʔarrive

sʌkforest

pṳːtbig

kaʔso

atɤːŋsay

tʰa.haːnsoldier

a.ɲṳaʔdeceive

an3S

pʌʔgo

a.t;ʃiːtCAUS-die

t;ʃiʔPrt_COM

When they came to the big forest, [the elder] told the soldiers to trick him, “Go kill [him]!”The_Buyeang_Fish.014

an3S

kapand

tʰa.haːnsoldier

lɤXːjthen

pʌʔgo

pʰuː laʔeach

ra.naːroad

kapwith

aːjolder

The younger brother with the soldiers went a different way from the older brother. The_Buyeang_Fish.015

pʰɔːwhen

tʌXʔcome

jɤXːŋfar

tɤːpand some

tʰa.haːnsoldier

kaʔso

koːpgrab

an3S

dɒʔCOMP

When they had gone quite far, the soldiers grabbed him.

177


t;ʃɒʔtie

t;ʃoʔto

kaltree

a.loaŋstem

kɯXtthink

paːjC

siIRR

a.-t;ʃiːtCAUS-die

an3S

They tied him to a tree and thought that they would kill him.The_Buyeang_Fish.017

an3S

lɤXːjso

waXwspeak

kapwith

tʰa.haːnsoldier

paːjC

tɔːnperiod

ɤːtlive

krṳaŋcity

ŋt.koaʔ1S

ɔːgood

kapand

mt.paj2P

So he said to the soldiers, “During the time I lived in the city, I was good to you.The_Buyeang_Fish.018

mt.paj2P

mt.pɛʔwhy

jʌʔwant

a.-t;ʃiːtCAUS- die

ŋt.koaʔ1S

Why do you want to kill me?”The_Buyeang_Fish.019

tʰa.haːnsoldier

atɤːŋsay

an3S

hiʔ1P_exc

taʔdo

ɲṳaːnbecause

aːjolder

maXj2S

atɤːŋsay

The soldiers said, “We are doing (this) because your older brother told (us to).”The_Buyeang_Fish.020

sɛːmyounger

waXwspeak

ɛːnagain

tɔːnperiod

ɤːtlive

krṳaŋcity

t;ʃṳajhelp

nt.t;ʃṳmgroup

a.laj3P

pa.leXajʔvery

samequal

lɛʔwhich

The younger brother said again, “During the time I lived in the city, I helped the people so very much.”The_Buyeang_Fish.021

tʰa.haːnsoldier

kɯXtthink

a.joXʔpity

lɤXːjso

pa.tahfree

an3S

The soldiers thought about it and pitied him, so they freed him.The_Buyeang_Fish.022

tʰa.haːnsoldier

waXwspeak

kapand

an3S

paːjC

maXj2S

pʌʔgo

krṳaŋcity

ka.nɔhanother

loXːtPRT_Imper

The soldiers said to him, “You need to go to another city.”The_Buyeang_Fish.023

kʰanif

maXj2S

t;ʃṳːreturn

aːjolder

kaʔso

a.-t;ʃiːtCAUS-die

maXj2S

ɛːnagain

“If you return to the city, your older brother will try to kill you again.”

178


an3S

lɤXːjso

ta.jahwalk

krṳaŋcity

ka.nɔhanother

And so he walked to another city.The_Buyeang_Fish.025

jahside

tʰa.haːnsoldier

ɲṳaŋbefore

siIRR

pʌʔgo

sɛ:krequest

kɔhcut

iːttake

sɔkhair

tʰrɛːshirt

a.laːjpants

a.-dɯːŋCAUS-take

ɔːnfor

aːjolder

ɲɛXːŋwatch As for the soldiers, before he had gone, they asked him to cut some of his hair and pieces of his clothing for them to show to his older brother.The_Buyeang_Fish.026

pʰɔːwhen

ɔːngive

a.laj3P

t;ʃʌXːPST

sɛːmyounger

kaʔthen

ta.jahwalk

mṳːtenter

sʌkforest

pʌʔgo

krṳaŋcity

ka.nɔhanother

When he had given them (those things), the younger brother walked into the forest going to another city.The_Buyeang_Fish.027

jahside

tʰa.haːnsoldier

pʰɔːwhen

t;ʃṳːreturn_home

tʌXʔcome

aːjolder

atɤːŋsay

aːjolder

paːjC

hiʔ1P_Exc

a.-t;ʃiːtCAUS-die

an3S

t;ʃʌXːPST And the soldiers, when they had returned to the older brother, they told him, “We have killed him.”The_Buyeang_Fish.028

tṳpbury

keXːmedge

sʌkforest

a.-t;ʃṳːCAUS-return

sɔkhair

kapand

tʰrɛːshirt

a.laːjpants

ɔːnfor

maXj2S

ɲɛXːŋwatch

(We) buryed him on the edge of the forest and brought back some hair and pieces of his clothing for you to see.The_Buyeang_Fish.029

aːjolder

t;ʃɯXabelieve

miXtheart

lɤXːjso

tʌːNEG

waXwspeak

nt.trawwhat

The older brother believed (them), and so he did not say anything.

179


t;ʃṳːreturn

t;ʃoʔto

krṳaŋcity

pʌʔgo

atɤːŋtell

mt.peXʔmother

mt.poafather

paːjC

sɛːmyounger

klaXpPASS

ku.laːtiger

t;ʃa:eat

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

sʌkforest

t;ʃʌXːPST

When he returned to the city, he went and told his mother and father, “Younger brother has been eaten by a tiger on the edge of the forest.”The_Buyeang_Fish.031

hiʔ1P_exc

siIRR

t;ʃṳajhelp

tɛːbut

t;ʃṳajhelp

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable

“We tried to help but were not able to.”The_Buyeang_Fish.032

mt.peXʔmother

mt.poafather

daŋknow

peXainvite

kanRECIP

ɲeXamcry

nt.t;ʃommiss

When the mother and father knew what had happened, they cried mourning.The_Buyeang_Fish.033jahside

sɛːmyounger

ta.jahwalk

nʌŋin

sʌkforest

nʌŋin

trɯŋjungle

pa.le�ajʔmany

si.ŋajday

Meanwhile, the younger brother walked in the forest for many days.The_Buyeang_Fish.034t�ʃa:eat

pa.lajfruit

a.loaŋstem

pɛnbe

a.t�ʃiːnfood

(He) ate fruit for his food. The_Buyeang_Fish.035ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

biʔ little

biʔ little

an3S

pʌʔgo

hɯːmsee

siaʔfish

buː.jɛːŋbuyeang.fish

dʌʔwater

trɛːtdry.up

tahleave

He walked a little further on when he saw a buyeang fish which had been stranded when a pool of water dried up.The_Buyeang_Fish.036an3S

a.jo�ʔpity

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃṳajhelp

iːttake

si.laːleaf

bualotus

a.jomwrap

pʌʔgo

pa.tahfree

ɤːtLOC

m9.pe�ʔmother

dʌʔwater

hɯkbig

He pitied the fish and so helped it by taking a lotus leaf and wrapping it up and then setting it free in a large river.

180


ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

ɛːnagain

pʌʔgo

ɛːnagain

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

pojhdeer

klaXpPASS

kuajperson

paɲshoot

He then kept on walking and walking until he saw a deer that had been shot.The_Buyeang_Fish.038

an3S

kaʔso

t;ʃṳajhelp

t;ʃoʔput

ra.hawmedicine

t;ʃonuntil

waʔheal

So he helped the deer by giving it medicine until it was healed.The_Buyeang_Fish.039

pojhdeer

waXwspeak

kapand

an3S

paːjC

tɔː pʌʔ next

bɯːnEXIST

lɯXaŋstory

nt.trawwhat

ɔːnallow

ŋt.koaʔ 1S

t;ʃṳajhelp

kaʔthen

a.tɤːŋ say

dəːPRT_emphThe deer said to him, "From now on, if you have any problem that I can help you with just tell me."The_Buyeang_Fish.040

waXwspeak

t;ʃʌXːPST

kaʔso

ta.lṳhrun

mṳːtenter

sʌkforest

pʌʔgo

After speaking he then ran off into the forest.The_Buyeang_Fish.041

an3S

ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

ɛːnagain

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

a.t;ʃɔː huːwolf

t;ʃṳatcaught

moːŋsnare

preXanhunter

The younger brother continued walking until he saw a wolf caught in a trap.The_Buyeang_Fish.042

an3S

kaʔso

t;ʃṳajhelp

ɛːnagain

And so he helped again.The_Buyeang_Fish.043

a.t;ʃɔː huːwolf

waXwspeak

kapand

an3S

paːjC

kʰanif

ma�j2S

bɯːnEXIST

lɯXaŋstory

nt.trawwhat

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

pʌʔgo

t;ʃṳajhelp

The wolf said to him, “If you have any problems I will come and help you.”The_Buyeang_Fish.044

waXwspeak

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

a.t;ʃɔː huːwolf

kaʔso

ta.lṳhrun

mṳːtenter

sʌkforest

pʌʔgo

After he had finished speaking, the wolf ran off into the forest.

181

The_Buyeang_Fish.045an3S

lɤ�ːjso

ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

ɛːnagain

t�ʃonuntil

tʌ�ʔcome

krṳaŋcity

mṳajone

krṳaŋClf_city

So the younger brother went on again until he came to a city. The_Buyeang_Fish.046kuajperson

nʌŋon

krṳaŋcity

ki�ːthat

pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

ma�ɲalmost

siIRR

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

kṳːevery

naʔCLF_person

Almost all of the people in the city had been turned to stone.The_Buyeang_Fish.047tʰʌŋboth

kuajperson

tʰʌŋboth

trananimal

pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

Both the animals and the people, all of them, were stone.The_Buyeang_Fish.048an3S

hɯːmsee


pa.le�ajʔvery

hɯːmsee

tɛːbut

ko�ːlstone

He saw this and was very surprised that he only saw people and animals turned to stone.The_Buyeang_Fish.049tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

kuajperson

kṳːevery

kṳː every

doŋhouse

He did not see anyone in any of the houses.The_Buyeang_Fish.050ɤːtLOC

tɛːbut

a.je�aʔwoman

tʰawold

mṳajone

doŋhouse

tʌːNEG

bɯːnhave

pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

Except for one old woman in her house that had not been turned to stone.The_Buyeang_Fish.051an3S

lɤ�ːjso

mṳːtenter

a.blɯhask

paːjC

ɒʔgrandmother

ɒʔgrandmother

vi�lvillage

ma�j2S

m9.pɛʔwhy

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

kuajperson

So he entered the house and asked, "Grandmother, grandmother, why aren't there any people in your village?”The_Buyeang_Fish.052trananimal

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

“And there aren't any animals either.”

182

The_Buyeang_Fish.053a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

lɛʔwhere

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

“Where did they all go?”The_Buyeang_Fish.054ɒʔgrandmother

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

vi�lvillage

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tɛː from

lʌːpast

bɯːnEXIST

kuajperson

pa.le�ajʔvery

“In the past my village had many people.”The_Buyeang_Fish.055t�ʃi.nɔːnow

kuajperson

vi�lvillage

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

“Now, all the people of my village have been turned to stone.”The_Buyeang_Fish.056kɯ�ːsame

ma�j2S

hɯːmsee

eː laʔprt_evid

“Just as you have surely seen.”The_Buyeang_Fish.057ɒʔgrandmother

ɒʔgrandmother

m9.pɛʔwhy

pɛnbe

nɛ�ːwthing

ki�ːthat

“Grandmother, why has this happened?”The_Buyeang_Fish.058ɒʔgrandmother

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

ɔːnfor

an3S

ta.mɯ�ŋlisten

paːjC

tɛː from

lʌːpast

tʌːNEG

pɛnbe

saːlike

najthis

So the grandmother told him what had happened, “In the past it was not like this.”The_Buyeang_Fish.059bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

ka.mɔyear

bɯːnEXIST

kuajperson

jṳhcrazy

m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːtwitch

mṳːtenter

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

krṳaŋcity

hiʔ1P_exc

“There was a year when an evil witch entered our city.”The_Buyeang_Fish.060an3S

bɯːnhave


wi.seːtmagic

mṳajone

namClf_thing

taʔdo

ɔːncause

hɯːmsee

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

kṳːevery

mɔŋplace

“She had a magic mirror that allowed her to see every single place.”

183

The_Buyeang_Fish.061a.mʌ�ʔanyone

taʔdo

n9.trawwhatever

an3S

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

“She could see everything that everyone was doing.”The_Buyeang_Fish.062ɤːtLOC

pʌʔgo

lɛʔwhere

an3S

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

“Wherever they were, she could see them.”The_Buyeang_Fish.063an3S

koːpgrab

pa.ne�aruler

krṳaŋcity

kɔːnchild

m9.pajwife

pa.ne�aruler

a.dɒʔCOMP

“She captured the king of the city along with his wife and children.”The_Buyeang_Fish.064an3S

atɤːŋsay

a.ne�apeople

vi�lvillage

paːjC

kʰanif

kuajperson

lɛʔwhere

to�ʔhide

tɛːfrom


wi.seːtmagic

an3S

bɯːnable

an3S

siIRR

pa.tahfree

pa.ne�aruler

kapand

m9.pajwife

“She told the villagers that if anyone is able to hide from her magic mirror, she would free the king and his wife.”The_Buyeang_Fish.065kʰanif

an3S

hɯːmsee

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

nʌŋon


wi.seːtmagic

an3S

siIRR

iːttake

a.loaŋstem

wi.seːtmagic

si.dɔːjpoint

ɔːnallow

pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

“If she saw that person in her magic mirror, she would point her magic wand at them and turn them into stone.”The_Buyeang_Fish.066kuajperson

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

nʌŋon

krṳaŋcity

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

lɤ�ːjso

pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

kɯ�ːsame

ma�j2S

hɯːmsee

eː laʔPrt_evid

“So every person in the city was turned into stone just as you have surely seen." The_Buyeang_Fish.067sɛːmyounger

kʰanif

nɛ�ːwthing

ki�ːthat

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

t�ʃṳajhelp

pa.ne�aruler

kɔːnchild

kapand

m9.pajwife

an3S

Younger brother: "If that's the situation then I will help the king and his children and his wife.”

184

The_Buyeang_Fish.068tɛːbut

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tʌːNEG

daŋknow

paːjC

taʔdo

nɛ�ːwthing

lɛʔwhere

t�ʃaŋso.that

to�ʔhide

tɛːfrom


wi.seːtmagic

a.je�aʔwoman


bɯːnable

“But I do not know what to do so that I can hide from the witch's magic mirror."The_Buyeang_Fish.069ɒʔgrandmother

kaʔso

t�ʃṳajhelp

ma�j2S

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable

t�ʃawgrandchild

ɤːjdear

“I can not help you dear grandson.” The_Buyeang_Fish.070ʌːyes

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

kɯ�tthink

bɯːnable

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

"Ahh, I've thought of something."The_Buyeang_Fish.071ɔːncause

ɒʔgrandmother

mṳːtenter

atɤːŋsay


paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

pɛnbe

kuajperson

to�ʔhide

tɛːfrom


wi.seːtmagic

an3S

bɯːnable

“I want you to go to the witch and tell her that I will be the person who can hide from her magic mirror."The_Buyeang_Fish.072pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋ shine

a.rɯːpmorning

ɒʔgrandmother

kaʔso

mṳːtenter

wa�wspeak

a.ɲṳaʔdeceive

atɤːŋsay


paːjC

bɯːnEXIST

ra.kɔŋman

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

pɛnbe

baːwyoung man

an3S

wa�wspeak

paːjC

to�ʔhide

tɛːfrom


wi.seːtmagic

ma�j2S

bɯːnable

So the next morning the grandmother went to the witch to trick her by saying, “There is a young man who says that he can hide from your magic mirror.”The_Buyeang_Fish.073an3S

wa�wspeak

paːjC

tʌːNEG

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

ma�j2S

lɤ�ːjat.all

“He said that he does not fear you at all.”

185

The_Buyeang_Fish.074kʰanif


wi.seːtmagic

ma�j2S

t�ʃuajʔsearch

an3S

hɯːmsee

tʌ�ʔcome

pa�ithree

t�ʃɯːtime

ɔːnallow

ma��i�2S

si.dɔːjpoint

pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

bɯːnable

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph“If your magic mirror finds him three times then you will have the right turn him into stone.”The_Buyeang_Fish.075tɛːbut

kʰanif

t�ʃuajʔsearch

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

ɔːnallow

ma�j2S

pa.tahfree

pa.ne�aruler

kapand

kɔːnchild

kapand

a.ne�apeople

vi�lvillage

prṳamalso

“But if you do not find him, you must free the king, his children and the villagers also."The_Buyeang_Fish.076m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːtwitch

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

tʌːNEG

kɤ�ːjever

bɯːnEXIST

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

to�ʔhide

tɛːfrom


wi.seːtmagic

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

bɯːnable

The witch said, “There has never been anyone who could hide from my magic mirror.”The_Buyeang_Fish.077ma�j2S

pʌʔgo

atɤːŋsay

an3S

pʌʔgo

“You tell him to go.The_Buyeang_Fish.078ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ɔːnallow

to�ʔhide

pajthree

t�ʃɯːtime

kʰɛːonly

ki�ːthat

“I will give him only three chances to hide.”The_Buyeang_Fish.079ɒʔgrandmother

daŋknow

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃṳːreturn

atɤːŋsay

sɛːmyounger

ɔːnallow

pʌʔgo

to�ʔhide

When the grandmother understood this she then returned to tell the younger brother so that he would go and hide.The_Buyeang_Fish.080sɛːmyounger

lɤ�ːjso

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

siaʔfish

buː.jɛːŋbuyeang fish

ɔːnallow

t�ʃṳajhelp

So the younger brother went to the buyeang fish so that it could help him.

186

The_Buyeang_Fish.081siaʔfish

buː.jɛːŋbuyeang fish

pʌʔgo

atɤːŋsay

m9.pe�ʔmother

siaʔfish

toClf_animal

hɯkbig

ɔːnallow

an3S

to�ʔhide

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

boʔmouth

ɤːtLOC

pɯ�ːnunder

dʌʔwater

n9.truːdeep

The buyeang fish went and told the great mother fish to hide him in her mouth deep under the water. The_Buyeang_Fish.082jahside


iːttake


wi.seːtmagic

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

Meanwhile, the witch started looking in the magic mirror.The_Buyeang_Fish.083ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃoʔin

kohmountain

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

She looked in the mountains and did not see him.The_Buyeang_Fish.084pʰɔːwhen

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃoʔin

dʌʔwater

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

sɛːmyounger

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

boʔmouth

siaʔfish

lɤ�ːjso

ɔːnallow

tʰa.haːnsoldier

pʌʔgo

koːpgrab

sɛːmyoungerWhen she looked in the water she saw the younger brother in the fish's mouth and so had her soldiers go to grab him.The_Buyeang_Fish.085m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːtwitch

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

hɯːmsee

ma�j2S

mṳajone

t�ʃɯːtime

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

The witch said, “I have caught you one time.”The_Buyeang_Fish.086sɛːmyounger

pʌʔgo

to�ʔhide

ɛːnagain

The younger brother went to hide again.The_Buyeang_Fish.087tɯ�ːatime

tʰiːwho

baːtwo

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

poːjhdeer

For his second attempt he went to the deer.

187

The_Buyeang_Fish.088poːjhdeer

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

pʌʔgo

to�ʔhide

nʌŋon

kɯ�ːpcave

ɤːtLOC

mɔŋplace

kohmountain

hɯkbig

So the deer brought him to go hide in a cave deep in the mountains. The_Buyeang_Fish.089jahside


iːttake


ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃoʔin

dʌʔwater

hɯkbig

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

Meanwhile, the witch was looking in her magic mirror at the big water but did not see him there. The_Buyeang_Fish.090ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃoʔin

kohmountain

t�ʃoʔin

kɯ�ːpcave

lɤ�ːjso

hɯːmsee

an3S

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋin

kloːŋinside

kɯ�ːpcave

ka.namdark

pa.le�ajʔvery

She looked in the mountains and in the cave, and so she saw him inside the very dark cave.The_Buyeang_Fish.091m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːtwitch

ɔːnallow

tʰa.haːnsoldier

pʌʔgo

koːpgrab

an3S

ɛːnagain

The witch sent her soldiers to capture him again. The_Buyeang_Fish.092ɲṳaŋbefore

tʰa.haːnsoldier

siIRR

koːpgrab

poːjhdeer

wa�wspeak

kapand

an3S

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

t�ʃṳajhelp

ma�j2S

bɯːnable

kʰɛːonly

najthis

laʔPrt_evid

Before the soldiers could get him, the deer said to him, “I can only help you this much.”The_Buyeang_Fish.093an3S

lɤ�ːjso

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

a.t�ʃɔː huːwolf

So he went to the wolf.The_Buyeang_Fish.094a.t�ʃɔː huːwolf

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kapand

an3S

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

t�ʃṳajhelp

ma�j2S

And so the wolf said to him, “I will help you.” The_Buyeang_Fish.095pe�abring

ma�j2S

pʌʔgo

to�ʔhide

“I will bring you to a place to hide.”

188

The_Buyeang_Fish.096wa�wspeak

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

a.t�ʃɔː huːwolf

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

an3S

mṳːtenter

a.pɯ�ŋcenter

krṳaŋcity

t�ʃonuntil

tʌ�ʔcome

doŋhouse

hɯkbig

waŋpalace

kʰɔːŋPOSS


ɤːtLOC

After saying this, the wolf then brought him into the center of the city until they came to a big house, the palace of the witch. The_Buyeang_Fish.097a.t�ʃɔː huːwolf

kaːjdig.dog

ku.tɛʔground

taʔdo

kɯ�ːpcave

pɯ�ːnunder

mɔŋplace

beclie

kʰɔːŋPOSS


The wolf dug a tunnel under the witch's bedroom.The_Buyeang_Fish.098pʰɔːwhen

kaːjdig.dog

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

kaʔso

pe�abring

sɛːmyounger

mṳːtenter

to�ʔhide

ɤːtLOC

kloːŋinside

kɯ�ːpcave

ki�ːthat

When he was finished digging, he had the younger brother get in the tunnel and hide inside it.The_Buyeang_Fish.099jahside


si.ɔm mi�thappy

pa.le�ajʔvery

Meanwhile, the witch was very happy. The_Buyeang_Fish.100t�ʃuajʔsearch

sɛːmyounger

hɯːmsee

baːtwo

t�ʃɯːtime

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

She had searched for and found the younger brother two times already. The_Buyeang_Fish.101t�ʃɯːtime

tʰiːwhich

pajthree

sɛːmyounger

siIRR

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

ka�ksure

ka�k sure

an3S

kɯ�tthink

nʌŋon

mi�theart

“On the third time the younger brother will die for sure.” She thought to herself. The_Buyeang_Fish.102m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːtwitch

kaʔso

iːttake


loahout

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃuajʔsearch

sɛːmyounger

So the witch took her magic mirror out and began to search for the younger brother.

189

The_Buyeang_Fish.103ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃoʔin

dʌʔwater

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

She looked in the water but didn't see him. The_Buyeang_Fish.104ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃoːnup

t�ʃoʔin

kohmountain

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

She looked up into the mountains but did not see him there.The_Buyeang_Fish.105ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃoʔ lɛʔ t�ʃoʔ lɛʔeverywhere

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

She looked all over the place but could not find him. The_Buyeang_Fish.106m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːtwitch

re�ajangry

pa.le�ajʔvery

The witch became very angry.The_Buyeang_Fish.107an3S

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

ɛːnagain

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

ɛːnagain

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

sɛːmyounger

lɤ�ːjat.all

She looked here and there and here and there but could not find the younger brother at all.The_Buyeang_Fish.108an3S

re�ajangry


She became even more angry.The_Buyeang_Fish.109kɯ�tthink

paːjC


wi.seːtmagic

kapand

a.loaŋstem

wi.seːtmagic

tʌːNEG

wi.seːtmagic

nʌŋstill

She thought that the magic mirror and the magic wand were not magic any more.The_Buyeang_Fish.110an3S

lɤ�ːjso

ta.kɛːlthrow


kapand

a.loaŋstem

So she threw the mirror and the wand.

190

The_Buyeang_Fish.111t�ʃi.la�ŋmirror

plahshatter

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

The mirror was completely shattered.The_Buyeang_Fish.112a.loaŋstem

wi.seːtmagic

ta.ka�jhbreak

kʌ�ŋhalf

The magic wand broke in half.The_Buyeang_Fish.113jahside

poːjpoint

a.loaŋstem

si.dɔːjpoint

t�ʃoʔat

a.t�ʃaw dɯːmREFLEX

The point of the wand pointed back at the witch herself.The_Buyeang_Fish.114m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːtwitch

lɤ�ːjso

pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

ta.jɯ�ŋstand

ka�ŋhard

ɤːtLOC

mɔŋplace

ki�ːthat

And so the witch was turned into hard stone right where she stood.The_Buyeang_Fish.115pʰɔːwhen


pɛnbe

ko�ːlstone

pa.ne�aruler

kapand

a.ne�apeople

vi�lvillage

kaʔso

waʔheal

tɛːfrom

kʰaːtʰaːspell

kʰɔːŋPOSS

m9.pɛ�ʔ si.muːtwitchWhen the witch was turned into stone, the king and all the villagers were healed from the witch's spell.The_Buyeang_Fish.116kaʔthen

lɤ�ːjso

pɛnbe

kuajperson

kɯ�ːsame

ti�aʔbefore

And were changed into people, the same as before. The_Buyeang_Fish.117pa.ne�aruler

si.ɔm mi�thappy

pa.le�ajʔvery

The king was very happy. The_Buyeang_Fish.118a.jʌʔoffer.up

kɔːnchild


ɔːnfor

sɛːmyounger

He gave his daughter in marriage to the younger brother.

191

The_Buyeang_Fish.119m9.pɛʔdivide

krṳaŋcity

ɔːnfor

prṳːamalso

And also gave a part of the city to him.The_Buyeang_Fish.120tɛːŋ dɔːŋmarry

ɤːtlive

t�ʃa:eat

ma.nɤːjtogether

ruaʔhappy

ɔːgood

kṳː every

kṳː every

si.ŋa�iday

sotend

They were married and lived together happily ever after. The END

192

APPENDIX 4: THE WILD BUFFALO EAR

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.001ka.tuːr ear


The wild buffalo ear.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.002duːntime.long

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɯːnEXIST

ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandson

taʔmake

tʰrajfield

ɤːtLOC

t�ʃe�ʔclose

kohmountain

A long time ago, there was a grandfather and grandson who worked in the fields close to the mountains.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.003baːtwo

naʔClf_person

najthis

n9.toːmPROG

taʔmake

tʰrɔːrice

tʰrajfield

These two were working in the rice fields.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.004bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

si.ŋajday

bɯːnEXIST

pre�anhunter

ɤːtlive

vi�lvillage

ma.nɤːjtogether

pa.le�ajʔvery

naʔClf_person

One day there were many hunters who were living together in a village. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.005a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

paɲshoot

trananimal

sʌkforest

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

kohmountain

They went to hunt wild animals in the forest located in the mountains.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.006 a.laj3P

paɲshoot

bɯːnable


mṳajone

toːClf_animal

They were able to shoot a wild buffalo.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.007 n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ta.kroːcut.meat

m9.pɛʔdivide

t�ʃʰacmeat

kanRECIP

So they decided to help each other to cut up the meat and then divide it with each other.

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.008n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

pre�anhunter

lɤ�ːjso

ta.jahwalk

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

klaːjpass

tʰra�ifield

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

And so, when the hunters walked home they passed by the old man and his grandson's field. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.009n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

si.baːwshout

t�ʃoʔin

ɒʔgrandfather

paːjC

ɒʔgrandfather

ɒʔgrandfather

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

hiʔ1P_exc

iːttake

t�ʃʰacmeat


ɔːnfor

ma��i�2S

So they shouted from afar to the grandfather, "Grandfather, grandfather, we have brought some wild buffalo meat for you."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.010hiʔ1P_exc

a.dɒʔCAUS-place

nʌŋon

a.ŋi�lstump

na�ithis

dəːPRT_purpose

"We put some on this stump, alright."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.011pre�anhunter

kuajperson

ɲṳaŋfirst

wa�wspeak

The first hunter said.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.012ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

a.laj3P

paːjC

ʌːyes

a.dɒʔCAUS-place

ki�ːthat

laʔPRT_evid

So the old man said to them, “Yes, just put it there.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.013pʰɔːwhen

ma.hɔjʔmoment

pre�anhunter

kuajperson

tʰiːREL

baːtwo

kaʔso

ta.jahwalk

sɛːŋdescend

tɛːfrom

kohmountain

ɛːnanother

A moment later, the second hunter walked down from the mountain.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.014an3S

lɤ�ːjso

si.baːwshout

atɤːŋsay

ɒʔgrandfather

paːjC

ɒʔgrandfather

ɒʔgrandfather

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

iːttake

t�ʃʰacmeat


ɔːnfor

ma��i�2S

So he shouted from afar and told the old man, “Grandfather, grandfather, I have brought some wild buffalo meat for you.

194

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.015ŋ9.koaʔ1S

a.dɒʔCAUS-place

nʌŋon

a.ŋi�lstump

na�ithis

dəːPRT_purpose

"I will place it on this stump OK."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.016ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ʌːyes

a.dɒʔCAUS_place

ki�ːthat

laʔPRT_evid

t�ʃawgrandchild

So the old man said, "Yes, just place it there grandson."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.017pʰɔːwhen

pre�anhunter

kuajperson

tʰiːREL

pa�ithree

tʌ�ʔcome

an3S

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

kɯ�ːsame

ti�ːjaʔusual

ɛːnagain

When the third hunter arrived, he also said the same as the others.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.018t�ʃawgrandchild

ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kapwith

ɒʔgrandfather

paːjC

ɒʔgrandfather

a.laj3P

ɔːngive

t�ʃʰacmeat

haj1P_inc

pa.le�ajʔvery

naʔCLF_person

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

So the old man's grandson said to him, "Grandfather, many hunters have given us meat. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.019 haj1P_inc

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

pʌʔgo

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

mɛʔPRT_request

"Let's go look at it, OK."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.020mahequal

na�ithis

pa.le�ajʔvery

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

laʔPRT_evid

“There must be a large amount.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.021ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak


paːjC

kʰanif

pa.le�ajʔvery

haj1P_inc

siIRR

iːttake

t�ʃʰacmeat

a.dɯːŋCAUS-bring

t�ʃi.ra�ŋsmoke.preserve

nɒʔPRT_consider

So the grandfather spoke up and said, “If there is a lot, we will take the meat and smoke it.”

195

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.022t�ʃʌ�ːthen

ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃʰacmeat


ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

a.ŋi�lstump

a.loaŋstem

Then the grandfather and grandson walked over to see the wild buffalo meat on the tree stump.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.023pʰɔːwhen

a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

ka.tuːrear


mṳajone

namCLF_thing

kʰɛːonly

ki�ːthat

When they went to look, they only saw one wild buffalo ear.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.024ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

a.t�ʃoːnup

paːjC

ka.tuːrear


mṳajone

namCLF_thing

najthis

bɔːPRT_Q

tʰiːREL

a.laj3P

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

pre�anhunter

atɤːŋsay

haj1P_inc

The Grandfather spoke up saying, "Is it just one wild buffalo ear which all those hunters were telling us about?"The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.025ʌːyes

iːttake

lo�ːtPRT_Imper

"OK, let's take it anyways."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.026ɒʔgrandfather

a-t�ʃṳːCAUS.return

ɛrcurry

t�ʃoʔin

a.ra�w???

I will bring it back and make it into curry with an arau plant."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.027baːtwo

naʔClf_person

ɒʔgrandfather

t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃoʔin

doŋhouse

So then the two of them agreed and returned to their house.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.028pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋ shine

a.rɯːpmorning

mɯːday

ta.ma�inew

ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

pe�abring

t�ʃawgrandchild

pʌʔgo

lṳhpull.up

batgrass

tʰra�ifield

Early the next day, Grandfather brought the grandson to go and weed the rice field with him.

196

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.029a.laj3P

lṳhpull up

jahside

me�aŋface

batgrass

kaʔso

kɤːtbirth

jahside

kliːbehind

As they pulled up the weeds in the front part of the field, the weeds in back of the field sprouted.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.030pʰɔːwhen

a.laj3P

lṳhpull.up

jahside

kliːbehind

batgrass

kaʔso

kɤːtbirth

jahside

me�aŋface

When they pulled up the weeds at the back of the field, the weeds sprouted at the front of the field.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.031pʰɔːwhen

pa.le�ajʔvery

n9.t�ʃʰa�imonth

tɔː pʌʔnext

a.laj3P

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

kaʔso

lṳhpull.up

batgrass

tʌːNEG

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

After many months passed by, the two of them had not pulled up all the weeds.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.032tʰeːw.daːgod

ɤːtLOC

pɤːŋhigh

ma.lɔ�ŋsky

lɤ�ːjso

kɯ�tthink

a.jo�ʔpity

a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

baŋ.bottransform

ɔːnallow

ka.tuːrear


pɛnbe

ma.sɛːmwoman

macbeautiful

pa.le�ajʔvery

So a god in the sky pitied them and transformed the wild buffalo ear into a very beautiful woman. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.033pʰɔːwhen

ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔto

tʰra�ifield

ma.sɛːmwoman

kuajperson

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

sɛːŋdescend

tɛːfrom

ta.wi�ŋtray

When the grandfather and grandchild went to the field, that woman got down from the tray.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.034t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

puːjhsweep

doŋhouse

a.rɤ�ːjhwash

ku.bɛʔbowl

ku.baŋbowl

Then she swept the house and washed the dishes.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.035pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

ma�t ma.naːŋsun

a.wihtilt

an3S

kaʔso

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

a.ka�nwait

a.laj3P

In the afternoon, she steamed rice and had it waiting for them.

197

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.036pʰɔːwhen

a.laj3P

t�ʃṳːreturn

tɛː2from

tʰra�ifield

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

t�ʃoːngo up

t�ʃoʔin

doŋhouse

When they returned home from the field, the grandfather went up into the house.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.037pʰɔːwhen

an3S

t�ʃoːngo up

tʌ�ʔcome

doŋhouse

an3S

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

doːjrice

kʰoːjsteam

t�ʃiːnripe

t�ʃʌ�ː1PST

When he had gone up and entered the house, he saw rice steamed already. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.038a.dɛh nɯ�ŋpot steaming

ɤːtLOC

huːlemit

wal walwisping

There was steam still wisping up from the steaming pot.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.039an3S

kaʔso


He was surprised.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.040an3S

lɤ�ːjso

a.blɯhask

t�ʃawgrandchild

paːjC

So he asked the grandchild, The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.041t�ʃawgrandchild

ɤːjdear

a.mʌ�ʔwho

tʌ�ʔcome

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

ɔːnallow

haj1P_inc

na�ihere

"Dear grandson, who came here and steamed this rice for us?"The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.042t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

And the grandchild said,The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.043tʌːNEG

daŋknow

leːwPRT

"I have no idea."

198

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.044ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

a.mʌ�ʔwho

kaːbrave

t�ʃa:eat

doːjrice

tʰiːwho

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

topbasket

ki�ːthat

ɲṳaːnbecause

a.laj3P

kɯ�tthink

paːjC

a.ne�apeople

vi�lvillage

siIRR

kɯːapoison

a.laj3P

And so of the grandfather and the grandchild, neither dared to eat the rice which was in the basket there, because they thought that the villagers might have been trying to poison them. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.045t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjthen

wa�wspeak

kapand

ɒʔgrandfather

paːjC

haj1P_inc

iːttake

doːjrice

ɔːnallow

a.t�ʃɔːdog

t�ʃa:eat

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

we�ːajfirst

Then the grandchild waid to the grandfather, "We should take the rice and give it to the dog to eat and watch him first."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.046kʰanif

a.t�ʃɔːdog

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

haj1P_inc

kaʔso

siIRR

tʌːNEG

t�ʃa:eat

"If the dog dies, we will not eat it."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.047kʰanif

a.t�ʃɔːdog

tʌːNEG

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

haj1P_inc

t�ʃaŋtherefore

t�ʃa:eat

"If the dog does not die, then we will eat."The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.048ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

iːttake

doːjrice

ɔːngive

a.t�ʃɔːdog

t�ʃa:eat

So the grandfather took the rice and gave it to the dog to eat.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.049pʰɔːwhen

a.t�ʃɔːdog

t�ʃa:eat

doːjrice

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

a.t�ʃɔːdog

toːClf_animal

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

pɛnbe

n9.trawwhat

When the dog had eaten the rice, nothing happened to the dog.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.050t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

mɛʔPrt_command

a.t�ʃɔːdog

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

pɛnbe

n9.trawwhat

And so the grandchild said, "Look at that! I don't see anything happening to the dog!"

199

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.051kʰanif

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

t�ʃa:eat

dəːPrt_conclusion

"If that's the situation, I am going to eat!"The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.052t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃa:eat

doːjrice

ki�ːthat

tɛːbut

ɒʔgrandfather

ɤːtstill

tʌːNEG

kaːbrave

t�ʃa:eat

And so the grandchild ate that rice, but the grandfather still did not dare to eat.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.053pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋshine

a.rɯːpmorning

mɯːday

ta.ma�inew

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

t�ʃawgrandchild

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

tʰra�ifield

ɛːnagain

The next morning, the grandfather requested that the grandchild go to the fields again.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.054pʰɔːwhen

a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

wetout of sight

ka.tuːrear


kaʔso

baŋ.bottransform

pɛn1

bema.sɛːmwoman

macbeautiful

ɛːnagain

When they had gone out of sight, the wild buffalo ear again was transformed into a beautiful woman.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.055t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

sɛːŋdescend

tɛːfrom

ta.wi�ŋtray

Then she got down from the tray.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.056t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

puːjhsweep

doŋhouse

puːjhsweep

doŋ suː1house

ɔhscoop

dʌʔwater

a.dɒʔCAUS.place

Then she swept the house and got water from the well stored away.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.057pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

tɔːnperiod

a.bɯːevening

an3S

kaʔso

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

When the evening came, she steamed rice.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.058t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

taʔdo

t�ʃa:eat

a.ka�n2

waita.laj3P

prṳam1

alsoThen she made food so that it was waiting for them also.

200


t�ʃe�ʔalmost

we.le�ːatime

tʰiːwho

ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

siIRR

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

an3S

kaʔso

t�ʃoːngo up

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

ta.wi�ŋtray

kɯ�ːsame

ti�ːjaʔusual

When it was close to the time when the grandfather and grandchild would return to the house, she went up onto the tray as usual.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.060pʰɔːwhen

ɒʔgrandfather

t�ʃoːnup

t�ʃoʔto

doŋhouse

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

bɯːnable

kuajperson

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

a.ka�nwait

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

When the grandfather had gone into the house, he was able to see that a person had steamed rice and that it was waiting for them.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.061 a.dɛh nɯ�ŋpot steaming

ɤːtstill

huːlemit

wal walwisping

ɤːtstill

The pot was still steaming.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.062an3S

kaʔso


ɛːnagain

He was surprised again.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.063pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋ a.rɯːpearly morning

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

paːjC

When morning came, the grandfather spoke with his grandchild.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.064t�ʃawgrandchild

ma��i�2S

ku.kɔhchop

ku.na�i mouse

a.dɒʔstore

a.ka�nwait

"Grandson, you chop up the mouse and put it away for later. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.065ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

paːjC

ɲe�aːmtime

a.bɯːevening

siIRR

bɯːnhave

kuajperson

tʌ�ʔcome

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

kapand

taʔdo

t�ʃa:eat

a.ka�nwait

haj1P_inc

ɤːtLOC

bɔːPrt_QWe will see this evening if someone comes to steam rice and make food so that it is waiting for us."

201


a.laj3P

taʔdo

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

a.laj3P

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

lɤ�ːjso

loahout

tɛːfrom

doŋhouse

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

tʰrajfield

When they had done as they planned, then they both went out of the house and went to the field. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.067pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

tʰra�ifield

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

paːjC

ma.hɔjʔmoment

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

pe�ainvite

ma��i�2S

t�ʃṳːreturn

to�ʔhide

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

paːjC

a.mʌ�ʔwho

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

a.ka�nwait

haj1P_inc

When they arrived at the field, the grandfather said to the grandson, “In a moment I will ask you to return home with me and hide in order to watch who steams the rice and has it waiting for us.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.068pʰɔːwhen

ma.hɔjʔmoment

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

pe�abring

t�ʃawgrandchild

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃɔːpsneak

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

After a few moments, the grandfather then brought the grandchild back to the house to spy out who was coming.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.069a.laj3P

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

ma.sɛːmwoman

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

an3S

n9.toːmPROG

siIRR

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

And so they saw a woman as she was preparing to steam rice.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.070t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃoːngo.up

a.blɯhask

paːjC

ma��i�2S

pɛnbe

a.mʌ�ʔwho

ma��i�2S

m9.pɛʔwhy

tʌ�ʔcome

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

doŋhouse

hiʔ1P_excSo the grandchild went up and asked her, “Who are you? Why have you come to out house to steam rice?”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.071ma.sɛːmwoman

kuajperson

ki�ːthat

lɤ�ːjat all

atɤːŋsay

an3S

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ɤːtlive

nʌŋon

doŋhouse

ma��i�2S

na�ithis

laʔPrt_evid

So that woman told him, “I live in your house, that's the reason.”

202

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.072tʰeːw.daːgod

baŋ.bottransform

ɔːnallow

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

kuajperson

“The gods transformed me so that I became a person.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.073ma��i�2S

kɯ�tthink

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

mɛʔPrt_command

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

n9.trawwhat

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

doŋhouse

ma��i�2S

na�ithis

“Can you loook around and think of what I am here in your house?”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.074t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃi.lajguess

ɔːnallow

an3S

ta.mɯ�ŋlisten

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

So the grandchild guessed for her until he ran out of ideas.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.075uʔwatertank

krṳbucket

topbasket

doːjrice

“The watertank? The bucket? The rice basket?”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.076�ne�aŋwoman.young

kuajperson

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

a.t�ʃoːnup

lo�ːjhwrong

tʌːNEG

kla�pcorrect

The woman spoke up each time saying, “Wrong! That's not right!”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.077t�ʃawgrandchild

t�ʃi.lajguess

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔcomplete

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

mɛ�ːntrue

The grandchild guessed everything he could think of but all of his guesses were wrong.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.078t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

ɔːnallow

ɒʔgrandfather

atɤːŋsay

So the grandchild had the grandfather tell her his guesses.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.079pʰɔːwhen

ɒʔgrandfather

atɤːŋsay

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

kla�pcorrect

ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ɤːtLOC

ɛːnagain

mṳajone

namCLF

ka.tuːrear


When the grandfather had made a few wrong guesses, he then said, “There is one more thing, the wild buffalo ear.”

203

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.080ma.sɛːmwoman

kuajperson

ki�ːthat

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

mɛ�ːntrue

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

ka.tuːrear


So that woman said, “Correct, I am the wild buffalo ear.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.081tʰeːw.daːgod

ɔːncause

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

baŋ.bottransform

pɛnbe

kuajperson

A god caused me to transform into a person.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.082pʰɔːwhen

ɒʔgrandfather

daŋknow

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

kʰanif

pɛnbe

saːlike

ki�ːthat

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

ɔːnallow

ma��i�2S


kapwith

t�ʃawgrandchild

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

When the grandfather understood the situation, he said, “If it is like that, I will have you to marry my grandson.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.083ɲṳaːnbecause

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

kaʔso

tʰawold

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

m9.pa�i2P

siIRR

bɯːnable

li�ːaŋraise

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

Because I am now old and you can support me.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.084t�ʃʌ�ːthen

ma.sɛːmwoman

kuajperson

ki�ːthat

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso


Then that woman and the grandfather's grandson were married.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.085t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

ɤːtlive

ma.nɤːjtogether

And so they lived together.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.086pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋ shine

a.rɯːpmorning

ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

tʰra�ifield

ɛːnagain

The next morning, the grandfather and grandson went to the fields again.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.087a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

lṳhpull.up

batgrass

tʰrɔːrice

tʰra�ifield

They went and pulled up grass in the fields.

204


a.bɯːevening

a.laj3P

kaʔso

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃoʔin

doŋhouse

When evening came, they returned to the house.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.089m9.pa�iwife

t�ʃawgrandchild

kaʔso

a.blɯhask

paːjC

lṳhpull.up

batgrass

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɔːQ

The grandson's wife asked them, “Have you finished pulling up all the grass?”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.090ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

tʌːNEG

ta�nyet

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

we�ːajyet

So the grandfather said, “We haven't finished yet.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.091lṳhpull.up

jahside

me�aŋface

jahside

kliːbehind

paːtPASS NEG

kɤːtbirth

“When we pull up the grass in front of us, the grass behind us grows up.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.092pʰɔːwhen

lṳhpull.up

jahside

kliːbehind

paːtPASS NEG

jahside

me�aŋface

kɤːtbirth

“When we pull up the grass behind us, the grass in front of us grows up.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.093mɯajtired

lɯ�ʔvery

t�ʃawgrandchild

ɤːjdear

“I am very tired, dear granddaughter.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.094m9.pa�iwife

kʰɔːŋPOSS

t�ʃawgrandchild

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ma.nɤːtomorrow

m9.pa�i2P

tʌːNEG

tɔŋmust

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

tʰra�ifield

dɔːkPRT_conclusionSo the grandson's wife said, “Tomorrow you don't have to go to the fields.” The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.095ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

pɛnbe

kuajperson

pʌʔgo

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

“I will be the person to go by myself.”

205

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.096 pʰɔːwhen

pa�ŋ a.rɯːpearly morning

an3S

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

kapand

taʔdo

ra.t�ʃiːnfood

When morning came, she steamed rice and made food.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.097 t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

a.jomwrap

doːjrice

Then she wrapped up some rice.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.098t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

tʰra�ifield

And then she went to the fields.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.099pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔcome

tʰra�ifield

an3S

kaʔso

ta.ba�ŋ ɲe�ːŋlook around

batgrass

pa.le�ajʔvery

lɯ�ʔvery

When she came to the fields, she observed that there was really a lot of grass.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.100t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

ta.kɔːcsharpen

a.loaŋstem

iːttake


t�ʃa�tstab

ra.ŋɯ�hbreath

batgrass

a.-dɒʔCAUS-place

t�ʃonuntil

tṳaaround

tʰra�ifieldThen she sharpened some sticks and took them and stabbed them into the breath of the grass, leaving them in the ground all around the field. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.101t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

Then she returned home.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.102pʰɔːwhen

mɯːday

ta.ma�inew

batgrass

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

tʰra�ifield

a.laj3P

kaʔso

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔcompletely

When the next day came, the grass which was in the fields died off completely.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.103tʰrɔːrice

lɤ�ːjso

kɤːtbirth


pɤːŋtall

pa.le�ajʔvery

So the rice plants grew up very tall.

206

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.104bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

ka.mɔyear

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

n9.tɯːseason

lɛːŋdry

tʰrɔːrice

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

la�wshed

kʰɔːŋPOSS

a.laj3P

ɲɛ�ʔused.up

One year during the dry season, the rice in the their storage shed was completely used up. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.105tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

doːjrice

t�ʃa:eat

There was no rice to eat.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.106kumɛndaughter-in-law

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ɒʔgrandfather

an3S

pɛnbe

kuajperson

ɤːtLOC

tɛːbut

doŋhouse

puːjhsweep

doŋhouse

puːjhsweep

doŋ suːhouse

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

taʔdo

t�ʃa:eat

The grandfather's daughter-in-law was the person who stayed in the house, sweeping it and making the food.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.107pʰɔːwhen

an3S

daŋknow

paːjthus

a.sʌʔrice.uncooked

ɲɛ�ʔused.up

an3S

kaʔso

tṳhpoor

mi�theart

pa.le�ajʔvery

When she found out that the shelled rice was all gone, she was very sad.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.108pʰɔːwhen

ma�t ma.naːŋsun

a.wi�hturn

an3S

kaʔso

iːttake

li�ːamscythe

pʌʔgo

racharvest

si.laːleaf

tʰrɔːrice

kapand

si.laːleaf

plaŋgrass

When afternoon came, she took a scythe and went out to cut the leaves off of rice plants and to cut grass.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.109t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔthen

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃoʔto

doŋhouse

iːttake

si.laːleaf

tʰrɔːrice

kap1

andsi.laːleaf

plaŋgrass

a.-dɯːŋCAUS-place

kʰoːjsteam

Then she returned to the house and took the rice leaves and grass and steamed them.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.110pʰɔːwhen

t�ʃiːnripe

si.laːleaf

tʰrɔːrice

kapand

si.laːleaf

plaŋgrass

kaʔso

baŋ.bottransform

pɛnbe

doːjrice

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔcompletely

When the rice leaves and the grass were steamed, all of it transformed into cooked rice.

207


ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

a.jaːkhusband

t�ʃṳːreturn

tɛːfrom

tʰra�ifield

a.laj3P

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

an3S

n9.toːmPROG

tohcool

doːjrice

When the grandfather and her husband returned from the fields, they saw that she was cooling the rice.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.112ɒʔgrandfather

kɯ�tthink

nʌŋin

mi�theart

paːjC

an3S

iːttake

doːjrice

a.-tʌʔCAUS-come

tɛːfrom

lɛʔwhere


kʰoːjsteam

The grandfather thought in his heart, “where has she gotten rice from to steam.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.113ɲṳaːnbecause

a.sʌʔrice.uncooked

kaʔso

ɲɛ�ʔused.up

tʰrɔːrice

kaʔso

ɲɛ�ʔused.up

Because the shelled rice and the unshelled rice had been used up. The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.114ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

kɯ�tthink

jʌʔwant

daŋknow

So the grandfather wanted to find out how she got the rice.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.115pʰɔːwhen

mɯːday

ta.majnew

kumɛndaughter-in-law

an3S

kʰoːjsteam

doːjrice

a.dɒʔCOMP

When the next day came, the daughter-in-law was steaming rice.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.116t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

atɤːŋsay

ɔːnallow

ɒʔgrandfather

kiːa?guard

a.dɒʔCOMP

Then she asked the grandfather to watch the steaming rice.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.117an3S

atɤːŋsay

ɒʔgrandfather

paːjC

ɒʔgrandfather

kiːa?guard

ra�jbasket

doːjrice

ɔːnallow

nʌŋPRT_emph

She told the grandfather, “Grandfather, watch the rice basket for me.”The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.118an3S

siIRR

pʌʔgo

toːcpick.up

batgrass

a.-tʌʔCAUS-come

kluaʔparboil

She went to go pick some grass to bring back and parboil.

208



ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

wetout_of_sight

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

t�ʃoːngo.up

pɯhopen

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

ra�jbasket

doːjrice

When the daughter-in-law and walked out of sight, the grandfather went to the rice steaming basket and opened it to see what was inside.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.120pʰɔːwhen

an3S

hɯːmsee

si.laːleaf

tʰrɔːrice

kapand

si.laːleaf

plaŋgrass

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

ra�jbasket

an3S

kaʔso


pa.le�ajʔvery

When he saw the rice leaves and the grass in the steaming basket, he was very surprised.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.121ɒʔgrandfather

re�ajangry

pa.le�ajʔvery

He became very angry.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.122jahside

pɤːŋtop

ra�jbasket

pɛnbe

si.laːleaf

tʰrɔːrice

tɛːbut

jahside

pɯ�ːnunder

pɛnbe

doːjrice

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

The top of the steaming basket had rice leaves, but under that it was steamed rice.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.123ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

re�ajangry

paːjC

ku.mɛndaughter-in-law

iːttake

si.laːleaf

tʰrɔːrice

kapand

si.laːleaf

plaŋgrass

kʰoːjsteam

ɔːnallow

an3S

t�ʃa:eat

So the grandfather became angry that the daughter-in-law had taken rice leaves and blades of grass and steamed them for him to eat.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.124an3S

pa.t�ʃɯ�acriticize


He criticized the daughter-in-law.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.125an3S

tṳa.tiːpcriticize

t�ʃonuntil

ku.mɛndaughter-in-law

an3S

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃi.tɤːmcatch

He kept on criticizing the daughter-in-law until she returned home in time.

209

The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.126t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

sʌŋhear

ɒʔgrandfather

pa.t�ʃɯ�acriticize

Then she heard the grandfather criticizing (her).The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.127an3S

tʌːNEG

si.ɔm mi�thappy

pa.le�ajʔvery

She was very unhappy.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.128an3S

lɤ�ːjso

ta.jahwalk

loahout

tɛːfrom

doŋhouse

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

tʰrajfield

So she walked away from the house and went to the field.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.129t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

ti�ːpull

iːttake

a.loaŋstem

tʰiːREL

an3S

t�ʃa�tstab

ra.ŋɯ�hbreath

batgrass

a.dɒʔCOMP

Then she took and pulled out the stakes which she had used to stab the breath of the grass out.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.130pʰɔːwhen

an3S

ti�ːpull

aʔ-CAUS-

loahout

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

batgrass

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

mo�ːjhresurrect

a.- t �ʃoːnCAUS- up

kɯ�ːsame

ti�aʔbefore

When she finished pulling them out, the grass revived and grew quickly just as before.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.131an3S

tṳhpoor

mi�theart

pa.leXajʔvery

She was very sad.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.132an3S

lɤ�ːjso

tʌːNEG

lɔpreturn

t�ʃoʔto

doŋhouse

ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

ki�ːthat

ɛːnagain

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

So she did not return to the grandfather and grandson's house ever again.The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.133an3S

ta.jahwalk

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

sʌkforest

diʔflee

tɛːfrom

ɲaŋday

ki�ːthat

pʌʔgo

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

sotend

She walked into the forest and was never seen again. The End.

210

APPENDIX 5: THE GRANDFATHER GHOST

The_Grandfather_Ghost.001ɒʔgrandfather

brawghost

The grandfather ghost.The_Grandfather_Ghost.002duːntime.long

tʌ�ʔarrive

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

bɯːnEXIST

vi�lvillage

kɯːjʔsmall

kɯːjʔ small

mṳajone

vi�lvillage

A long time ago there was a very small village.The_Grandfather_Ghost.003ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

vi�lvillage

ki�ːthat

bɯːnEXIST

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

ɤːtlive

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

In that village there was an orphan child who lived all alone.The_Grandfather_Ghost.004m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

tahleave

ɲɛ�ʔcompletely

(His) father and mother had died and left him with no family.The_Grandfather_Ghost.005an3S

lɤ�ːjso

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

ɒʔgrandfather

tʰawold

And so he lived with an old grandfather.The_Grandfather_Ghost.006tɛːfrom

lʌːpast

vi�lvillage

ɔːmaround

ɔːmaround

najthis

pɛnbe

sʌkforest

pɛnbe

trɯŋjungle

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔcompletely

In the past, the villages around here were only jungle.The_Grandfather_Ghost.007doŋhouse

suːhouse

ɤːtLOC

jɤ�ːŋfar

jɤ�ːŋ far

kanRECIP

The houses were located far from each other.

The_Grandfather_Ghost.008ɒʔgrandfather

tʰawold

kaʔso

li�ːaŋraise

t�ʃawgrandchild

ɤːtLOC

pa.le�ajʔvery

ka.mɔyear

The old grandfather raised the grandchild for many years.The_Grandfather_Ghost.009bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

si.ŋajday

ɒʔgrandfather

aʔ.iːsick

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

an3S

kaʔso

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

pʌʔgo

t�ʃa�mPrt_simpathy

One day the grandfather became sick, and then he went and died.The_Grandfather_Ghost.010tahleave

ɔːncause

t�ʃawgrandchild

tʰiːREL

ɤːtstill

kɯːjʔsmall

ɤːtLOC

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

His leaving caused the grandchild who was still small to live all alone.The_Grandfather_Ghost.011ɲṳaːnbecause

sɛːmyounger

ɤːjolder

an3S

pʌʔgo

lɛʔwhere

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

bɯːnhave

nʌŋPrt_emph

Because he did not have any family anywhere. The_Grandfather_Ghost.012taʔdo

ɔːncause

t�ʃawgrandchild

an3S

n9.t�ʃommiss

ɒʔgrandfather

pa.le�ajʔvery

This made the grandchild miss his grandfather very much.The_Grandfather_Ghost.013kṳːevery

kṳːevery

si.ŋajday

t�ʃawgrandchild

siIRR

pʌʔgo

ɲe�amcry

Every day the grandchild would go cry. The_Grandfather_Ghost.014pʌʔgo

ra.nṳpcemetery

mɔŋplace

prṳŋhole

tʰiːREL

a.laj3P

tṳpbury

ɒʔgrandfather

ki�ːthat

kṳːevery

si.ŋajday

ɲṳaːnbecause

an3S

n9.t�ʃommiss

pa.le�ajʔveryHe would go to the place where they had burried his grandfather every day because he really missed him.The_Grandfather_Ghost.015ɒʔgrandfather

ɤːjdear

ma�j2S

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

“Dear grandfather, you have died,”

212

The_Grandfather_Ghost.016ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

a.mʌ�ʔwho

“Who will I live with?”The_Grandfather_Ghost.017ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tʌːNEG

bɯːnEXIST

a.mʌ�ʔwho

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

ma�j2S

iːttake

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pʌʔgo

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

“I don't have anyone so will you please take me to live with you.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.018kṳːevery

si.ŋajday

an3S

siIRR

pʌʔgo

wa�wspeak

ka�mword

ki�ːthat

Every day he would go and say the same thing.The_Grandfather_Ghost.019an3S

wa�wspeak

t�ʃonuntil

ɒʔgrandfather

kuajperson

tʰiːREL

pɛnbe

brawghost

a.jo�ʔpity

taʔdo

an3S

He kept on saying those things until the grandfather who was a ghost pitied him.The_Grandfather_Ghost.020ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

baŋ.bottransform

t�ʃakbody

ɔːnallow

an3S

hɯːmsee

So the grandfather transformed his body so that the grandson could see (him). The_Grandfather_Ghost.021t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

t�ʃawgrandchild

ɤːjdear

kʰanif

ma�j2S

n9.t�ʃommiss

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

re�ːŋstrong

tʰʌŋresult

ma�j2S

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

bɯːnhave

sɛːmyounger

ɤːjolder

Then he said, “Dear grandson, if you miss me so much because you don't have any family.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.022kʰanif

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

ɔːnallow

ma�j2S

t�ʃa:eat

ka.loŋbulb

ra.hawmedicine

najthis

dəːPrt_command

“If that is the situation, I will allow you to eat this plant which is medicine.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.023t�ʃʌ�ːthen

ma�j2S

kaʔso

siIRR

tʌ�ʔcome

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

ɒʔgrandfather

bɯːnable

“Then you will be able to live with me.”

213

The_Grandfather_Ghost.024pʰɔːwhen

t�ʃawgrandchild

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

t�ʃa:eat

ka.loŋbulb

ra.hawmedicine

ki�ːthat

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

an3S

kaʔso

hɯːmsee

brawghost

hɯːmsee

briːwspirit

When the orphaned grandchild had eaten the medicine plant, he saw the ghosts and spirits.The_Grandfather_Ghost.025mɔŋplace

tʰiːREL

an3S

kɤ�ːjever

hɯːmsee

pɛnbe

ra.nṳpcemetery

kaʔso

pɛnbe

vi�lvillage

kuajperson


In the place which used to be a cemetery there appeared a village of people.The_Grandfather_Ghost.026bɯːnEXIST

kuajperson

sɛwcommotion

sɛwcommotion

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋin

vi�lvillage

ki�ːthat

There were people making all sorts of noise in that village.The_Grandfather_Ghost.027pʰɔːwhen

ma.hɔjʔmoment

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

an3S

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

vi�lvillage

Just then, the grandfather invited him to enter into the village.The_Grandfather_Ghost.028pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔarrive

doŋhouse

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

taʔdo

ta.mi�aŋbow

ɔːnallow

an3S

mṳajone

namClf_thing

When they arrived at the house, the grandfather made a bow for him.The_Grandfather_Ghost.029a.-dɒʔCAUS-put

pʌʔgo

paɲshoot

trananimal

dəːPrt_command

ɒʔgrandfather

wa�wspeak

“Bring this to go shoot animals” grandfather said.The_Grandfather_Ghost.030aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

kaʔso

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

ɒʔgrandfather

bɯːnhave

pa.le�ajʔvery

n9.t�ʃʰajmonth

tɤːpsome

The elder orphan child then lived with the grandfather for more than many months. The_Grandfather_Ghost.031bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

si.ŋa�iday

ka.ne�afriend

tʰiːREL

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

vi�lvillage

ki�ːthat

a.laj3P

tʌ�ʔarrive

pe�ainvite

an3S

pʌʔgo

hoːmake.noise

kapand

ŋ9.krṳaŋflush

trananimal

There was one day, the friends who live in that village came and invited him to go hunt animals by flushing (them out of the woods.)

214


tʌ�ʔarrive

doŋhouse

ɒʔgrandfather

a.laj3P

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ɒʔgrandfather

aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

ɤːtLOC

bɔːPrt_QWhen they arrive at the grandfather's house, they asked, “Grandfather, is the orphan child here?”The_Grandfather_Ghost.033ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

a.blɯhask

a.laj3P

paːjC

m9.pa�i2P

siIRR

taʔdo

n9.trawwhat

So the grandfather asked them, “What are you going to do?”The_Grandfather_Ghost.034oːohh

hiʔ1P_exc

siIRR

pe�ainvite

an3S

pʌʔgo

hoːmake.noise

kapand

ŋ9.krṳaŋflush

trananimal

“Oh, we will invite him to go help us flush out animals.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.035ɲṳaːnbecause

ma.hajyesterday

hiʔ1P_exc

hɯːmsee

lṳmmark

pojhdeer

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

trɯŋjungle

“Because yesterday we saw deer tracks in the jungle.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.036trɯŋjungle

ki�ːthat

tʌːNEG

hɯkbig

dɔːkPrt_contra

trɯŋjungle

kɯːjʔsmall

kɯːjʔ small

“Actually that jungle is not big but quite small.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.037ka.ne�afriend

brawghost

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

ki�ːthat

ra.-wa�wRECIP-say

That group of ghost friends all said.The_Grandfather_Ghost.038ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kapand

t�ʃawgrandchild

paːjC

ʌːyes

pʌʔgo

lo�ːtPrt_permission

t�ʃawgrandchild

So the grandfather said to the grandchild, “Yes, go ahead.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.039laŋ tɯ�asometimes

bɯːnEXIST

pojhdeer

a.-tʌʔCAUS-bring

t�ʃa:eat

nɛʔconsume

“Sometimes there is a deer which they bring back so that we can eat it all.”

215

The_Grandfather_Ghost.040an3S

lɤ�ːjso

pʌʔgo

nʌŋwith

ka.ne�afriend

And so he went with his friends.The_Grandfather_Ghost.041an3S

iːttake

ta.mi�aŋbow

tʰiːREL

ɒʔgrandfather

taʔdo

ɔːnallow


prṳamalso

He brought the bow which the grandfather made for him also.The_Grandfather_Ghost.042pʰɔːwhen

a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

tʌ�ʔarrive

trɯŋjungle

tʰiːREL

ka.ne�afriend

wa�wspeak

paːjC

hɯːmsee

lṳmmark

pojhdeer

a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

ɔːnallow

an3S

la�tambushWhen they had arrived at the jungle where the friends said that they saw the dear tracks, they then told him to wait in ambush. The_Grandfather_Ghost.043a.laj3P

wa�wspeak

paːjC

aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

ma�j2S

la�tambush

mɔŋplace

najthis

dəːPrt_request

They said, “Orphan child, you will wait in ambush in this place.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.044t�ʃʌ�ːthen

a.laj3P

kaʔso

tahleave

kuajperson

dɒʔput

pɛnbe

mɔŋplace

pɛnbe

mɔŋplace

Then they left a number of people in various places.The_Grandfather_Ghost.045t�ʃʌ�ːthen

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

a.laj3P

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

kapand

an3S

paːjC

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

hiʔ1P_exc

siIRR

mṳːtenter

hoːmake.noise

Then they said to him, “We will go into the jungle and make noise.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.046kʰanif

hɯːmsee

an3S

loahout

ɔːnallow

ma�j2S

paɲshoot

lo�ːtPrt_command

dəːPrt_request

ka.ne�afriend

atɤːŋsay

“If you see it come out, you must shoot it, OK.” The friends said.The_Grandfather_Ghost.047aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

kaʔso

ra�p poʔagree

a.laj3P

paːjC

ʌːyes

kʰanif

an3S

loahout

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

paɲshoot

lo�ːtPrt_intend

The orphan agreed with them saying, “Yes, if it comes out I will shoot it for sure.”

216

The_Grandfather_Ghost.048tʌːNEG

tɔŋmust

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

t�ʃɯ�abelieve

lo�ːtPrt_emph

naːPrt_consider

“Don't worry. You can depend on me for sure.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.049pʰɔːwhen

an3S

wa�wspeak

sotend

ka.ne�afriend

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

tʰiːREL

pɛnbe

lɛːŋassistants

kaʔso

mṳːtenter

hoːmake.noise

ɤːtLOC

a.pɯ�ŋcenter

sʌkforest

When he finished speaking, the friends which were helping entered making noise in the middle of the forest.The_Grandfather_Ghost.050jahside

aːjolder

ka.mṳːtorphan

an3S

kaʔso

a.ka�nwait

ɤːtLOC

ki�ːthat

As for the orphan, he waited in that place.The_Grandfather_Ghost.051tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

n9.trawwhat

loahout

t�ʃoʔin

an3S

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

He did not see anything come out to him at all.The_Grandfather_Ghost.052trananimal

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

n9.trawwhat

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

He did not see any animals nor anything else.The_Grandfather_Ghost.053sʌŋhear

tɛːbut

ka.ne�afriend

wa�wspeak

paːjC

an3S

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

ma�j2S

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

dəːPrt_emph

He only heard the friends saying, “It has gone towards you!”The_Grandfather_Ghost.054aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

ŋe�ːaŋbend

ta.mi�aŋbow

dɒʔCOMP

The orphan child bent his bow and held it ready.The_Grandfather_Ghost.055tɛːbut

an3S

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

n9.trawwhat

loahout

t�ʃoʔin

an3S

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

But he did not see anything come out to him at all.

217

The_Grandfather_Ghost.056hɯːmsee

tɛːbut

aː.kaʔgrasshopper

mṳajone

toːClf_animal

si.dajhjump

loahout

He saw only one grasshopper jump out of the jungle.The_Grandfather_Ghost.057an3S

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

kṳpcup.hand

a.-t�ʃṳːCAUS-bring.back

ɔːnfor

ɒʔgrandfather

buhroast

t�ʃa:eat

we�ajfirst

naːPrt_consider

So he said, “I think I will catch this grasshopper and bring it back for grandfather to roast and eat.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.058an3S

lɤ�ːjso

kṳpcup.hand

iːttake

aː.kaʔgrasshopper

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

a.-dɒʔCAUS-put

nʌŋon

atṳŋpocket

And so he caught the grasshopper in his hand and then put it in his pocket.The_Grandfather_Ghost.059t�ʃʌ�ːthen

ka.ne�afriend

kaʔso

hoːmake.noise

tʌ�ʔarrive

t�ʃoʔin

an3S

Then the friends came to him making noise.The_Grandfather_Ghost.060t�ʃʌ�ːthen

a.laj3P

kaʔso

a.blɯhask

an3S

paːjC

aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

hɯːmsee

pojhdeer

loahout

t�ʃoʔin

ma�j2S

bɔːPrt_Q

Then they asked him, “Orphan child, did you see the deer come out to you?”The_Grandfather_Ghost.061an3S

wa�wspeak

paːjC

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

trananimal

n9.trawwhat

loahout

t�ʃoʔin

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

He said, “I did not see any animals or anything else at all come out of the jungle to me.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.062aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

wa�wspeak

ka.ne�afriend

tʌːNEG

t�ʃɯ�abelieve

lɤ�ːjso

a.blɯhask

an3S

ɛːnagain

paːjC

tʌːNEG

mɛ�ːntrue

ma�j2S

beclie

ra.ŋɛ�ːtsleep

bɔːPrt_Q

ma�j2S

lɤ�ːjso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

an3S

loahout

After the orphan child had spoken, the friends did not believe him and so asked him again, “Isn't it true that you went to sleep and so did not see it come out?”

218

The_Grandfather_Ghost.063najthis

deright

lṳmmark

an3S

loahout

mɔŋplace

ma�j2S

najthis

ka.ne�afriend

wa�wspeak

“Right here its footprints come out to you.” The friends said. The_Grandfather_Ghost.064oːjhey

ka.ne�afriend

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

pojhdeer

tɛːbut

mṳajone

toːClf_animal

lɯ�ʔtrue

“Hey friends, I did not any deer, not even one.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.065tʌːNEG

paːjC

tɛːbut

pojhdeer

ku.najmouse

mṳajone

toːClf_animal

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

“Even if it was only one mouse deer, I did not see it.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.066pʰɔːwhen

an3S

wa�wspeak

nɛ�ːwlike

ki�ːthat

ka.ne�afriend

kaʔso

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

an3S

t�ʃṳːreturn

When he had spoken those things, the friends suggested that he return home.The_Grandfather_Ghost.067a.laj3P

kɯ�tthink

paːjC

an3S

loahout

ɲe�amtime

an3S

beclie

ra.ŋɛ�ːtsleep

eː laʔPrt_evid

They thought it obvious that the deer had come out during the time the orphan was sleeping.The_Grandfather_Ghost.068pʌʔgo

t�ʃṳːreturn

mɯːday

ta.majnew

t�ʃaŋtherefore

tʌ�ʔarrive

ɛːnagain

ka.ne�afriend

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

wa�wspeak

“Let's go home, we can come again another day.” One of the friends said.The_Grandfather_Ghost.069a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

So they all encouraged one another to go home.The_Grandfather_Ghost.070pʰɔːwhen

aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

tʌ�ʔarrive

doŋhouse

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

a.blɯhask

paːjC

pɛnbe

nɛːw lɛʔhow

t�ʃawgrandchild

bɯːnhave

bɔːPrt_Q

When the orphan child returned home, the grandfather asked, “How was it? Do you have (any deer)?”

219

The_Grandfather_Ghost.071an3S

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

tʌːNEG

bɯːnhave

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

n9.trawwhat

So he said, “I don't have any, I didn't see anything.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.072tɛːbut

ka.ne�afriend

paːjC

hɯːmsee

lṳmmark

an3S

loahout

mɔŋplace

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ɒʔgrandfather

ɤːjdear

“But the friends say that they saw its prints come out in the place where I was, dear grandfather.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.073tɛːbut

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

n9.trawwhat

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

“But I did not see anything at all.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.074ŋ9.koaʔ1S

hɯːmsee

tɛːbut

aː.kaʔgrasshopper

mṳajone

toːClf_animal

najthis

laʔPrt_evid

“I saw only one grasshopper.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.075ɒʔgrandfather


pa.le�ajʔvery

The grandfather was very surprised.The_Grandfather_Ghost.076an3S

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

kapwith

t�ʃawgrandchild

paːjC

ma�j2S

m9.pɛʔwhy

wa�wspeak

paːjC

aː.kaʔgrasshopper

najthis

laʔbe

pojhdeer

So he said to the grandchild, “Why do you say a grasshopper? It is the deer!” The_Grandfather_Ghost.077pʰɔːwhen

ɒʔgrandfather

koːpgrab

aː.kaʔgrasshopper

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔthen

ɲoːntoss

a.-sɛːŋCAUS-down

doŋhouse

After the grandfather had grabbed the grasshopper, he then threw it down from the house.The_Grandfather_Ghost.078aː.kaʔgrasshopper

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

baŋ.bottransform

pɛnbe

pojhdeer

hɯkbig

That grasshopper transformed into a big deer.

220

The_Grandfather_Ghost.079aːjolder

kɔːn1

childka.mṳːtorphan

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

kɯ�ːsame

tʌːNEG

t�ʃɯ�abelieve

ma�teye

a.t�ʃaw dɯːm3P.REFLEX

The orphan child watched it as if he could not believe his own eyes.The_Grandfather_Ghost.080ɒʔgrandfather

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pʌʔgo

na�mfollow

a.laj3P

tʌ�ʔarrive

ta.kroːcut.meat

we�ajfirst

dəːPrt_intend

So the grandfather said, “I will go follow them to bring them back to cut the meat now.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.081pʰɔːwhen

ɒʔgrandfather

pʌʔgo

na�mfollow

ka.ne�afriend

tʰiːREL

pʌʔgo

hoːmake.noise

ma.nɤːjtogether

tʌ�ʔarrive

After the grandfather had followed and caught up with the friends who were the noisemakers, they came back to the house together.The_Grandfather_Ghost.082a.laj3P

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

nɛ�ːsure

hiʔ1P_exc

wa�wspeak

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

They said, “It is just as we said.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.083hiʔ1P_exc

hɯːmsee

lṳmmark

an3S

loahout

jahside

najthis

“We saw its prints go out that side.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.084a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ta.kroːcut.meat

m9.pɛʔdivide

t�ʃʰacmeat

ɔːnallow

kṳːevery

naʔClf_person

So they helped each other to cut up the meat and divide it so that everyone got his share.The_Grandfather_Ghost.085blʌːhead

kapand

ŋ9.karskin

pojhdeer

a.laj3P

ɔːngive

aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

They gave the head and the skin of the deer to the orphan child.The_Grandfather_Ghost.086ɲṳanbecause

an3S

pɛnbe

kuajperson

paɲshoot

bɯːnable

Because he was the person who was able to shoot the deer.

221

The_Grandfather_Ghost.087t�ʃʌ�ːthen

a.laj3P

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP


t�ʃa:eat

Then they invited each other to return and eat.The_Grandfather_Ghost.088pʰɔːwhen

pa.le�ajʔvery

si.ŋajday

tɔːconnect

pʌʔgo

aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

paɲshoot

t�ʃombird

After many days passed by, the orphan child went to shoot birds.The_Grandfather_Ghost.089an3S

a.tɤːŋsay

ɒʔgrandfather

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pʌʔgo

paɲshoot

t�ʃombird

nʌŋon

trɯŋjungle

najthis

we�ajfirst

dəːPrt_intend

He told the grandfather, “I am going to go shoot birds in the jungle now.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.090ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

wa�wspeak

n9.trawwhat

The grandfather did not say anything.The_Grandfather_Ghost.091pʰɔːwhen

an3S

tʌ�ʔarrive

trɯŋjungle

an3S

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

paɲshoot

t�ʃombird

When he came to the jungle, he went and shot some birds.The_Grandfather_Ghost.092an3S

bɯːnhave

t�ʃombird

ka.roʔowl

mṳajone

toːClf_animal

klaːjpass.by

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

pɛnbe

t�ʃombird

a.we�aŋ???

t�ʃombird

si.aːkcrow

t�ʃombird

t�ʃi.paldoveHe got one owl and after that he shot an aweang bird, a crow and a dove.The_Grandfather_Ghost.093an3S

kɯ�tthink

nʌŋon

mi�theart

paːjC

kʰɛːonly

najthis

kaʔso

po�aːenough

t�ʃa:eat

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

laʔPrt_evid

He thought in his heart that this much would surely be enough to eat.The_Grandfather_Ghost.094an3S

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃoʔin

doŋhouse

And so he returned to the house.

222


tʌ�ʔarrive

doŋhouse

an3S

kaʔso

lṳhpull.up

si.sɔkhair

t�ʃombird

When he came home, he defeathered the birds.The_Grandfather_Ghost.096t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

siIRR

a.-dɯːŋCAUS-take.with

taʔdo

t�ʃa:eat

Then he was going to take the birds to make food.The_Grandfather_Ghost.097pʰɔːwhen

ɒʔgrandfather

tʌ�ʔarrive

hɯːmsee

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

n9.trṳhfall

mi�theart

ɛːnagain

mṳajone

t�ʃɯːtime

When the grandfather came and saw what was happening, he was surprised yet again one more time.The_Grandfather_Ghost.098ɒʔgrandfather

ta.lṳhrun

tʌ�ʔarrive

t�ʃoʔin

an3S

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

ra.-wa�wRECIP-say

paːjC

t�ʃawgrandchild

ma�j2S

m9.pɛʔwhy

kaːdare


haːteven

t�ʃawlord

haːteven

ne�ajlord

The grandfather ran up to him and said to him, “Grandson, why have you dared to kill our rulers.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.099kɔːnchild

ɤːjdear

pɛnbe

to�ːtpunish

ka�ksure

ka�k sure

haj1P_inc

“Dear child, we will surely be punished!”The_Grandfather_Ghost.100tɛːbut

aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

ɒʔgrandfather

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

klʌkconfuse

But the orphan child looked at the grandfather and was confused.The_Grandfather_Ghost.101paɲshoot

bɯːnhave

t�ʃombird

ɒʔgrandfather

m9.pɛʔwhy

paːjC

haj1P_inc


t�ʃawlord

ne�ajlord

“I have shot birds grandfather, why do you say that I have killed our leaders?”

223


ɒʔgrandfather

pʌʔgo

koːpgrab

t�ʃombird

kʰɛːonly

ki�ːthat

laʔPrt_evid

t�ʃombird

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

baŋ.bottransform

pɛnbe

kuajperson


After the grandfather went and grabbed the birds, just like that, those birds transformed into people. The_Grandfather_Ghost.103nɛ�ːwthing

tʰiːREL

an3S

hɯːmsee

pɛnbe

si.sɔkhair

t�ʃombird

kaʔso

pɛnbe

tʰrɛːshirt

a.laːjpants


What he saw as feathers now appeared to be clothes.The_Grandfather_Ghost.104tʰrɛːshirt

a.laːjpants

ki�ːthat

bɯːnhave

ma.toːrstar

bɯːnhave

ŋɛːŋstripe

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

tʰrɛːshirt

a.laːjpants

brɯŋglow


pa�ɲfull

ma�teye

And those clothes had stars and stripes on them which shown brightly.The_Grandfather_Ghost.105aːjolder

kɔːnchild

ka.mṳːtorphan

n9.trṳhfall

mi�theart

pa.le�ajʔvery

tʰiːREL

hɯːmsee

saːlike

ki�ːthat

The orphan child was very surprised to see what had happened.The_Grandfather_Ghost.106t�ʃombird

ka.roʔowl

paːtformerly

pɛnbe

ne�ajlord

am.pɤːdistrict

The owl had been the district ruler.The_Grandfather_Ghost.107t�ʃombird

a.we�aŋ???

t�ʃombird

si.aːkcrow

paːtformerly

pɛnbe

pa.latofficial

The aweang bird and the crow had been officials.The_Grandfather_Ghost.108pɛnbe

n9.trawwhat

pʌʔgo

lɛːwPrt_emph

What could they do?The_Grandfather_Ghost.109iːt take

a.-dɯːŋ CAUS-bring

tṳpbury

iːt take

a.-dɯːŋ CAUS-bring

tṳpbury

ɒʔgrandfather

atɤːŋsay

“Take and bury them, take and bury them!” Grandfather told him.

224


an3S

tṳpbury

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

ɒʔgrandfather

wa�wspeak

kapand

an3S

paːjC

ma�j2S

tʌ�ʔcome

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable

nʌŋstill

dɔːkPrt_contra

t�ʃawgrandchild

ɤːjdear

When the grandson had buried them, the grandfather said to him, “You cannot come and live with me any longer, dear grandson.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.111ma�j2S


haːteven

t�ʃawlord

haːteven

ne�ajlord

“Since you have killed the rulers (of this village.)The_Grandfather_Ghost.112pʌʔgo

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

t�ʃṳːreturn

a.suajsend

ma�j2S

“Go! I am going to send you home (to the land of the living).”The_Grandfather_Ghost.113pʰɔːwhen

wa�wspeak

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

ta.jahwalk

na�mfollow

me�aŋface

When he had finished speaking, the grandfather walked face forward.The_Grandfather_Ghost.114an3S

loahout

tɛːfrom

vi�lvillage

He went out from the village.The_Grandfather_Ghost.115pʰɔːwhen

tʌ�ʔarrive

n9.t�ʃɔhedge

vi�lvillage

ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

kapand

an3S

paːjC

awhoh

ma�j2S

t�ʃa:eat

ka.loŋbulb

najthis

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

ma�j2S

kaʔso

t�ʃṳːreturn

dəːPrt_command

When they came to the edge of the village, the grandfather said to him, “OK, you eat this plantbulb and then you will return to the land of the living.”The_Grandfather_Ghost.116pʰɔːwhen

an3S

t�ʃa:eat

ka.loŋbulb

ki�ːthat

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

nɛ�ːwthing

tʰiːREL

an3S

kɤ�ːjever

hɯːmsee

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

nʌŋPrt_emph

When he had eaten that bulb, the things which he used to see he did not see at all.

225

The_Grandfather_Ghost.117mɔŋplace

tʰiːREL

kɤ�ːjever

pɛnbe

vi�lvillage

kuajperson

t�ʃi.nɔːnow

kaʔso

pɛnbe

sʌkforest

pɛnbe

trɯŋjungle

pɛnbe

ra.nṳpcemetery

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔcompleteThe place which used to be a village of people was now just jungle and a cemetery.The_Grandfather_Ghost.118ɒʔgrandfather

kapand

kuajperson

ka.nɔhanother

kaʔso

pi�tdisappear

pʌʔgo

prṳamalso

The grandfather and all the other people disappeared and went away also.The_Grandfather_Ghost.119an3S

ɲe�amcry

a.lɔ�ŋcall

ɒʔgrandfather

ma.lɛʔso much

He cried and called to his grandfather a lot.The_Grandfather_Ghost.120ɒʔgrandfather

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

loahout

t�ʃoʔin

an3S

nʌŋPrt_emph

battime

najthis

The grandfather did not come out to him at all during this time.The_Grandfather_Ghost.121an3S

kaʔso

lɤ�ːjso

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃoʔin

doŋhouse

ɤːtlive

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

t�ʃonuntil

kṳːevery

si.ŋa�iday

So he returned to the house and lived all alone for the rest of his life.The_Grandfather_Ghost.122sotendTHE END

226

APPENDIX 6: KING PAAJIT

King_Paajit.001 tɛːfrom

lʌːpast

duːntime.long

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

krṳaŋcity


bɯːnEXIST

kɔːnchild

baːwyoung.man

ra.mɯ�hname

pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

A long time ago in the city of Inthapahtha there was a young man named King Paajit.King_Paajit.002pʰɔːwhen

an3S

pṳːtbig

baːwyoung.man

m9.poafather

kaʔso

t�ʃuajʔsearch

m9.pajwife

ɔːnfor

When he grew into a man, his father looked for a wife for him.King_Paajit.003m9.poafather

an3S

kʰianwrite

saːnofficial.letter

pʌʔgo

t�ʃoʔin

krṳaŋcity

ka.nɔhanother

tʰiːREL

bɯːnhave

kɔːnchild


ɔːnallow


ɔːnfor

pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

a.lʌ�ʔchoose

His father wrote official letters to other cities which had young women commanding them to bring the women so that King Paajit could choose a wife.King_Paajit.004pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

tʌːNEG

ma�klike

kɔːnchild


kʰɔːŋPOSS

krṳaŋcity

lɛʔwhere

lɤ�ːjPrt_emph

King Paajit did not like any of the young women from any of the cities. King_Paajit.005an3S

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

m9.poafather

paːjC

m9.poafather

kɔːnchild


kʰɔːŋPOSS

krṳaŋcity

ka.nɔhanother

kɔːnchild

bɯːnhave

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

So he said to his father, “Father, the women of these cities, I have looked them over.

King_Paajit.006kɔːnchild

tʌːNEG

a.lʌ�ʔchoose

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

“I have not chosen anyone.”King_Paajit.007kɔːnchild

sɛ:krequest

loːahout

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

“I ask to go out and search.”King_Paajit.008 kɔːnchild

t�ʃuajʔsearch

m9.pa�iwife

iːttake

di.dɯːmmyself

“I will search for a wife and take her for myself.”King_Paajit.009 kʰanif

mi�theart

ma��i�2S

kɯ�tthink

nɛ�ːwthing

ki�ːthat

m9.poafather

kaʔso

siIRR

tʌːNEG

wa�wspeak

n9.trawwhatever

[Father speaking] “If your heart feels that way, I will not say anything against it.”King_Paajit.010ɔːnallow

kɔːnchild

a.lʌ�ʔchoose

kuajperson

ɔː good

ɔː good

a.-tʌ�ʔCAUS-come

pɛnbe

m9.pa�iwife

pa.ne�aruler

krṳaŋcity


atɤːŋsay

kɔːnchild“I command that you choose a good person and bring her to be the queen of Inthapatha city.” He said to his son.King_Paajit.011 pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

kapand

tʰa.haːnsoldier

tʰiːREL

daŋknow

mi�theart

kɯ�ːnamely

nak.keoNakkeo

kapand

nak.kwanNakkwan

t�ʃoːngo.up

a.sɛhhorse

t�ʃi�hride

jaːŋacross

krṳaŋcity

ka.nɔhanother

King Paajit and the soldiers who knew his heart, Nakkea and Kakkwan, mounted their horses and rode off to another city.King_Paajit.012kaʔso

tʌːNEG

kla�pagree

mi�theart

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

They did not share their plans with anyone.

228

King_Paajit.013 t�ʃonuntil

a.laj3P

t�ʃi�hride

a.sɛhhorse

tʌ�ʔcome

krṳaŋcity

pi.maan.bu.riPimaanburi

Until they rode their horses to Pimaanburi city.King_Paajit.014 bɯːnEXIST

pa.ne�aruler

prom.ma.tatPrommatat

pɛnbe

kuajperson

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

krṳaŋcity

The ruler of the city was King Prommatat.King_Paajit.015 pɛnbe

krṳaŋcity

tʰiːREL

hoː.raːseer

wa�wspeak

a.dɒʔCOMP

paːjC

siIRR

ra.mɔhmeet

ma.sɛːmwoman

tʰiːREL

siIRR

tʌ�ʔcome

pɛnbe

m9.pa�iwife

It was the city which had been fortold that he would meet a woman who would come to be his wife.King_Paajit.016pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

t�ʃi�hride

a.sɛhhorse

tʌ�ʔcome

vi�lvillage

mṳajone

vi�lClf_village

tʰiːREL

ɤːtLOC

t�ʃe�ʔ close

t�ʃe�ʔclose

krṳaŋcity

pi.maan.bu.riPimaanburiKing Paajit rode his horse to a village which was very close to Pimaanburi city.King_Paajit.017 bɯːnhave

ra.mɔhmeet

ma.sɛːmwoman

puʔpregnant

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

He met a pregnant woman.King_Paajit.018 an3S

tʰa�iplow

ne�afield

ɤːtLOC

a.pɯ�ŋcenter

tɔ�ŋfield

She was plowing in the middle of a meadow.King_Paajit.019 an3S

n9.toːmPROG

ta.jahwalk

na�mfollow

ta.riaʔbuffalo

tʰiːREL

tʰa�iplow

ne�afield

ɤːtLOC

ki�ːthat

She was walking behind a buffalo which was plowing the field there.

229

King_Paajit.020 pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

kɯ�ːlike

paːjC

bɯːnhave

mṳːlshadow

kan.hɔmumbrella

a.taŋprevent

pʰuaksunlight

ɔːnallow

an3S

ɤːtLOC

sɯŋwhich

kɯ�ːsame

kanRECIP

kapand

hoː.raːseer

bɯːnhave

atɤːŋsay

dɒʔCOMP

King Paajit saw that it seemed like there was a shadow of an umbrella blocking out the sun for her there, just as had been prophesied.King_Paajit.021pʰɔːwhen

an3S

t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

tɛːfrom

tʰa�iplow

ne�afield

pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

na�mfollow

an3S

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

a.pɯ�ŋcenter

vi�lvillage

nʌŋwith

When she finished plowing the field, King Paajit followed her and entered into the center of the village with her.King_Paajit.022 an3S

kaʔso

ɲo�amwilling

ɔːnallow

pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

kapand

tʰa.haːnsoldier

pʌʔgo

ɤːtstay

nʌŋin

doŋhouse

She was willing to allow King Paajit and his soldiers to stay in her house.King_Paajit.023pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

kaʔso

bɯːnhave

ɤːtlive

t�ʃṳajhelp

an3S

tʰa�iplow

ne�afield

kapand

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ra.t�ʃiːnfood

pe�ainvite

an3S

t�ʃa:eat

So King Paahit was living there and helping her to plow the fields and to search for food for them to eat.King_Paajit.024 bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

si.ŋa�iday

pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

kaʔso

bɯːnEXIST

atɤːŋsay

an3S

paːjC

m9.pe�ʔmother

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

kɔːnchild

baːwyoung man

kʰɔːŋPOSS

pa.ne�aruler

krṳaŋcity


One day, King Paajit said to her, “Mother, I am the son of the king of Inthapatha.”King_Paajit.025 baːtwo

naʔbody

tʰiːwho

tʌ�ʔcome

nʌŋwith

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

“The two people who came with me.”

230

King_Paajit.026a.laj3P

kaʔso

pɛnbe

tʰa.haːnsoldier

kuajperson

daŋknow

mi�theart

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

tʰiːwho

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

loahout

tɛːfrom

waŋpalace

tʌ�ʔcome

najhere“They are soldiers who know me well who left the palace and came with me here.”King_Paajit.027 ɲṳaːnbecause

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ma.sɛːmwoman

tʰiːwho

siIRR

tʌ�ʔcome

pɛnbe

m9.pajwife

“Because I am searching for a woman who will become my wife.”King_Paajit.028 ŋ9.koaʔ1S

sɛ:krequest

ra.nɛːnchild

tʰiːwho

ɤːtLOC

nʌon

pṳŋstomach

kʰɔːŋPOSS

m9.pe�ʔmother

“I request (that you give me) the child who is in your womb.”King_Paajit.029kʰanif

t�ʃihbirth

a.-loahCAUS-out

pɛnbe

ma.sɛːmwoman

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

sɛ:krequest

li�aŋraise

a.-dɒʔCAUS-COMP

tʌ�ʔcome

pɛnbe

m9.pa�iwife

"If you give birth to a girl, I request to raise her up to become my wife."King_Paajit.030 kʰanif

pɛnbe

kɔːnchild

baːwyoung.man

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

li�aŋraise

a.-dɒʔCAUS-COMP

ɔːnfor

pɛnbe

ka.ne�afriend

“If the child is a boy, I will raise him up to be a friend.”King_Paajit.031 m9.pe�ʔmother

siIRR

wa�wspeak

nɛ�ːwthing

lɛʔwhere

“Mother, what will you say?”King_Paajit.032 pʰɔːwhen

�ne�aŋLady

na�w.n9.t�ʃawmaster

doŋhouse

daŋknow

paːjC

kuajperson

tʰiːwho

tʌ�ʔcome

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋwith

an3S

pɛnbe

kɔːnchild

baːwyoung man

kʰɔːŋPOSS


krṳaŋcity


an3S

si.ɔmwarm

mi�theart

pa.le�ajʔvery

When the woman, the mistress of the house, found out that the person who had come to live with them was the son of the master of Inthapatha city, she was very happy.

231

King_Paajit.033 an3S

lɤ�ːjso

wa�wspeak

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

siIRR

ɔːnallow

kɯ�ːsame

ma��i�2S

sɛ:krequest

kṳːevery

nɛ�ːwthing

So she said, “I will do everything for you just as you have asked.” King_Paajit.034 tɔː pʌʔnext

an3S

kaʔso

t�ʃihbirth

kɔːnchild

loahout

pɛnbe

kɔːnchild

ma.sɛːmwoman

macbeautiful

Not long after that, she gave birth to a girl who was very beautiful.King_Paajit.035pɛnbe

taːworthy

pe�ːŋlove

pa.le�ajʔvery

kɯ�ːlike

siIRR

pɛnbe

kuajperson

macbeautiful

ɔːgood

kʰanif

hɯkbig

a.t�ʃoːnup

She was very cute, as if she would be a beautiful person when she grew up. King_Paajit.036 pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

lɤ�ːjso

ɔːngive

ra.mɯ�hname

paːjC

a.ra.pimArapim

So King Paajit gave her the name Arapim.King_Paajit.037pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

ɤːtLOC

li�aŋraise

baːtwo

naʔClf_person

m9.pe�ʔmother

kɔːnchild

t�ʃonuntil

a.ra.pimArapim

pṳːtbig

a.t�ʃoːnup

pɛnbe


macbeautiful

tʰʌŋresulting from

ma�teye

me�aŋface

ka�mword

wa�wspeak

ka�mword

t�ʃa:eat

kaʔso

la.ŋo�atsoft

ŋe�amsweet

King Paajit stayed there supporting the mother and child until Arapim grew up and became a woman so beautiful that everything about her was soft and sweetKing_Paajit.038 �ne�aŋlady

a.ra.pimArapim

daŋknow

paːjC

pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

tʌːNEG

mɛ�ːntrue

aːjolder

The lady Arapim knew that King Paajit was not really her older brother.King_Paajit.039 an3S

kaʔso

hɯkbig

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

And so she grew up.

232

King_Paajit.040 bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

si.ŋa�iday

pa.ne�aruler

paː.t�ʃitPaajit

kaʔso

atɤːŋsay

�ne�aŋlady

a.ra.pimArapim

kapand

m9.pe�ʔmother

paːjC

aːjolder

siIRR

t�ʃṳːreturn

krṳaŋcity

pʌʔgo

atɤːŋsay

m9.poafather

One day King Paajit said to lady Arapim and her mother, “I will return to my city to go and tell my father what has happened.”King_Paajit.041t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

siIRR

iːttake

sin.sɔːtbrideprice

tʌ�ʔcome

sɛ:krequest

�ne�aŋlady

a.ra.pimArapim

“Then I will get the bride price money and come ask to marry (you).”King_Paajit.042siIRR

bɯːnhave


ɔːnallow

kla�pcorrect

ri�ːtcustom

kla�pcorrect

ko�aŋcustom

kʰɔːŋPOSS

doŋhouse

kʰɔːŋPOSS

vi�lvillage

“I will have a wedding that is according to the customs of your village.” King_Paajit.043aːjolder

paajitPaajit

sʌʔdon't

pʌʔgo

duːntime.long

dəːPrt_command

sɛːmyounger

a.ra.pimArapim

n9.t�ʃommiss

“Brother Paajit, don't go away for a long time or I will miss you.”King_Paajit.044aːjolder

siIRR

atɤːŋsay

m9.poafather

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

siIRR

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃoʔin

sɛːmyounger

a.ra.pimArapim

wa�i fast

wa�i fast

“After you have told your father, will you please come back to me quickly.”King_Paajit.045 pʰɔːwhen

a.laj3P

le�aleave

kanRECIP

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

kapand

tʰa.haːnsoldier

baːtwo

naʔbody

kaʔso

t�ʃi�hride

a.sɛhhorse

t�ʃṳːreturn

t�ʃoʔin

krṳaŋcity


When they had said good-bye to each other, King Paajit and his two soldiers rode their horses back to Inthapatha city.King_Paajit.046 jahside

�ne�aŋlady

a.ra.pimArapim

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

m9.pe�ʔmother

pʌʔgo

doŋhouse

Meanwhile the lady Arapim lived with her mother at their house.

233

King_Paajit.047 a.bɯːevening

mṳajone

si.ŋa�iday

�ne�aŋlady

a.ra.pimArapim

kapand

ka.ne�afriend

lungeneration

ma.nɤːjtogether

poːnfour

sɤ:ŋfive

naʔbody

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

pʌʔgo

m9.pɤ�ːjwash

dʌʔwater

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

rṳaŋstream

t�ʃe�ʔclose

t�ʃe�ʔ close

doŋhouse

One evening, lady Arapim and four or five friends her age went to bathe in a stream very close to the house.King_Paajit.047 kaʔso

kɯ�ːis

m9.pe�ʔmother

dʌʔwater

muːnMuun

That is the river Muun.King_Paajit.048 an3S

kɯ�tthink

taʔdo

n9.trawwhat

ruaʔfun

ruaʔfun

She thought about doing something fun.King_Paajit.049 an3S

suʔwash

blʌːhead

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

iːttake

sɔkhair

tʰiːwho

lɔ�mfall.off

t�ʃoʔin

n9.to�ːŋfloat

kɯːjʔ small

kɯːjʔ small

After she washed her head, she took some of the hair which had fallen off and put it on a small float.King_Paajit.050 t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

a.-lo�ːjCAUS-float

dʌʔwater

pʌʔgo

Then it floated away.King_Paajit.051ka.to�ːŋfloat

lo�ːjfloat

pʌʔgo

t�ʃonuntil

tʌ�ʔcome

mɔŋplace

m9.pɤ�ːjwash

dʌʔwater

kʰɔːŋPOSS

pa.ne�aruler


The float floated down the river until it came to the bathing place of King Prommatat.King_Paajit.052 sɛnstrand

sɔkhair

ki�ːthat

pʰuamsmell.good

pa.le�ajʔvery

The strand of hair had a very good smell.

234

King_Paajit.053 pa.ne�aruler


toːcpick

iːttake

ka.to�ːŋfloat

ki�ːthat


ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

t�ʃonuntil

an3S

m9.paodream

t�ʃoʔin


sɛnstrand

sɔkhair

ki�ːthat

King Prommatat picked up the float and took it home, looking at it until he dreamed about the owner of that strand of hair.King_Paajit.054 t�ʃʌ�ːfinish

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

an3S

kaʔso

ɔtresist

jʌʔwant

hɯːmsee


sɛnstrand

sɔkhair

ki�ːthat

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable

Finally, he was not able to resist the desire to see the owner of the strand of hair.King_Paajit.055lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

ɔːnallow

seː.naːofficial

kapand

tʰa.haːnsoldier

pʌʔgo

t�ʃuajʔsearch

ma.sɛːmwoman

tʰiːwho

bɯːnhave

kɯnsmell

sɔkhair

pʰuamsmell.good

saːlike

na�ithisAnd so he ordered his officials and soldiers to go search for the woman who had the same smell as the good smelling hair.King_Paajit.056pʰɔːwhen

daŋknow

paːjC

�ne�aŋlady

ɤːtlive

pʌʔgo

lɛʔwhere

ɔːnallow

t�ʃṳːreturn

atɤːŋsay

an3S

When they found out where the lady lived they were to return and tell him.King_Paajit.057n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

seː.naːofficial

loahout

t�ʃuajʔsearch

a.blɯhask

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

vi�lvillage

kapand

nʌŋon

krṳaŋcity

t�ʃonuntil

pʌʔgo

tʌ�ʔcome

vi�lvillage

mṳajone

vi�lClf_village

ɤːtLOC

n9.t�ʃɔhedge

krṳaŋcity

pi.maan.bu.ripimaanburi

The group of officials went out searching and asking in villages and cities until the arrived at the village located on the outskirts of Pimaanburi city.King_Paajit.058kaʔso

bɯːnhave

ra.mɔhmeet

kapwith

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

ma.sɛːmwoman

tʰiːwho

bɯːnhave

sɛnstrand

sɔkhair

pʰuamsmell.good

Then they met with the Lady Arapim, the woman who had the good smelling strand of hair.

235

King_Paajit.059seː.naːofficial

lɤ�ːjso

iːttake

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

a.-dɯːŋCAUS-take

ɔːnfor

pa.ne�aruler


So the officials grabbed Lady Arapim to take her back for King Prommatat.King_Paajit.060�ne�aŋLady

siIRR

wa�wspeak

paːjC

bɯːnhave

baːwyoung man

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

ka.jahowever

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

tʰa.haːnsoldier

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

ta.mɯ�ŋunderstand

She had told them that she had a young man already, but the group of soldiers did not listen to her.King_Paajit.061�ne�aŋLady

lɤ�ːjso

taʔdo

ɔːnallow

we.le�atime

a.laj3P

ta.jahwalk

t�ʃe�aslow

a.-sɛːŋCAUS-down

ɲṳaːnbecause

an3S

jʌʔwant

a.ka�nwait

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

siIRR

bɯːnable

t�ʃṳajhelp

�ne�aŋLady

bɯːnable

So she made them walk slower and slower because she wanted to wait for King Paajit as maybe he would be able to help her. King_Paajit.062�ne�aŋLady

lɤ�ːjso

sɛ:krequest

a.lṳːrest

a.pɯ�ŋcenter

ra.naːroad

So she asked to rest halfway through their trip.King_Paajit.063t�ʃʌ�ːthen

�ne�aŋLady

kaʔso

ɲe�aːmcry

ɲṳaːnbecause

an3S

n9.t�ʃommiss

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

Then she cried because she missed King Paajit.King_Paajit.064vi�lvillage

tʰiːREL

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

a.lṳːrest

a.ka�nwait

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

ki�ːthat

bɯːnhave

ra.mɯ�hname

paːjC

vi�lvillage

�ne�aŋLady

a.ka�nwait

The village where Lady Arapim rested, waiting for King Paajit, was later named “The Lady Waiting” village.King_Paajit.065t�ʃi.nɔːnow

pɛnbe

am.pɤːdistrict

naːn.krɔŋnaankrawng

t�ʃaŋ.watprovince

bu.ri.ramburiram

Now it is the Naankrawng district in the province of Buriram.

236

King_Paajit.066tʰa.haːnsoldier

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

ɔːncause

an3S

ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

ɛːnagain

So the soldiers ordered her to start walking again.King_Paajit.067ɲṳaːnbecause

an3S

ma�klike

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

mṳajone

naʔbody

an3S

lɤ�ːjso

si.da�ihjump

diʔflee

mṳːtenter

sʌkforest

pʌʔgo

to�ʔhide

Because she loved only King Paajit, she jumped into the woods and fled, going to hide.King_Paajit.068t�ʃi.nɔːnow

ɤːtstill

hɯːmsee

bɯːnable

ra.mɯ�hname

paːjC

vi�lvillage

bra.delBradel

bra.delBradel

kʰanif

pɛnbe

pʰaː.saːlanguage

kʰa.merKhmer

kɯ�ːbe

si.da�ihjumpNow we can still see the name of that village is Bradel (Bradel in the Khmer language means “jump”).King_Paajit.069tʰa.haːnsoldier

kʰɔːŋPOSS

pa.ne�aruler


pʰiʔtry

t�ʃuajʔsearch

an3S

tɛːbut

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

ra.mɔhmeet

King Prommatat's soldiers searched for her but could not find her. King_Paajit.070lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ɔːmsurround

sʌkforest

ki�ːthat

a.dɒʔCOMP

So they worked together to completely surround the forest there. King_Paajit.071tɔː pʌʔnext

mɔŋplace

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

pɛnbe

vi�lvillage

kuajperson

bɯːnhave

ra.mɯ�hname

paːjC

Pai.lɔmpailawm

Later that place became a village which had the name Pailawm village.King_Paajit.072�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

diʔflee

pʌʔgo

to�ʔhide

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋin

kɯ�ːpcave

kʰɔːŋPOSS

kohmountain

mṳajone

kohClf_mountain

Lady Arapim fled to a cave on a mountain and hid inside of it.King_Paajit.073tɛːbut

tʰa.haːnsoldier

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

an3S

And the soldiers did not see her.

237

King_Paajit.074tɔː pʌʔnext

kohmountain

ki�ːthat

a.laj3P

a.lɔ�ŋcall

paːjC

kao.plaj.batkaoplaybat

Later, people called that mountain Kaoplaybat.King_Paajit.075tɛːbut

pʰɔːwhen

ma.hɔjʔmoment

tʰa.haːnsoldier

kʰɔːŋPOSS

pa.ne�aruler


kaʔso

t�ʃuajʔsearch

an3S

ra.mɔhmeet

But suddenly, King Prommatat's soldiers found her.King_Paajit.076t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

a.-dɯːŋCAUS-take

ɔːnfor

pa.ne�aruler


Then they took her for King Prommatat.King_Paajit.077pʰɔːwhen

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

kla�pPASS

kʰaŋcage

a.dɒʔCOMP

nʌŋon

waŋpalace

pa.ne�aruler


pʰiʔtry

wa�wspeak

ɔːnallow

�ne�aŋLady

ɲo�aːmwilling

pɛnbe

m9.pa�iwife

After Lady Arapim had been placed in a cage in the castle, King Prommatat tried to talk her into becoming his wife. King_Paajit.078tɛːbut

pʰɔːwhen

mṳːtenter

t�ʃe�ʔ close

t�ʃe�ʔ close

t�ʃakbody

an3S

kaʔso

ku.tawhot

m9.plɛʔsame

ujhfire

t�ʃonuntil

pa.ne�aruler


mṳːtenter

t�ʃe�ʔnear

an3S

tʌːNEG

bɯːnable

But when he got very close to her, her body got hot like a fire so that King Prommatat was not able to get close to her. King_Paajit.079jahside

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

pʰɔːwhen

t�ʃṳːreturn.home

tʌ�ʔcome

krṳaŋcity

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

m9.poafather

kapand

m9.pe�ʔmother

paːjC

ma.sɛːmwoman

tʰiːwho

an3S

siIRR


nʌŋon

pɛnbe

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

Meanwhile, King Paajit, after he returned to the city, told his father and mother about the woman who he was going to marry.

238

King_Paajit.080kliːafter

tɛːbut

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

tɛːŋprepare

sin.sɔːtbrideprice

tʌ�ʔcome

sɛ:krequest

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

After that, he prepared the brideprice to come and ask for Lady Arapim's hand in marriage.King_Paajit.081pʰɔːwhen

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

a.laj3P

ta.jahwalk

tʌ�ʔcome

a.pɯ�ŋcenter

ra.naːroad

kaʔso

daŋknow

paːjC

pa.ne�aruler


pa.ne�aruler

krṳaŋcity


koːpgrab

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

waŋpalace

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

When they had walked about halfway, they learned that King Prommatat, the king of Pimaanburi had grabbed Lady Arapin and had entered into the palace.King_Paajit.082ɲṳaːnbecause

an3S

re�ajangry

pa.le�ajʔvery

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

lɤ�ːjso

atɤːŋsay

ɔːnallow

tʰa.haːnsoldier

tʰoːpour

krɤ�ːŋthing

kra�wthing

tʰiːREL

siIRR

a.tʌʔbring

sɛ:krequest

�ne�aŋMs.

a.ra.pimArapim

a.-sɛːŋCAUS-down

t�ʃonuntil

ɲɛ�ʔfinish

Because he was so angry, King Paajit commanded that the soldiers throw out all of the things which he was bringing to request the Lady Arapim's hand in marriage.King_Paajit.083mɔŋplace

ki�ːthat

a.laj3P

a.lɔ�ŋcall

paːjC

saʔ.bɛːk.t�ʃanSa.bek.jan

That place they called Sabekjan.King_Paajit.084krɤ�ːŋthing

kra�wthing

n9.t�ʃṳmgroup

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

hɔːjflow

sɛːŋdescend

dʌʔwater

pʌʔgo

The whole group of gifts slid into the water and dissapeared.King_Paajit.085tɔː pʌʔnext

m9.pe�ʔmother

dʌʔwater

na�ithis

kaʔso

a.lɔ�ŋcall

paːjC

lam.play.maːtLamplaymaat

Then this river was called Lamplaymaat.King_Paajit.086t�ʃʌ�ːthen

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

kaʔso

atɤːŋsay

ɔːnallow

tʰa.haːnsoldier

tʰiːREL

tʌ�ʔcome

nʌŋwith

t�ʃṳːreturn

doŋhouse

krṳaŋcity

Then King Paahit commanded the soldiers who had come with him to return to their houses in the city.

239

King_Paajit.087jahside

an3S

ta.jahwalk

mṳːtenter

krṳaŋcity


As for him, he walked into the city of Pimaanburi.King_Paajit.088pʰɔːwhen

an3S

pʌʔgo

tʌ�ʔcome

a.laj3P

n9.toːmPROG

taʔdo

ŋe�ːanparty


ɔːnallow

�ne�aŋMs.

a.ra.pimArapim

pɛnbe

m9.pa�iwife

pa.ne�aruler

prom.ma.tatPrommatatWhen he came into the city, they were celebrating the wedding for Lady Arapim to become the wife of King Prommatat. King_Paajit.089pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

sɛ:krequest

mṳːtenter

kapwith

tʰa.haːnsoldier

kiːa?guard

pa.tuːdoor

paːjC

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

aːjolder

kʰɔːŋPOSS

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapimKing Paajit asked the door guards to enter saying, “I am the older brother of Lady Arapim.”King_Paajit.090ŋ9.koaʔ1S

sɛ:krequest

mṳːtenter

ŋe�ːanparty


nʌŋwith

bɯːnable

bɔːPrt_Q

“Can I come in and join the marriage celebration?” King_Paajit.091tʰa.haːnsoldier

kiːa?guard

pa.tuːdoor

kaʔso

ɔːnallow

mṳːtenter

The soldiers guarding the door allowed him to enter.King_Paajit.092pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

kapand

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

lɤ�ːjso

bɯːnable

ra.mɔhmeet

kanRECIP

So King Paajit and Lady Arapim were able to meet each other. King_Paajit.093an3S

hɛːryell


kɯ�ːlike

si.ɔmwarm

mi�theart

paːjC

aːjolder

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

She yelled out like she was happy, “The older brother has come.”

240

King_Paajit.094kliːafter

tɛːfrom

ki�ːthat

a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

a.lɔ�ŋcall

lo�ːjhwrong

paːjC

pi.maːj“older has come”

pɛnbe

am.pɤːdistrict

mṳajone

am.pɤːdistrict

kʰɔːŋPOSS

t�ʃaŋwatprovince

nak.kɔːn.raːt.t�ʃaː.si.maːNakhorn Ratchasima

After that, they called that place in error “Pimaay” which is a district of Nakhorn Ratchasima province. [Should have been called Pii maa leew]King_Paajit.095pʰɔːwhen

si.dawnight

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

kapand

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

kaʔso

tṳacsteal

loːahout

tɛːfrom

waŋpalace

In the evening, King Paajit and Lady Arapim stole out of the palace.King_Paajit.096t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

diʔflee

loːahout

tɛːfrom

krṳaŋcity


Then they fled away from Pimaanburi city.King_Paajit.097baːtwo

naʔbody

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ta.jahwalk

nʌŋon

sʌkforest

nʌŋon

trɯŋjungle

t�ʃonuntil

mɯːajtired

t�ʃonuntil

tɯ�ːtstop

a.lṳːrest

mɯːajtired

kap1

andbeclie

pɯ�ːnunder

kaltree

a.loaŋstem

hɯkbig

The two helped each other walk into the forest until they were tired and stopped to rest and laid down under a large tree.King_Paajit.98tʰa.haːnsoldier

pa.ne�aruler


na�mfollow

tʌ�ʔcome


lɤ�ːjso

iːttake

ta.mi�aŋbow

paɲshoot

kla�pPASS

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

ku.t�ʃiːtdieKing Prommatat's soldiers followed them and when they caught up to them they took their bows and shot, and King Paajit was killed. King_Paajit.099�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

kla�pPASS

tʰa.haːnsoldier

iːttake


klɔ�ŋback

ta.riaʔbuffalo

t�ʃṳːreturn

krṳaŋcity

Lady Arapim was captured by the soldiers who put her up on the back of a buffalo and returned to the city.

241

King_Paajit.100ɤːtstill

tʌːNEG

ta�nyet

tʌ�ʔcome

krṳaŋcity

�ne�aŋLady

a.ra.pimArapim

kaʔso

tṳacsteal

tʰa.haːnsoldier

diʔflee

lɔpreturn

t�ʃoʔin

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

They had not yet come to the city when Lady Arapim stole away from the soldiers and fled back to King Paajit.King_Paajit.101kaʔso

ra.mɔhmeet

paːjC

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

She then found out that King Paajit had died.King_Paajit.102an3S

lɤ�ːjso

ta.kṳːsit

ɲe�aːmcry

ɤːtLOC

mɔŋplace

pa.ne�aruler

paajitPaajit

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

ki�ːthere

So she sat down and cried in the place where King Paajit died.King_Paajit.103ku.tawhot

tʌ�ʔcome

pa.ne�aruler

ɔŋ.ingod

daŋknow

paːjC

kuajperson

ɔːgood

kla�pPASS

kuajperson

ka.nɔhanother


The heat came and the god king knew that a good person was killed by another person. King_Paajit.104na�w3P

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ainvite

pa.ne�aruler

wit.nu.kɔmWitnugam

So he invited King Witnugam (to come).King_Paajit.105t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

baŋ.bottransform

t�ʃakbody

pɛnbe

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

kapand

t�ʃam.puanmongoose

ra.-kapPLURAL-bite

kanRECIP

ɤːtLOC

t�ʃe�ʔclose

t�ʃe�ʔclose

mɔŋplace

tʰiːREL

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

ta.kṳːsit

kiːa?guard

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

Then they transformed their bodies into a snake and a mongoose which attacked each other very close to the place Lady Arapim was sitting guarding King Paajit. King_Paajit.106pʰɔːwhen


kapbite

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

ku.t�ʃiːtdie


kaʔso

pʌʔgo


iːttake

rɛ�hroot

a.loaŋstem

mṳajone

namCLF

tʌ�ʔcome

a.baːtchew

When the mongoose bit the snake so that it died, the mongoose then went and took in its mouth a root and returned chewing it.

242

King_Paajit.107t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

prujhspray

t�ʃoʔin

toːbody

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

Then it sprayed from its mouth the chewed up root onto the snake's body.King_Paajit.108ku.t�ʃʰansnake

lɤ�ːjso

mo�ːjhresurrect

And so the snake came back to life.King_Paajit.109t�ʃʌ�ːthen

baːtwo

toːClf_animal

kaʔso

kapbite

kanRECIP

ɛːnagain

Then the two animals started fighting again.King_Paajit.110pʰɔːwhen


ku.t�ʃiːtdie

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

kaʔso

a.baːtchew

rɛ�hroot

a.loaŋstem

ti�aʔbefore

ki�ːthat

When the mongoose died, the snake chewed the root just like before.King_Paajit.111t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

prujhspray

t�ʃoʔin


Then spayed the root from its mouth onto the mongoose.King_Paajit.112t�ʃam.puanmongoose

kaʔso

mo�ːjhresurrect


The mongoose then came back to life and got up.King_Paajit.113pɛnbe

saːlike

na�ithis

pa.le�ajʔvery

t�ʃɯːtime

They did this many times.King_Paajit.114�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

an3S

kɯ�tthink

nʌŋon

mi�theart

paːjC

rɛ�hroot

a.loaŋstem

na�ithis

pɛnbe

ra.hawmedicine

wi.seːtmagic

ka�k sure

ka�ksure

The Lady Arapim thought in her heart that this root was surely magic medicine.

243

King_Paajit.115lɤ�ːjso

pʌʔgo

iːttake

rɛ�hroot

a.loaŋstem

ki�ːthat

tʌ�ʔcome

a.baːtchew

So she went and took that root and returned chewing it.King_Paajit.116t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

prujhspray

t�ʃoʔin

t�ʃakbody

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

And then sprayed the root from her mouth onto the body of King Paajit.King_Paajit.117pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

lɤ�ːjso

mo�ːjhresurrect

And so King Paajit came back to life.King_Paajit.118taʔdo

ɔːnallow

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

si.ɔmwarm

mi�theart

pa.le�ajʔvery

This made Lady Arapim very happy.King_Paajit.119lɤ�ːjso

iːttake

rɛ�hroot

a.loaŋstem

wi.seːtmagic

ki�ːthat

pʌʔgo

prṳːamalso

And so she took that magic root with her also.King_Paajit.120t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

pe�ainvite

kanRECIP

ta.jahwalk

pʌʔgo

tʌ�ʔcome

m9.pe�ʔmother

dʌʔwater

mṳajone

tuaŋlake

And so they helped each other to go walk until they came to a lake. King_Paajit.121m9.pe�ʔmother

dʌʔwater

ki�ːthat

laʔ.uawide

pa.le�ajʔvery

That lake was very wide.King_Paajit.122a.laj3P

tʌːNEG

daŋknow

paːjC

siIRR

jaːŋacross

pʌʔgo

nɛ�ːwthing

lɛʔwhere

They did not know how they could go across.

244

King_Paajit.123pʰɔːwhen

pʌʔgo

hɯːmsee

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯjʔsmall

mṳajone

naʔbody

pe�ajrow

tṳaʔboat

tʌ�ʔcome

After they went a little ways, they saw a small monk coming towards them rowing a boat.King_Paajit.124baːtwo

naʔbody

lɤ�ːjso

sɛ:krequest

ɔːn2

allowa.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯːjʔsmall

pʌʔgo

a.suajsend

pɯ�hshore

jahside

tɛ�hthere.far

nʌŋon

So the two of them asked the small monk to take them to the far shore.King_Paajit.125tɛːbut

tṳaʔboat

pɛnbe

tṳaʔboat

kɯːjʔsmall

kɯːjʔ small

But the boat was very small.King_Paajit.126pʌʔgo

bɯːnable

tɯ�ːatime

laʔeach

mṳajone

naʔbody

It was only able to take one person at a time.King_Paajit.132�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

lɤ�ːjso

ɔːnallow

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

t�ʃi�hride

tṳaʔboat

pʌʔgo

ɲṳaŋfirst

So Lady Arapim had King Paajit go across first in the boat.King_Paajit.133t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

ɔːnallow

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯːjʔsmall

tʌ�ʔcome

ra�preceive

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

jahside

kliːafter

And then they had the small monk come and get the Lady Arapim after that. King_Paajit.134a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯːjʔsmall

lɔpreturn

ra�preceive

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

an3S

hɯːmsee

�ne�aŋLady

pɛnbe

kuajperson

macbeautiful

kɯ�ːsame

�ne�aŋLady

ma.lɔ�ŋsky

tʰʌŋeven

t�ʃakbody

kʰɔːŋPOSS

an3S

kaʔso

pʰuamsmell.good

pa.le�ajʔvery

When the small monk returned to get Lady Arapim, he saw that the Lady was very beautiful, just as the Lady in the sky, even her body had a very pleasing aroma.King_Paajit.135taʔdo

ɔːnallow

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯːjʔsmall

ma�klike

an3S

This made the little monk fall in love with her.

245

King_Paajit.136lɤ�ːjso

kɯ�tthink

pʰiʔtry

pe�ajrow

tṳaʔboat

diʔflee

pʌʔgo

jahside

ka.nɔhanother

And so he thought to try to row the boat to another side of the lake, fleeing from King Paajit.King_Paajit.137�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

siIRR

wa�wspeak

sɛ:krequest

ɔːnallow

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯːjʔsmall

pʌʔgo

a.suajsend

mɔŋplace

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

ɤːtLOC

The Lady Arapim would ask the small monk to take her to where King Paajit was.King_Paajit.138an3S

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

ta.mɯ�ŋlisten

But he would not listen.King_Paajit.139pʰɔːwhen

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯːjʔsmall

pe�ajrow

tṳaʔboat

klaːjpass.by

kaltree

la.we�ahfig

hɯkbig

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

atɤːŋsay

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯːjʔsmall

paːjC

kʰanif

ma�klike

an3S

lɯ�ʔvery

ɔːnallow

t�ʃoːngo.up

poːcpick

pa.la�ifruit

la.we�ahfig

tʌ�ʔcome

ɔːnallow

an3S

t�ʃa:eat

When the small monk rowed the boat past a large fig tree, Lady Arapim spoke and told the monk that if he loved her very much, she wanted him to go up and pick some figs and bring them back so that she could eat them.King_Paajit.140a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

kɯːjʔsmall

t�ʃɯ�abelieve

The small monk believed her.King_Paajit.141 an3S

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ajrow

tṳaʔboat

pʌʔgo

t�ʃe�ʔclose

t�ʃe�ʔclose

kaltree

la.we�ahfig

So he rowed the boat very close to the fig tree.King_Paajit.142t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

t�ʃoːngo.up

poːcpick

iːttake

pa.la�ifruit

la.we�ahfig

ɔːnallow

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

t�ʃa:eat

And then he went up to pick the figs for Lady Arapim to eat.

246


�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

kaʔso

pe�ajrow

tṳaʔboat

diʔflee

lɔpreturn

t�ʃoʔto

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

Then Lady Arapim rowed the boat back to King Paajit.King_Paajit.144tɛːbut

kaʔso

tʌːNEG

hɯːmsee

But she did not see him.King_Paajit.145 an3S

lɤ�ːjso

pe�ajrow

tṳaʔboat

pʌʔgo

tɛkcontinuously

t�ʃoːngo.up

tʌ�ʔcome

krṳaŋcity

krut.raːtKrutraat

So she rowed and rowed the boat until she came to the city of Krutraat. King_Paajit.146 �ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

tahleave

tṳaʔboat

Then Lady Arapim left the boat.King_Paajit.147t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

ta.jahwalk

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

krṳaŋcity

Then she walked into the city.King_Paajit.148 t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

a.lṳːrest

ɤːtLOC

mɔŋplace

doŋhouse

kɯːjʔsmall

mṳajone

doŋhouse

Then she went and rested in a small house.King_Paajit.149an3S

lɤ�ːjso

daŋknow

paːjC

pɛnbe

doŋhouse

te�andonate

krɤ�ːŋthing

kra�wthing

kʰɔːŋPOSS

kuajperson

ra�ŋrich

mṳajone

doŋhouse

So she realized that it was a house that stored things donated by a rich person.King_Paajit.150tʌ�ʔcome

te�andonate

ra.t�ʃiːnfood

kapand

tʰrɛːshirt

a.laːjpants

ɔːnallow

kuajperson

tṳhpoor

The rich person donated food and clothes for poor people.

247

King_Paajit.151 pʰɔːwhen

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

hɯːmsee

ka.lo�ːŋcoffin

t�ʃoʔin

kuajperson

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

taŋset.up

ɤːtLOC

t�ʃe�ʔclose

t�ʃe�ʔ close

doŋhouse

ki�ːthat

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

lɤ�ːjso

iːttake

rɛ�hroot

a.loaŋstem

tʰiːREL

iːttake

tetstuck

t�ʃakbody

tʌ�ʔcome

nʌŋon

When Lady Arapim saw a coffin with a body in it displayed very close to that house, Lady Arapim then took the root which she had been carrying with her. King_Paajit.152a.baːtchew

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

prujhspray

t�ʃoʔin

kuajperson

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

After chewing the root, she sprayed it out of her mouth onto the dead person.King_Paajit.153 t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kuajperson

ki�ːthat

kaʔso

mo�ːjhresurrect


Then that person came back to life.King_Paajit.154pʰɔːwhen

kuajperson

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

mo�ːjhresurrect

t�ʃʌ�ːPST

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

kaʔso

daŋknow

paːjC

an3S

pɛnbe

kɔːnchild


kʰɔːŋPOSS

kuajperson

ra�ŋrich

ra.mɯ�hname

paːjC

pa.tʰum.ke.sɔːnPathumkesawn

When the dead person had come back to life, Lady Arapim learned that she was the daughter of the rich person named Bathumkesawn.King_Paajit.155tɔːnperiod

an3S

t�ʃi.tʌhtake.last

ra.ŋɯ�hbreath

ku.t�ʃiːtdie

m9.pe�ʔmother

m9.poafather

kʰɔːŋPOSS

an3S

iːttake

ka.lo�ːŋcoffin

kʰɔːŋPOSS

an3S

a.tʌʔbring

dɒʔput

t�ʃe�ʔ close

t�ʃe�ʔclose

doŋhouse

te�andonate

krɤ�ːŋthing

kra�wthing

na�ithis

During the time when she took her last breath, her mother and father had brought her coffin and placed it close to the donation house. King_Paajit.156ɲṳaːnbecause

bɯːnEXIST

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

mṳajone

naʔClf_person

atɤːŋsay

paːjC

mṳajone

si.ŋa�iday

siIRR

bɯːnEXIST

kuajperson

iːttake

ra.hawmedicine

wi.seːtmagic

tʌ�ʔcome

poːheal

ɔːnallow

mo�ːjhresurrect

bɯːnable

Because there was a monk who said that one day there would be a person who would come bringing some magic medicine to heal her so that she could be able to come alive again.

248


�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

bɯːnhad


lɯ�ːaŋstory

kʰɔːŋPOSS

�ne�aŋLady


t�ʃʌ�ːPST

an3S

kaʔso

sɛ:krequest

le�aleave

pʌʔgo

na�mfollow

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

When Lady Arapim had understood the story of Lady Pathumkesawn, she then asked to take leave to follow King Paajit.King_Paajit.158�ne�aŋLady


sɛ:krequest

na�mfollow

pʌʔgo

nʌŋwith

Lady Pathumkesawn asked to go with her.King_Paajit.159�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

tʌːNEG

daŋknow

nɛ�ːwthing

siIRR

wa�wspeak

lɤ�ːjso

ɔːnallow

an3S

pʌʔgo

nʌŋwith

Lady Arapim did not know what she should say so she allowed her (Pathumkesawn) to go with her (Arapim).King_Paajit.160ɲṳaːnbecause

a.laj3P

tʌːNEG

ɔːnallow

pɛnbe

n9.trawwhat

a.laj3P

lɤ�ːjso

tɛːŋprepare

t�ʃakbody

pɛnbe

ra.kɔŋman

Because they did not want anything bad to happen, they prepared their bodies to be men. King_Paajit.161a.laj3P

ka.kuhpray.kneel

ɔːnallow

tʰeːw.daːgod

t�ʃṳajhelp

ɔːncause

t�ʃakbody

a.laj3P

pɛnbe

ra.kɔŋman

They prayed for the gods to help them by causing their bodies to be male.King_Paajit.162sɔkhair

ku.ti�ː long

ku.ti�ː long

a.laj3P

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

pʰaʔentrust

a.-dɒʔCAUS-place

kapwith

kaltree

a.loaŋstem

kaltree

sɔːŋ.nɔːŋSawngnawng

They hid their very long hair by placing it and entrusting it to a Sawngnawng tree.King_Paajit.163luːthigh

lɔːŋleg

kaʔso

pʌʔgo

pʰaʔentrust

a.-dɒʔCAUS-place

kapand

kaltree

lɔːŋleg

�ne�aŋLady

They entrusted their legs and placed them with a “Lady-leg” tree.

249

King_Paajit.164jahside

a.te�abreast

mo�nround

mo�nround

kʰɔːŋPOSS

a.laj3P

pʌʔgo

pʰaʔentrust

dɒʔput

kapand

kaltree

ŋiwNgiw

As for their round breasts, they entrusted them by placing them with a Ngiw tree.King_Paajit.165a.laj3P

taʔdo

saːlike

na�ithis

baːtwo

naʔbody

lɤ�ːjso

pɛnbe

ra.kɔŋman

a.te�abreast

pa�ithree

t�ʃi.kaːthands.[measure]

After they did all of these things, the two of them became men with chests measuring three hands.King_Paajit.166a.mʌ�ʔanyone

hɯːmsee

kaʔso

ŋ9.kɔhafraid

tʌːNEG

kaːbrave

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃe�ʔnear

If anyone saw them, they were afraid and did not dare to come near.King_Paajit.167a.laj3P

ta.jahwalk

tʌ�ʔcome

krṳaŋcity

mṳajone

krṳaŋcity

sɯŋwhich

kɔːnchild


pa.ne�aruler

kla�pPASS

ku.t�ʃʰansnake

kapand

ku.t�ʃiːtdieThey walked until they came to a city in which the King's daughter had been bitten by a snake and had died.King_Paajit.168tʰa.haːnsoldier

kʰɔːŋPOSS

krṳaŋcity

ki�ːthat

ta�ɲhit

ko�ːaŋgong

t�ʃuajʔsearch

mɔːdoctor

kɛŋexcellent

a.-tʌʔCAUS-bring

poːheal

The soldiers of that city were striking a gong to call a good doctor to come and heal her.King_Paajit.169kʰanif

a.mʌ�ʔanyone

poːheal

ɔːnfor

kɔːnchild


pa.ne�aruler

waʔheal

bɯːnable

pa.ne�aruler

siIRR

m9.pɛʔdivide

krṳaŋcity

ɔːnallow

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

mṳajone

kʌ�ŋhalf

kapand

a.jʌʔlift.up

kɔːnchild


ɔːnallow

pɛnbe

m9.pa�iwife

prṳːamalso

If anyone were able to heal the King's daughter, the King would divide the city and let that person rule one half; and he would give his daughter in marriage to that person.

250

King_Paajit.170baːwyoung.man

arapimArapim

ra�preceive

boʔmouth

pa.ne�aruler

paːjC

siIRR

pɛnbe

kuajperson

poːheal

kɔːnchild


an3SThe young man Arapim agreed with the king that he (she?) would be the one to heal his daughter. King_Paajit.171an3S

iːttake

rɛ�hroot

a.loaŋstem

wi.seːtmagic

a.baːtchew

He took the magic root and chewed it.King_Paajit.172 t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

prujhspray

t�ʃoʔin

t�ʃonuntil

mo�ːjhresurrect

pɛnbe

kuajperson

kɯ�ːsame

ti�ː.jaʔbefore

Then he sprayed the medicine from his mouth onto the dead girl until she came alive and was the same as she was before.King_Paajit.173 pa.ne�aruler

krṳaŋcity

lɤ�ːjso

a.jʌʔlift.up

krṳaŋcity

ɔːnallow

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

mṳajone

kʌ�ŋhalf

kapand

iːttake

kɔːnchild


ɔːngive

prṳːamalsoSo the king of the city gave half of the city to (Arapim) and took his daughter to give to him also.King_Paajit.174 tɛːbut

baːwyoung.man

arapimArapim

tʌːNEG

iːttake

But the young man Arapim did not take her.King_Paajit.175t�ʃʌ�ːPST

an3S

kaʔso

sɛ:krequest

buatmonk.be

pɛnbe

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

And then he asked to become a monk.King_Paajit.176kapand

sɛ:krequest

ɔːnallow

a.laj3P

taʔdo

lo�ːŋClf_building

te�andonate

ra.t�ʃiːnfood

ɔːnallow

kuajperson

tṳhpoor

t�ʃa:eat

And asked that they make a house for poor people to come and eat donated food.

251

King_Paajit.177kapand

ɔːncause

kuajperson

tʰiːwho

ta.jahwalk

tʌ�ʔcome

tɛːfrom

krṳaŋcity

ka.nɔhanother

bɯːnable

a.lṳːrest

mɯːajtired

prṳːamable

And have the house be a place where a person who travels from another city can rest also.King_Paajit.178 kapand

sɛ:krequest

ɔːncause

kuajperson

tʰiːREL

waːtpaint

ruːpform

kɛŋexcellent

ɔːnallow

waːtpaint

lɯ�ːaŋstory

kʰɔːŋPOSS

a.t�ʃaw dɯːmREFL.PRO

kapand

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

tɛːfrom

ɲṳaŋfirst

ɲṳaŋfirst

t�ʃonuntil

tʌ�ʔcome

ra.tahseparate

kanRECIP

And he asked that they have an artist to paint the story of himself/herself and King Paajit from the beginning until they were separated from each other (on the walls of that house).King_Paajit.179t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

ɔːncause

tʰa.haːnsoldier

a.ka�nwait

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

paːjC

kuajperson

lɛʔwhere

tʰiːREL

tʌ�ʔcome

a.lṳːrest

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

doŋhouse

te�andonateAnd then have soldiers wait and watch whoever came to rest in the donation house.King_Paajit.180t�ʃʌ�ːPST

pʌʔgo

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

ruːpform

ɔːnallow

tʰa.haːnsoldier

tʌ�ʔcome

atɤːŋsay

an3S

And if that person went to look at the pictures, he wanted the soldiers to come and tell him.King_Paajit.181 bɯːnEXIST

mṳajone

si.ŋa�iday

tʰa.haːnsoldier

tʌ�ʔcome

atɤːŋsay

an3S

paːjC

bɯːnEXIST

kuajperson

tʌ�ʔcome

a.lṳːrest

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

doŋhouse

te�andonate

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

ruːpform

t�ʃʌ�ːthen

kaʔso

ta.kṳːsit

ɲe�amcry

t�ʃonuntil

sa.lɔpfaint

pʌʔgo

One day the soldiers came and told him that there was a person who had come to rest in the donation house and who had looked at the pictures and then had sat down and cried until he fainted.King_Paajit.182 �ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

tʰiːREL

ɤːtLOC

nʌŋon

t�ʃakbody

tʰiːREL

pɛnbe

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

atɤːŋsay

ɔːnallow

tʌ�ʔcome

t�ʃoʔin

The Lady Arapim who was in the body of a monk told them to have him come to her.

252


hɯːmsee

kaʔso

t�ʃɯːremember

bɯːnable

lɤ�ːjso

paːjC

pɛnbe

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

When she saw him she recognized that he was King Paajit.King_Paajit.184 t�ʃʌ�ːthen

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

kaʔso

wa�wspeak

lɯ�ːaŋstory

tʰiːREL

a.laj3P

ra.tahseparate

kanRECIP

ɔːnallow


Then Lady Arapim told him the story of how they were separated from each other so that he would understand. King_Paajit.185 t�ʃi.nɔːnow

sɛːmyounger

bɯːnEXIST

baŋ.bottransform

ɔːnallow

t�ʃakbody

kʰɔːŋPOSS

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

pɛnbe

ra.kɔŋman

“Now I have transformed my body into a man's body.” King_Paajit.186 t�ʃʌ�ːPST

kaʔso

buatmonk.be

pɛnbe

a.ɲaː.kuːmonk

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

atɤːŋsay

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

“And then I became a monk,” The Lady Arapim told King Paajit.King_Paajit.187 t�ʃʌ�ːthen

t�ʃakbody

sɛːmyounger

siIRR

lɔpreturn

pɛnbe

kɯ�ːsame

ti�ːjaʔbefore

bɯːnable

ɤːtLOC

bɔːPrt_Q

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

a.blɯhask

“Then your body will be able to return to normal?” King Paajit asked. King_Paajit.188 tʰiːREL

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

taʔdo

saːlike

na�ithis

ɲṳaːnbecause

ŋ9.koaʔ1S

ma�klike

ma��i�2S

“These things which I have done because I love you.” King_Paajit.189 arapimArapim

siIRR

ka.kuhpray.kneel

ɔːnallow

t�ʃakbody

lɔpreturn

pɛnbe

ma.sɛːmwoman

kɯ�ːsame

ti�ːjaʔbefore

t�ʃi.nɔːnow

laʔPrt_evid

“Now I will pray so that my body returns to become a woman the same as before.” King_Paajit.190t�ʃʌ�ːthen

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

pe�ainvite

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

mṳːtenter

t�ʃoʔin

waŋpalace

Then Lady Arapim invited King Paajit to enter into the palace.

253


kaʔso

atɤːŋsay

ɔːnfor

pa.ne�aruler

daŋknow

lɯ�ːaŋstory

kṳːevery

nɛ�ːwthing

And then she told the king so that he would know the whole story.King_Paajit.192jahside


kaʔso

ka.kuhpray.kneel

ɔːnallow

t�ʃakbody

lɔpreturn

pɛnbe

ma.sɛːmwoman

kɯ�ːsame

ti�ːjaʔbefore

As for Pathumkesawn, he prayed so that her body would return to be a woman the same as before.King_Paajit.193kapand

sɛ:krequest

na�mfollow

pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

kapand

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

t�ʃṳːreturn

krṳaŋcity


And asked to follow King Paajit and Lady Arapim to return to Inthapatha city.King_Paajit.194�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

pʌʔgo

ra�preceive

m9.pe�ʔmother

tʌ�ʔcome

ɤːtlive

nʌŋwith

Lady Arapim went and got her mother to come live with them.King_Paajit.195pa.ne�aruler

paa.t�ʃitPaajit

kapand

�ne�aŋLady

arapimArapim

kaʔso

ɲɛ�ːŋwatch

krṳaŋcity

ɤːtlive

ma.nɤːjtogether

ruaʔhappy

ɔːgood

kṳː every

kṳː every

si.ŋajdayKing Paajit and Lady Arapim governed the city and lived together every day.King_Paajit.196 sotendThe End

254

RESUME

Name: Charles Thomas Tebow II

Date of Birth: 13/02/68

Place of Birth: Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA

Institutions Attended: 1986 Burnsville High School

1990 Bethel University, Bachelor of Arts (Bible and Theology)

Contact Details [email protected]

255

Documents

+Tebow-Participant_reference_in_Bru_narrative_texts _2010