Tamara Bray

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128 Multi-Ethnic ettlement nd Interregional xchange n Ecuador Bray

Figure 8. Plan of the site of Shanshipampa.

walls (Oberem 1980: 147-148; Ortegon 1577, in New-son 1995: 86).

These ethnic groups were known o have had distinctivemortuary ractices s well. Shaft tomb burials are foundamong both the Pasto and Caranqui (Doyon 1988;Martinez 977). The latter also commonly onstructed u-nerary mounds Oberem 1981c). The Quijos as well as thePasto interred ome of their dead in pit burials beneathhouse floors (Martinez 1977; Oberem 1980: 245-251).

The Quijos are also known to have practiced mummifica-tion and to have used urn burials (Oberem 1980:245-251; Ortegon 1577, in Newson 1995: 88). Otherelements f the archaeological ecord hat were expected oreveal thnic differences n this area ncluded pottery tylesand vessel orms, ood preferences spotentially ndicatedby paleobotanical emains and cooking features, and fea-tures relating o distinctive agricultural ractices nd tech-

niques.

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Journal of Field Archaeology Vol. 30, 2005 129

With these objectives in mind, test excavations at thesite focused on extant surface and subsurface eatures. Tests

totaling 110 sq m were excavated to depths of 1 m on av-erage during the three field seasons. The types of features

present at the site include low linear mounds, small tomedium-sized hemispherical mounds, rock-faced terracesand platforms, rock alignments, fire pits and hearths, un-

derground ovens, petroglyphs, and two burial caves con-

taining multiple interments (fig. 8).

LINEAR MOUNDS

Low linear mounds (fig. 8) are concentrated n the low-er western sector of the site. These parallel barrow-like ea-tures are perpendicular o the slope. Their uphill ends fre-

quently abut unfaced terrace risers. The mounds are 1 to 2

m tall, range from 6 to 9 m in width, and are from 20 to100 m in length. Spacing between mounds varies from 12to 28 m. Test excavations suggest that these features con-sist of piled colluvium. Probing the areas between mounds

yielded substantially lower densities of cultural materialsthan elsewhere at the site. While these features are some-what enigmatic, their association with terraces and con-centration n the lower elevations of the site, the lack of as-sociated artifacts, and ethnohistoric and ethnographic in-formation on indigenous farming practices (e.g., Caillavet

1983b, 1989; Knapp and Preston 1987) suggest that theyhad an agricultural use relating to the division of fields.

TERRACES

Both faced and unfaced terraces are another commonelement at the site. These features appear o have been con-structed by cutting into the slope on a 90 degree angle and

using the resulting fill to create a level area. The terraces arenot normally provided with retainer walls, perhaps owingto their relatively ow height (50-80 cm), though a few doexhibit piled fieldstone facing. The terraces range in lengthfrom 12 to 80 m and are typically 8 to 15 m wide. In thelower sectors of the site, these features are directly associ-ated with the low linear mounds while in the middle and

upper elevations, they may have served as platforms forboth small hemispherical mounds and dwellings.

Based on the analysis of soil samples from a number ofterraces n the lower half of the site, it appears that thesefeatures were purposefully cleared of the natural arboreal

vegetation and dedicated to the production of corn, beans,potatoes, and a species of gourd known locally as zapallo(Cesar Veintimilla, personal communication 2000). Clear-

ing was likely accomplished through the use of a slash andburn technology based on the amount of carbon noted inthe flotation samples and the high proportions of car-bonized grass as opposed to arboreal species. Of consider-

able interest is the presence of the species maranta (a vari-

ety of arrowroot) in 6 of 10 flotation samples from the ex-

cavation units. Maranta is a tropical lowland species thatdoes not grow naturally beyond 1000 m above sea level.The rhizome of this plant yields a highly comestible starchsimilar to tapioca. It is also said to have medicinal proper-ties and was used as a remedy for spider and scorpion bitesand poisoned arrows. Its presence at the site provides goodevidence of contact with the eastern owlands. Interesting-ly, it is found only in the lower sectors of the site, specifi-cally in association with two small burial mounds.

In the second season of fieldwork, a pilot study was un-dertaken o determine the utility of geophysical techniquesfor identifying subsurface features at the site. Several sec-tors were gridded and surveyed with a proton magno-tometer. Interpretation of the magnotometer data provedmore complex than originally anticipated due, in part, tothe amount of basalt present at the site. Numerous anom-alies were registered in the field and several were testedwith mixed results. One strong subsurface anomaly identi-fied in the magnotometer survey on an upper terrace was

interpreted as a circular eature with a magnetic spike in thecenter. This anomaly was thought to be potentially signifi-cant as one of the house types associated with the proto-historic populations of this region was the round bohio.Test units placed in the vicinity of this anomaly revealed acircular void in an otherwise dense layer of cobbles (fig.9). This negative feature (feature 14) had a firepit in the

center as well as other evidence of domestic activity in-cluding a large olla found in situ, a complete mano and anunusual round metate, two spindle whorls, and a variety ofsherds and lithic debris. We have tentatively identified thisfeature as a house floor.

Excavations n two other terraces n the upper sector ofthe site also produced large globular jars in situ in associa-tion with considerable amounts of domestic debris. Car-bon from the interior of one such vessel associated with ane-sw trending rock alignment yielded a radiocarbon dateof 910 70 b.p. (Beta no. 136129), indicating a calibrat-ed date of between a.d. 1000 and 1265 at two sigmas.

HEMISPHERICAL MOUNDSThe hemispherical and oblong-shaped mounds scat-

tered about the site, known locally as tolas, appear o haveserved different purposes. In some instances the archaeo-

logical evidence suggests a domestic function, while in oth-er cases the mounds are clearly mortuary features. One ofthe larger oblong mounds (Tola 1), when excavated, re-vealed several possible hearths n the middle and lower lev-els. These features along with ceramics, several brokenmanos, and an oval-shaped metate suggest a domestic



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130 Multi-Ethnic ettlement nd Interregional xchange n Ecuador Bray

function, though no architectural emains were identified.On the terrace abutting this mound immediately to the

east, a domed pit feature with a distinctive white clay fillmeasuring approximately 60 cm in diameter and 83 cm

deep was discovered about 0.5 m below the surface (fig.io). In the center top of the feature was a rectangular hol-low with an apparent side vent. The walls of the interiorchamber had been heated to such a degree that they were

nearly vitrified, suggesting exposure to extremely high fir-

ing temperatures. Associated with the feature were piecesof carbon, obsidian and basalt flakes, ceramics, and a singlepiece of charred bone. While its function is unclear, t mayrepresent a carefully prepared underground oven. Zeidlerand Pearsall (1994: 95) have reported the presence of

shallow earth ovens with clay-lined walls on the Ecuado-

rian coastal plain that date to a.d. 700-1000. There is alsoa possibility that this feature could be associated with met-

al-working activities (Shimada 1987b, 1994: 202-206).Two of the three smaller hemispherical mounds we test-

ed in the lower sector of the site proved to be mortuary ea-tures. Our findings, together with the fact that local loot-ers tend to focus on these features as well, supports the sug-gestion that the smaller-sized mounds (tolitas) were con-structed for mortuary purposes and are functionally dis-tinct from the larger mounds at the site. Features 5 and 6were small hemispherical mounds constructed over central

pit graves encircled by stone rings two courses high (fig.ii, top). In both instances, the stone rings were exactly 3 m

in diameter.Feature 6 yielded the back dentition of a single individ-

ual, a young adult between 14 and 25 years of age, at thebottom of the center pit at a depth of 120 cm below thesurface. Included with this burial was a single completePanzaleo vessel (fig. ii, bottom). One radiocarbon date of250 100 b.p. (Beta 136125) from charcoal associatedwith this pot yielded a calibrated date between a.d. 1445and 1805 at two sigmas.

Recent unauthorized digging activity at the site con-firms that aboriginal mortuary practices continued into the

early Colonial period. In 2001, a local resident dug out ashaft tomb on his property only 500 m or so to the ne of

the tolas we had tested the previous season. The cylindricalshaft was approximately 1 m in diameter and 5 m deep. Atthe bottom were two side chambers which contained atotal of seven ceramic vessels and five brilliant turquoise-colored glass beads; no human remains were reported. Thevessels include the typical undecorated forms from the areaas well as one Panzaleo jar and one Tuza style annular-basedbowl. The beads are readily dentifiable as the Nueva Cadiz

type, which were among the earliest variety mported from

Europe to the New World (Smith and Good 1982:

Figure 9. Possible house floor (Feature 14) on a terrace n the uppersector of the site consisting of a circular area devoid of cobbles with ahearth in the center (seen in the corner in the wall profile).

41-42). This find establishes the presence of shaft tombburials at the site of Shanshipampa and documents thecontinued use of indigenous pottery styles, in particularPanzaleo and Tuza, into the early Colonial period.

BURIAL CAVES

Another type of burial practice at Shanshipampa in-

volved the use of small rock shelters excavated below sub-stantial rock outcrops. Two such features were document-ed in 1999, both at an elevation of ca. 2900 m above sealevel (fig. 8). Looters had removed all of the remains fromBurial Cave 1 prior to our project, but we were permittedto examine a significant portion of the collection. The oth-er cave (Burial Cave 2) had apparently also been visited byhuaqueros n the past but not completely looted. Each cavecontained the commingled remains of multiple individualswho were apparently nterred in large funerary urns.



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Figure 10. Cross-sectional view of the clay-lined pit feature identified in Sector A found in associationwith a larger house mound (Tola 1).

The first cave contained a minimum of 15 individuals

consisting of adults of both sexes. At least seven completefunerary urns were also recovered as well as a variety of as-sociated burial goods. The urns, which range from 44 to63 cm tall and have rim diameters from 36 to 50 cm, areall similar n appearance, and seem to be of expedient man-ufacture. There is no decoration other than minimal red

slip. Three show evidence of use-related wear on the bases.Other vessels recovered from this cave include one small

Panzaleo and one pseudo-Panzaleo ollita, a zapatiformevessel, several simple bowls and several undecorated jars.Also present in the mortuary assemblage were several smallsmooth river cobbles, including one of white quartzite,two manos, and one metate.

The second cave contained a minimum of nine individ-uals. Though disarticulated and thoroughly commingled,the remains were nonetheless well-preserved due to the dryconditions beneath the rock outcrop. The presence of small

phalanges n the assemblage suggests the likelihood that at

least some of the interments were primary burials. Whilethe vessels from Burial Cave 2 are all fragmentary, im andbody sherds correspond exactly to the large funerary urnsfrom the first cave. Based on an analysis of rim diameters,wall thickness, and surface treatment, at least 19 such urnsare present in the Cave 2 assemblage. There are also ap-proximately 60 smaller ceramic vessels in the assemblagerepresenting a variety of forms. Charred wood fragmentsrecovered from the cave yielded a conventional radiocar-bon age of 600 80b.p. (Beta-136131), calibrated o a.d.1270-1445 at two sigmas.

With respect to the use of funerary urns at Shanshipam-pa, it appears that the former inhabitants may also haveplaced their dead in urns that were perhaps buried in asso-ciation with residential structures. In one of the terraces nthe upper-central portion of the site, we excavated a largeurn in situ (D. 50 cm; H. 45 cm), the top of which was lessthan 20 cm below ground surface. While no human re-mains were preserved, one smooth white quartzite cobble,



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132 Multi-Ethnic Settlement and Interregional Exchange in Ecuador /Bray

Figure 11. Top: A small hemispherical burial mound (Feature 5) duringexcavation, showing a stone ring two courses high. Bottom: CompletePanzaleo vessel recovered from the bottom of the other excavated burialmound (Feature 6) at a depth of 120 cm below datum.

two manos and the fragments of several smaller vesselswere found inside the urn. These items correspond to thekinds of materials recovered from the burial caves. Char-

coal from the interior of this vessel produced a conven-tional radiocarbon age of 940 110 b.p. (Beta-136130),indicating a calibated date of a.d. 885 to 1285 at two sig-mas. While this date falls within the parameters of the late

prehistoric period, it is the earliest we have from Shan-shipampa.

Neither the use of funerary urns nor the use of caves for

multiple interments has been reported in the archaeologi-cal literature for the northern highlands. Oberem (1980:251) notes, however, that in the early Colonial period the

Quijos of the adjacent eastern montana often buried chil-dren, and possibly adults as well, in urns. Secondary nter-ment of human remains in decorated urns was a common

practice in the Amazonian lowlands throughout much ofthe Precolumbian era (Evans and Meggers 1968; Gillin1936; Lathrap 1970; Nordenskiold 1930). Reichel-Dol-matoff (1965: 136-138) notes the beginning of what hedescribes as an urn-burial horizon circa a.d. 1000 acrossmuch of Colombia to the north, though the urns were typ-ically placed in shaft tombs (Labbe 1986: 115-118). Thetwo radiocarbon dates associated with urn burials at thesite of Shanshipampa accord well with Reichel-Dol-matofPs estimates for the spread of this mortuary practice.

CERAMICS

Approximately 53,000 sherds were recovered duringthe three seasons of excavation. The majority are highly



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eroded and non- diagnostic utilitarian wares. Given the

poor state of preservation, he ceramic analysis ocused pri-marily on vessel morphology. Analysis of the diagnosticsherds indicates that the most common vessel forms arethose with unrestricted orifices (n = 255) likely corre-

sponding to both deep bowls or urns and shallow bowlswith short pedestal or annular ring bases that range in sizefrom large (up to D. 45 cm) to medium-sized (D. 15-25

cm). Jars with short to medium-tall necks, probably havingflat or rounded bases, comprise 22% of the classifiable rims

(n = 88), while globular-bodied ollas with and withoutnecks (n = 44) comprise the remainder of the assemblage(fig. 12).

Of the 344 bases, 35% constitute short to medium-tall

pedestals (n = 119); 19% are flat bases common in late pe-riod assemblages rom the Pasto territory (n = 65) (Uribe1977-1978: 170); 16% are short nubs or legs of polypo-dal vessels of the Capuli phase (n = 54) (Uribe 1977-78:

169); 14% are annular ring bases (n = 50); 12% are tall

pedestal bases (n = 41); and 4% are tall tripod legs typicalof the Caranqui zone (n = 15) (Meyers 1981: 282-283).

Decorated sherds are rare in the ceramic assemblagefrom the site. The decorative treatments noted include theuse of red slip (on 793 sherds), and red or black painted de-

signs (on 24 sherds). In the latter category, a total of 16sherds with painted decoration on a cream slip were iden-tified as Tuza style wares. All but one of the Tuza sherdswere recovered from the excavated terraces in the upperportion of the site (Sectors C and D).

In addition, a total of 245 Panzaleo sherds were identi-fied. Even when eroded, these wares are readily recogniz-able due to the extremely thin walls (3 to 6 mm) and thedistinctive paste used in their manufacture, gray to pink incolor with micaceous inclusions (Bray 1995b). Interest-

ingly, 94% of the Panzaleo sherds were recovered from theterraces n the upper sector of the site (n = 229), while on-

ly a handful of pieces (n = 16) were recovered from the to-las in the lower portion of the site (Sector A). The types ofdecoration as well as the vessel forms found at Shan-

shipampa suggest links with both the Pasto to the northand, to a lesser degree, the Caranqui o the south. The pres-ence of Panzaleo pottery can be taken as indicative of con-tacts with the Quijos to the east.

LITHICS

The lithics consist primarily of simple flakes and cores oflocal andesite and tiny obsidian flakes. A considerable num-ber of grinding implements were also recovered (manosand metates). While one large side-notched obsidian pro-jectile point was noted in a private collection, formal

chipped stone tools are not common in the area. The ob-

sidian, which is not locally available, may come from thesite of Mullumica located some 50 km to the south

(Ernesto Salazar, personal communication 2000; seeSalazar 1985, 1992). In addition to the basic domestic de-bris, two fragments of highly polished blackstone, one ofwhich represents a cylindrical bead preform, and six pol-ished serpentine fragments, two of which represent piecesof greenstone axes commonly associated with the Oriente,were also recovered.

La MesaThe other site in the study area hat produced significant

preliminary evidence for trans sierran contacts and whichalso, interestingly, shares a unique set of iconographic mo-tifs with Shanshipampa, as discussed above, is La Mesa (seeBray 2002). The first season of testing at the site of LaMesa was completed in 2001 (fig. 3). Though located on-

ly eight km nne of Shanshipampa, he site is situated nearthe bottom of the deep Bio Mataqui canyon at approxi-mately 2050 masl, and is considerably hotter and drierthan Shanshipampa. Occupying a broad alluvial shelf, LaMesa is associated with an extensive system of agriculturalterraces that cover the surrounding hillslopes. Investiga-tions at the site began with a systematic shovel test surveyof an area of approximately 50 ha with the aim of ascer-

taining the density and distribution of subsurface cultural

deposits. Over 700 shovel test pits were dug at 20 m in-tervals. Based on the results of this survey, six 1 x 1 m testunits were placed above the flagstone pavement describedearlier where considerable subsurface materials were noted.

Even though the testing operation was minimal, thesmall number of units at La Mesa yielded more decorated

pottery than any other site in the Pimampiro district, in-

cluding Shanshipampa (fig. 13). The decorated diagnosticelements included 85 pieces of Tuza pottery, 5 Piartalsherds, and 30 Panzaleo fragments. Analysis of the rims re-covered at La Mesa (n = 251) revealed the same basicforms and percentages across vessel categories as found at

Shanshipampa 67% bowls, 23% jars, 10% globular ollas).A number of special finds such as a worked bone handle, a

ground quartzite pendant fragment, and the remains of

tropical bird species such as Sarcoramphus apa (King vul-ture) were also recovered.

Analysis of faunal and botanical remains indicates thatthe residents had a rich and varied diet. In particular, quan-tities of land snails (churos) nd carbonized maize (var. can-

guil; Bob Thompson, personal communication 2002)were recovered, as well as guinea pig, agouti, rabbit, deer,turtle, llama, and dog bones (Peter Stahl, personal com-munication 2002). A single radiocarbon date from an or-

ganic deposit containing Tuza pottery at approximately 3



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134 Multi-Ethnic Settlement and Interregional Exchange in Ecuador /Bray

Figure 12. Rim profiles of the different vessel categories identified at Shanshipampa and La Mesa. TypesA-D: unrestricted vessel forms (bowls); Types E-G: globular- bodied ollas with and without necks; TypesH-I: medium and tall-necked jars.

m below the surface yielded a conventional radiocarbondate of 770 80 b.p. (Beta-65734), indicating a calibrat-ed date of between a.d. 1050 and 1390 at two sigmas.

The private collection of the property owner contains

the following items recovered from burials associated withthe site of La Mesa: several small copper discs, strings ofbone and shell beads, several ocarinas, various ceramic ves-

sels, and two coquero figurines. Coqueros, which are ce-



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Figure 13. Decorated Tuza-style ooted bowls from La Mesa (drawings by J. Waskul).

ramie representations of coca-chewers known throughoutthe Carchi-Narino region to the north, are typically foundin mortuary contexts. The coca-chewers are usually seatedon a stool (duho), have one or both hands resting on theirknees, have face paint or tattooing, and wear a loincloth.The clothing, facial tatoos, blunt haircuts, and the promi-nent use of stools are all diagnostic features of tropical ow-land cultures. I suggest that these figures materially sym-bolized the relationship between power, wealth, coca, and

tropical lowland connections in this region.In comparison with other sites in the Pimampiro dis-

trict, the archaeological deposits and features encounteredat La Mesa indicate that the residents of this site were con-

siderably wealthier than their neighbors. I would arguethat the source of this wealth was directly related to con-trol over the associated agricultural terraces, which maywell have been used for the cultivation of coca.

Discussion

Recent archaeological investigations at Shanshipampaand La Mesa in the Pimampiro district of highlandEcuador have yielded new insights into the significance of

highland-lowland interactions and modes of interzonal ar-ticulation in the northern Andes during the late Pre-columbian period. A series of radiocarbon dates indicatethat these two sites were occupied for several centuries dur-ing the latter half of the Integration period (a.d.500-1500). Though they appear to be essentially contem-

poraneous, Shanshipampa may have been occupied slight-ly earlier (circa a.d. 900), and persisted nto the early Colo-nial period. While investigations at La Mesa are more lim-ited, there is no indication of continued occupation thereinto the Colonial era. The relationship between the twosites is demonstrated by the shared iconographic motifs onthe petroglyphs at Shanshipampa and the carved flagstones



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136 Multi-Ethnic ettlement nd Interregional xchange n Ecuador /Bray

at La Mesa. The double-headed serpent motif, in particu-lar, is unique to these two sites and may represent the in-

signia of the small polity of Chapi (Bray 2002).The archaeological data recovered at both La Mesa and

Shanshipampa upport the hypothesis that residents main-tained significant contacts with the groups from the east-ern flanks and foothills of the Andes. Extra-local goods andremains indicative of linkages with tropical lowland cul-tures include the widespread occurrence of Panzaleo pot-tery and the presence of maranta, greenstone axe frag-ments, tropical bird remains (at La Mesa), coquero fig-urines, and the simian and ophidian iconography foundacross a range of media in the Pimampiro district. Tuza, Pi-artal, and Capuli style pottery, as well as carved stone sculp-tures, also suggest ties with the Pasto region to the north,while the widespread occurrence of obsidian and lesseramounts of Caranqui style pottery indicate contacts to thesouth and sw.

The ubiquitous low-frequency distribution of obsidian,arrowroot, and Panzaleo pottery at Shanshipampa uggeststhat regional networks were organized at the level of thehousehold between members of this community and oth-ers located in neighboring but ecologically distinctivezones. In general, there seems to be little evidence for acentralized authority directing or controlling the distribu-tion of foreign goods. The data correspond, at least in part,to a specific type of economic arrangement found in the

equatorial Andes and described as micro-verticality. sdefined by Oberem (1978), micro-verticality efers o a sit-uation in which a community has access to a variety of pro-duction zones within a day's journey due to the compact-ed nature of the ecozones in the northern Andes. This pre-cluded the need for permanent extra-territorial coloniessuch as those that typify the vertical archipelago model as-sumed for much of the central Andes. Evidence that Shan-shipampa was a multi-ethnic settlement, however, compli-cates this picture.

At Shanshipampa domestic and mortuary features, aswell as the ethnohistoric data, suggest that the site was oc-cupied by residents of different ethnic backgrounds. Withrespect to house forms, two types of domestic structuresare discernible: those situated atop hemispherical moundsor tolas in the lower sector of the site, and those situatedon low terraces in the upper portion of the site. Housemounds are a common feature among the Caranqui im-

mediately to the south and west of the Pimampiro district(Athens 1980; Jijon y Caamano 1920: 47; Oberem1981a). An underground oven was discovered in associa-tion with the house mound excavated n the lower portionof the site, the only one found at the site. The lower sec-tion of the site, where the majority of tolas are found, also

produced significantly fewer Panzaleo and Tuza sherds andwas the only zone that yielded arrowroot phytoliths in the

flotation samples.A domestic feature (no. 14) situated on a terrace n the

upper sector of the site, identified through its negativefootprint as a circular abode, is approximately 3.5 m indiameter and has a large fire pit in the center. Circularhouse forms of similar size, known as bohios, are charac-teristic of the Carchi-Narino region immediately to thenorth. Other distinguishing evidence associated with thisfeature ncludes the 14 sherds of Panzaleo pottery, a pair of

spindle whorls, charred kernels of corn, as well as a unique-ly shaped round metate, the only such specimen discoveredon the site.

Several features indicating different types of mortuarypractice were also documented at Shanshipampa. Thesefeatures include funerary mounds, shaft tomb burials, in-dividual interment in urns associated with house terraces,and multiple interments in burial caves involving the use of

funerary urns. Both the burial mounds and the shaft tombsdate from the end of the Integration period to the earlyColonial period, while the mortuary practices involvingurn burials are slightly earlier. n general, however, there issufficient overlap n dates and insufficient differentiation nterms of associated ceramics and other funerary tems, torule out the possible contemporaneity of these different

mortuary practices.Burial mounds are a distinctive feature of the Caranqui

(Jijon y Caamano 1941, 1952: 342; Oberem and Hart-mann 1981: 50-53). Oberem (1981c: 133-134) indicatesthat the hemispherical mounds at the site of Cochasqui,many of which were funerary, were constructed betweena.d. 900 and 1300 with the majority of dates clusteringaround a.d. 1000. This is considerably earlier han the onedated context at Shanshipampa. A possible explanation forthis discrepancy, given the presumed multi-ethnic charac-ter of the site, could be that the use of such mounds repre-sented a revival of a particular cultural practice as a con-scious strategy of ethnic differentiation (Hodder 1982).

Shaft tomb burials are found in both Pasto and Caran-

qui territory, hough the practice seems to have been muchmore common in the former zone (Doyon 1988; Francis-co 1969; Meyers et al. 1981; Uribe 1977-1978). This fu-

nerary practice appears to be considerably earlier amongthe Caranqui (a.d. 100-350) than in the Carchi-Narino re-

gion (a.d. 1100 to 1650), suggesting that the shaft tombsat Shanshipampa are likely a Pasto manifestation. Shafttomb burial sites in the Pais Caranqui from which radio-carbon dates have been obtained include Malchingui,which produced an uncalibrated date of a.d. 150 (Meyerset al. 1981: 161) and La Florida, dating to a.d. 340 (un-



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calibrated) (Doyon 1988: 52). In the Carchi-Narino re-

gion, radiocarbon dates from shaft tomb burials fall be-

tween A.d. 1100 and a.d. 1650 (uncalibrated) (Cardenas1989: 29-30; Uribe 1977-1978: 167). Burials beneathhouse floors and urn burials have been documented for the

Quijos of the eastern Andean slopes during the late prehis-toric and early Colonial periods as well as for other groupsof the Amazonian lowlands (Oberem 1980: 245-251;Newson 1995: 88). As noted earlier, urn burials becomecommon across much of Colombia beginning ca. a.d.1000 (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1965: 136-138). The use ofsuch burial furniture at Shanshipampa may reflect the pres-ence of either Quijos, as indicated by Borja (1965 [1591]),or ethnic groups from other parts of Colombia beyond theCarchi-Narino area.

Taken as a whole, the archaeological evidence supportsthe idea that Shanshipampa comprised a multi-ethnic en-clave. In contrast, there is little evidence to suggest much,if any, intra-site socioeconomic differentiation amongmembers of this community, domestic and mortuary as-

semblages being relatively homogeneous across the site.There do, however, appear o be significant differences be-tween Shanshipampa and La Mesa, which I interpret as ev-idence of intra-polity hierarchy and differential social sta-tus. Greater wealth among the residents of La Mesa is in-dicated by the quantities of decorated serving bowls, the

diversity of foodstuffs, and the richer mortuary assem-

blages. The relative affluence of La Mesa is attributed o di-rect control over coca production.

The archaeological evidence from the Pimampiro dis-trict may not give a precise picture of the mechanisms of

interregional articulation but it seems clear that such inter-action was a fundamental feature of social and economiclife in this region. An initial reading of late 16th-centurydocuments would suggest that the Pimampiro district, and

specifically the site of Chapf, functioned as a Cport-of-trade during the late Prehispanic era. Important featuresof such centers included their multi-ethnic character, heirlocation at strategic boundary points, their political and

military neutrality, he emphasis on exclusive luxury items,and the singularity of function of such sites (Chapman1957; Revere 1957). While the archaeological data fromPimampiro support the port- of- rade model in terms ofmulti- ethnic character, strategic location, and neutrality,there is no evidence for an exclusive nterest in luxury temsor that trade was the only activity that occurred there.

An obscure method of interzonal articulation recordedfor the northern highlands that is known with reference tothe Pasto (Borja 1965 [1591]: 250; Salomon 1986: 212),may offer a better intepretive model for the archaeologicaldata from Pimampiro. The ethnohistoric information sug-

gests that the Pasto dispatched groups of highlanders totake up residence in foreign ecozones, usually the tropicallowlands (Salomon 1986: 214). The ex-patriot groupswere apparently encouraged to assimilate nto the local cul-ture and to eventually become permanent members oftheir adopted communities. While these immigrants lost

rights of community membership in their natal district,they maintained connections to it through trade. The ex-

change relationships facilitated by these transplants be-tween the highland and lowland regions may have beenone of the primary reasons for their deployment.

Although cultural assimilation is suggested, it is inter-

esting to note that the transplanted populations retainedtheir own language, as in the case of the Pasto enclave atthe site of Ancuya (AGI/S 1570-71) located within the ter-

ritorial boundaries of the Abades ethnic group in westernColombia (Salomon 1986: 212). Similarly the Pasto werenoted to be living like natives in the Pimampiro district

by Borja (1965 [1591]: 252) but were nonetheless recog-nized as Pasto. The fact that linguistic separation was main-tained suggests that other markers of ethnic difference mayhave also been retained by the assimilated populations.A contemporary example of this phenomenon is described

by Ramirez de Jara (1996) for the Sibundoy Valley locat-ed immediately east of Pasto territory and which is co-in-habited by two different indigenous groups: the Inga, whoare Quechua speakers, and the Kamsa, whose language isunaffiliated with any of the major inguistic stocks and con-sidered an isolate. The former are traders, while the latterspecialize in agriculture and craft production. I believethat the archaeological evidence from the Pimampiro dis-trict in general, and from the site of Shanshipampa more

specifically, suggests a similar type of ethnically-mixedcolony, although more than two ethnic groups were likelyco-resident.

The enduring and apparently table nature of such inter-ethnic, co -residential relations within smaller scale politiesis suggested by the presence of extra-local goods at Shan-

shipampa in dated contexts spanning a 700 year period.The type of macro-regional integration outlined here for a

specific area of the northern highlands is fundamentallygrounded in the desire for access to non-local goods andinterregional exchange. The forms of political and eco-nomic organization suggested by the archaeological, eth-nohistoric, and ethnographic data from this area might beviewed as anomalous within the context of the Pre-columbian Andes. But considered from a different per-spective, the Pimampiro case may be seen as one of a grow-ing number of examples pointing to greater variation inmodes of interzonal articulation in the Andean realm be-

yond the vertical archipelago model.



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138 Multi-Ethnic ettlement nd Interregional xchange n Ecuador/Bray

AcknowledgmentsThis research was made possible through the generous

support of the Wenner-Gren Foundation, the National Sci-ence Foundation (SBR-98 10477), and the Office of theVice President for Research at Wayne State University.Many individuals contributed to the success of the Pi-

mampiro project. I thank first Yolanda Ceballos, owner ofthe Hacienda San Leonardo in Shanshipampa, her hus-band German Herrera, and brother, Rodrigo Ceballos, for

graciously allowing us access to their property and facili-

tating our project. I extend equal thanks to the Romanfamily of Pimampiro, particularly Nacho and Patricio, for

permitting us to work at the Hacienda La Mesa. Drs.Cristobal Landazuri and Ernesto Salazar of the Catholic

University of Quito offered their support and friendshipthroughout the course of the project. In the field, I havebeen fortunate to have the help of a number of dedicatedyoung archaeologists. These include Cesar Toapanta, Mar-co Vargas and Rita Diaz, of the INPC (Instituto Nacionalde Patrimonio Cultural); Washington and German Areva-lo, and Romel Frias of Shanshipampa; and studentsColleen Donley, Cindy Frank, William Johnson, AllisonMuhammad, Rebecca Pickering, Sreekishen Nair, Linda

Schilling, Maria Toyne, Kate Van Til, Josefina Vasquez,and Alden Yepez. Don Johnson of Minneapolis, and LarryConyers of the University of Denver graciously con-tributed their time, skills and equipment for the geophysi-cal pilot study conducted in 1999. 1 also thank Tammy Sza-

tkowski for her skillful rendering of the topographic maps,Jonathon Brewster and Dawn Bender for their eleventhhour aid in revising figures, Maria Toyne for inventoryingthe human skeletal remains, Javier Urcid for specific skele-tal identifications, and Peter Stahl for the analysis of thefaunal remains from La Mesa. Finally, I offer my sincerethanks to the residents of Shanshipampa and El Cebadalwho were extremely gracious in accepting us as their tem-

porary neighbors. In particular wish to acknowledge the

friendship and assistance of the President of Shanshipam-pa, Don Anibel Mera and his family, Pepe Chasiguano andhis wife Gloria, Bolivar Arevalo, Marcela Frias, ReynaldoFrias, Rosario Herrera, Alfonso Pupiales, Juan Antonio

Chasiguano, Hectario Layton, and Mariano Cuasqui. Inthe community of El Cebedal, we are especially indebtedto the kindness of Charito Andrango.

Tamam L. Bray, an associateprofessor, pecializes n the studyofPrecolumbian ocietiesof the northern Andes and the IncaEmpire. Her research nterests nclude ancient imperial tate-craft, political economies, nterregional nteraction, nd thepolitics and place of archaeology n the modern world. Mailing

address: Department ofAnthropology, Wayne State Universi-

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