Syntactic processing of Subject-Verb NumberAgreement: The effects of distance andcomplexity on Agreement Processing.

Vicente Soto de AmestiStudent Number: 10391290Supervisor: Judith Rispens

Co-Supervisor: Sible Andringa

October 20, 2014

Abstract

The aim of the current study was to investigate how the brain interpretssubject-verb number agreement during language comprehension. Event re-lated potentials (ERP’s) where measured in order to investigate the neuralcorrelates of syntactic disagreement processing in native language process-ing. High density EEG measurements were recorded while 18 native Spanishspeaking participants read grammatical sentences as well as sentences con-taining four types of different subject-verb number disagreements. ERP’swere elicited to examine the temporal brain dynamics during on-line sen-tence processing of subject-verb number agreement and disagreement withvarying levels of distance and complexity. Subject-verb agreement violationselicited widespread negativities in the 350ms - 500ms time window, which isinterpreted as strong negativities responding to morphosyntactic ungram-maticality. A typical P600 effect is also observed in response to agreementviolations. Modulation of the P600 amplitude are examined in relation tothe effect of distance. Longer sentences elicit a larger P600 componentthen short sentences. The effect of morphosyntactic ungrammaticality isinvestigated and the possibility that subject-number agreement processingmechanisms are sensitive to aggregated distance between noun and verb isdiscussed. The conclusions of this study is an effect of aggregating distancebetween a subject and its corresponding verb on the P600 component.

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1 Introduction

For producing and comprehending/reading language there are multiples di-mensions of analysis that must be resolved before language can be under-stood. A basic well established idea in psycholinguistics is the fact thatduring language processing, properties regarding rules and information re-garding content represent two distinct levels of processing (Ferreira andClifton Jr, 1986) associated with specific time-locked electrophysiologicalresponses in the brain. In order for humans to efficiently communicatelanguage both these levels of processing must be quickly resolved and inte-grated. In native speakers event related potentials (ERP’s) can be stablyelicited by presenting subjects with sentences containing a different typesof experimental manipulations on spoken or visually presented sentences(Kaan, 2007). If errors in semantic features are present, for instance, sen-tences tend to loose their meaning and become nonsense (Sanders et al.,2002; Kutas and Hillyard, 1980). On the other hand, errors in syntacticproperties though ungrammatical, in the strictest sense, maintain meaningand allow on-line error detection and repair (Friederici et al., 2002). Subject-verb agreement, for instance, rely on purely morphosyntactic, rule-based,relationships between the subject and the verb. The purpose of this studyis to investigate brain responses to subject-verb disagreement processing innative speakers of Spanish.

When processing subject-verb number agreement, the syntactic numberfeatures of the noun must match the number features of the succeeding verb.An example of a deviation to this type of agreement is typically produced insecond language acquisition of English in sentences like ”Can we *uses thecar?”. In this example the plural subject ”we” does not share features withits corresponding verb ”*uses”. Though ungrammatical, this sentence isstill semantically interpretable and maintains meaning. Different syntacticfeatures are present in order to sustain agreement relationships and main-tain their syntactic structure in a sentence. During comprehension, numberagreement relationships require storing the features of the noun and main-taining them until the corresponding verb appears. Agreement relationships,as such, are crucial mechanisms for structurally organizing language. Theyallow for co-referencing, maintaining anamorphic relationships as well asprocessing some long distance relationships in languages with inflectionalmorphology (Silva-Pereyra and Carreiras, 2007). Specific brain processeshave been related to agreement processing. In this study we aim to investi-gate how the brain resolves agreement relationships in different cases wereit has been violated. specifically, it investigates specific cortical brain activ-ity involved in detecting and processing variations of subject-verb numberdisagreements in Spanish.

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1.1 Morphosyntactic agreement processing in Spanish

In Spanish, grammaticality correct sentences require correspondence in per-son, number and gender syntactic features between subject and verb. Num-ber morphological representation of any concept is variable because it canadopt at least two different forms, singular and plural. Never the less, num-ber features are always considered a conceptual feature identifying the quan-tity of the referent and are, there for, unambiguous in this regard. Gender,on the other hand, bares relevant conceptual characteristics when regardinganimate ones, but is arbitrarily assigned to inanimate entities, for instance”la[fem] mujer[fem]” / ”the woman” opposed to ”la[fem] guitarra[fem]” /”the guitar”. In a correct sentence then, the noun and it’s correspondingverb must coincide in number, like this simple sentence: ”Los perros estanen la casa” (”The dogs are in the house”). In this sentence both the subject(Perros / ”dogs”) and verb (estan / ”are”) are plural generating agreementbetween features. In longer, more complex sentences intervening materialcan be present between the noun and the verb ”The dog of the boys is in thehouse”, but the singular features of the head noun are maintained. Givena linguistic architecture where verb features must agree with those of thenoun, some authors argue in favour of a hierarchical account for processingsyntactic features (Carminati, 2005; Greenberg, 2005; Harley and Ritter,2002). According to this idea, agreement features have a particular estab-lished hierarchy (Person > Number > Gender). These studies proposethat hierarchical organization of agreements features represents a direct re-flection of the feature’s cognitive significance. In this way ’person’ wouldbe more salient than ’number’, and ’number’ would be more salient that’gender’. Sylva-Pereira & Carreiras (2007) found evidence against the hier-archical ordering of features in Spanish. They show no difference in syntacticcognitive processing (salience/hierarchy) between features number and per-son. In this investigation number agreement were investigated in differentsentences containing one or two nouns, as well as sentences including andadverb to append additional distance between linguistic constituents. Neu-ral processes behind subject-verb number agreement are examined in nativeSpanish speakers.

1.2 Left Anterior Negativity (LAN)

In investigating linguistic relationships, EEG has proven a pioneer researchtool by establishing time referenced events to evoked responses in the brain.Language specific ERP’s have been documented in response to multipletypes of linguistic processes (Molinaro et al., 2011). Syntactic languageproperties, for instance, are typically associated with three major ERP com-ponents in the brain, early left anterior negativity (ELAN), left anteriornegativity (LAN) and the syntactic positive shift (P600).

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ELAN, occurring typically between 100ms - 300ms post stimulus on-set time, is commonly related to first pass syntactic parsing (Hahne andFriederici, 1999), but the functional interpretation of this component, neverthe less, has been controversial. Friederici et al. (2002) . Negativities elicitedby critical words in sentences containing violations to word category viola-tions like ”The scientist criticized Max’s of proof the theorem” (Nevilleet al., 1991) differ from the negativities elicited by to morphosyntactic vio-lations (occurring between 300 and 500 ms post stimulus onset time) elicitedby sentences like All turtles have four *leg and a tail (Kutas and Hillyard,1983). Nevertheless, due to the very quick timing of this earlier responsesome authors claim that baseline problems and contextual factors may con-tribute to ELAN effects in word category violation studies. This raisesserious issues regarding the validity of these results and the interpretationof this early response (Steinhauer and Drury, 2012).

The LAN component is a negative-going deflection typically appearingas a response to morphosyntactic violations during online sentence process-ing. It reaches its maximum amplitude between 300ms and 500ms after theonset of an anomalous word. Due to that it shares a time window with an-other language related ERP (N400), laterality is a critical for determiningthe identity of the LAN. The LAN is functionally related to morphosyntacticviolations and is normally interpreted as reflecting an initial stage in whichmorphosyntactic information is processed (Friederici, 1995). In this earlystage, word form violations such as number violations, are detected as well.The laterality and location of this component show less consistency acrossstudies. In two studies (Hinojosa et al., 2003; Kaan, 2002) results show evi-dence of a bilateral anterior negativity response between 200ms and 500msfrom the apparition of a deviant word, but not specific to the left hemisphere(Hagoort et al., 2003; Hagoort, 2003; Kaan, 2007). Syntactic processing insentence comprehension proves to be among the first mechanisms to be en-gaged in language. Hinojosa et al. (2003) study two types of violation inSpanish, phrase structure and morphosyntactic violations. They found nodifferences in neural activity in response to both of these violations for theLAN component, and significantly different waveforms resulting in the laterP600 component.

1.3 The P600

The P600 is a positive-going deflection for a syntactic event related potential(EPR) that peaks around 600ms stimulus onset time and has a posteriordistribution in the brain (Osterhout and Holcomb, 1992). Also referred to asthe Syntactic Positive Shift (SPS), this component is a well studied highlyreliable ERP responding consistently to syntactic violations. The P600 hasa centro-posterior distribution across scalp locations (Hagoort et al., 1993)

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and has been typically interpreted as representing syntactic repair processesin sentence comprehension (Friederici et al., 2002). Multiple variations ofmorphosyntactic deviations can elicit a P600 response. There is consistentevidence for two main type of deviations generating this neural component;agreement mismatches between the subject and the verb (to number, gen-der or person) (Mancini et al., 2011) and ambiguously constructed sentenceswhere the correct attribution of features is unclear (i.e. garden path sen-tences). In both these cases the syntactic content in the sentence requiresidentification, revision and retrieval of the correct expression (Gouvea et al.,2010). Molinaro et al. (2011) conducted a survey of investigations into agree-ment processing. They report 74% of subject-verb number agreement stud-ies, including studies in Spanish, find evidence for a LAN / P600 pattern tosyntactic deviations, as such, we expect to find a similar evoked pattern forsyntactic deviations in our results. In interpreting the functional relevanceof the P600, Osterhout et al. (1994) propose that the amplitude of the P600waveform is in direct relation to the difficulty to generate a grammaticalrepresentation. Kaan et. al., (2000) suggest a slightly different functionalinterpretation of the P600. They provide evidence to support the idea thatthe P600 is better understood as an index for general syntactic integrationdifficulty. This investigation examined how experimental manipulations ondistance and complexity to sentences subject-verb number disagreementsmodulate resulting ERP.

1.4 Distance and complexity in agreement processing

Linear distance (i.e. the amount of words separating a noun from the verb)(Kaan, 2002; Hammer et al., 2008) and complexity (i.e. the presence ofan intervening prepositional phrase in a sentence) (Pearlmutter, 2000) canhave important effect on agreement processing. In this investigation lineardistance has been distinguished from structural distance in order to closelyexamine differences in elicited neural responses. Sentences in which an ad-verb is located between the noun and verb are understood as linearly moredistant than sentences in where the noun is immediately next to the verb.Sentences containing an additional prepositional noun phrase necessarily in-crease the amount of distance between noun and verb as well. In these ”com-plex” sentences nevertheless, an additional active noun becomes present andthe features of the intervening material must be monitored accordingly. Re-search shows that distance is not the only confining element to establish therelative difficulty of a sentence, but any element that requires higher pro-cessing loads would increase processing demands. The effect of complexityon agreement processing has also been researched in few other studies (Kaanand Swaab, 2003; Kolk et al., 2003). In the present study, complexity is ma-nipulated by adding a second, intervening, prepositional phrase in between

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the subject and the verb. Pearlmuter (2000) concluded that complex inter-vening material, like noun phrases, would decrease stored subject-numberinformation necessary to recognize subject-verb number agreement errors.Kaan (2002) tested the effects of altering the number properties in the headnoun and the object. The results show a delayed P600 component waswhen sentences contained an intervening plural noun, supporting the ideathat processing requirements limit recognition of subject-verb agreements.Kaan (2002) also found that more offline judgment errors were made whenthe stimuli sentences contained a subject that was singular and a pluralobject, compared to any other number combinations between subject andobject. A following study by Kaan and Swaab (2003) compared simple andcomplex sentences (containing two noun phrases) and found a smaller P600amplitude for the complex condition compared to the simple ones in theirERP components. Finally there is a know illusory effect within subject-verbagreement for complex sentence processing. Language production studiesevidence that speakers sometimes generate sentences where the verb inap-propriately agrees with a proximal noun phrase. Bock and Miller (1991)show that in production sentences like (1), where the singular subject ”key”does not agree with the plural verb ”are” are often regarded as correct.

(1) The key to the cabinets are on the table.

In comprehension studies sentences containing subject-verb disagree-ments overall reading times increase compared to their grammatical coun-terpart. In sentences like (1), nevertheless, the error is commonly overlookedand no delays in reading times are observed (Pearlmutter et al., 1999; Wagerset al., 2009). The number features of the interceding plural prepositionalphrase are transferred to the verb and trigger a illusion of grammaticality.The presence of a illusory agreement effect will be investigated in this studygiven that neural responses could be different than in normal subject-verbdisagreement processing.

Gibson (2000) presents the Dependancy Locality Theory (DLT) for re-source use in sentence comprehension. At the base of the DLT is the ideathat the mechanisms behind sentence parsing (i.e. online consecutive im-puting of each word given preceding information) require at least two com-putational resources. Structural integrations (i.e. incorporating a new wordinto the existing information) and keeping the sentence structure, includingfeatures, in memory. Given this proposal, ”greater the distance between anincoming word and the most local head or dependent to which it attaches,the greater the integration cost” (Gibson, 1998). Though wildly assumedthat propinquity between the subject and verb is the determining factor inhow difficult processing a particular sentence is, there is evidence to sup-port the idea that added distance between the noun and the verb can alsofacilitate processing (Konieczny, 2000).

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1.5 Research questions

This investigation looks into the differences to the ERP components elicitedby sentences containing one, and two nouns at different linear distances. Weinclude manipulations to simple and complex sentences via the addition ofan interceding adverb (positioned in all cases immediately before the verb)to study the effect of additional linear distance on LAN and the P600 aswell. The underlying assumption here is that keeping track of noun’s fea-tures requires additional processing loads and that this will be reflected inthe resulting ERP’s. We expect to see modulations of the LAN and P600amplitude to ungrammatical sentences containing two nouns opposed to one,as well as significantly larger mean amplitudes in high distance, comparedto low distance, ungrammatical conditions. The aim of the current studywas to analyse differences in evoked brain responses for agreement violationsin simple sentences containing one noun (*NP - V - PP) and complex sen-tences containing two nouns (*NP - PP - V - PP). Distance manipulationwere constructed via the addition of a interceding adverb between the nounand verb. regarding distance manipulation we also expect significantly largerERP modulations given the additional processing requirements of maintain-ing the features of the head noun. We incorporate both variables into ouranalysis in four types of sentences; Low distance Simple [NP-VP-PP], Lowdistance Complex [NP -NP-VP-PP], High distance Simple [NP-Adv-VP-PP], and High distance Complex [NP-NP-Adv-VP-PP] (details in Materialssubsection). We view modulations to LAN and P600 component waveformsin response to deviations in each condition. We aim to answer the questionif syntactic ERP’s are sensitive to experimental manipulation on complexityand linear distance. Specifically, does the addition of linear distance gener-ate a difference in the average amplitude of the LAN and P600 component?Do increments in complexity generate a significantly different neural activ-ity in agreement processing? And will we see a typical LAN/P600 ERPbiphasic pattern in response to subject-verb disagreements? We expect tosee significantly larger LAN and P600 amplitude in response to morphosyn-tactic ungrammatical complex and long sentences than in simple and shortones.

2 Methods

2.1 Participants

Twenty native speakers of Spanish participated in the experiment. Two par-ticipants were removed from the data, one due to a low score in the judgmenttask and the second given irregularities in their EEG measurements. Thedata of 18 subjects was used in the final analysis (n=18, 11 female). Ages

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ranged from 20 to 33 years old ( 25.9 mean age SD= 4.05). All partici-pants had normal or corrected to normal vision and three of them were lefthanded. Participants where recruited online using native Spanish Facebookgroups. Native Spanish speaking participants originated from four differ-ent countries, Spain(n=10), Chile (n=5), Colombia (n=2) and Argentina(n=3). One Spanish and one Chilean participants’ data was excluded fromthe sample.

All participants were measured at the research lab of the ACLC in Am-sterdam. Before testing, participants were sent an e-mail containing an ini-tial questionnaire regarding their language history (Annex Section: ACLAsheet). All participants had Spanish family backgrounds and coursed ele-mentary and high school at least in Spanish. No participant reported anylanguage impediments or reading problems of any kind. All participants,but two free volunteers, were paid 20.- euros for their participation.

2.2 Stimuli

6 initial practise trials commenced the experiment. Two versions of 225 testsentences (half grammatical) and 80 (half semantically implausible) fillerswere used in the experiment. Each individual test sentence was constructedcontaining at the least one head noun phrase (HN), one verb (V) and oneprepositional phrase (PP). Both experimental manipulations - number andcomplexity - where crossed yielding four experimental sentence types.

Table 1: Test Sentence Structures for Conditions

Low distance Simple Low distance Complex High distance Simple High distance Complex

LdS LdC HdS HdC

Total N = 48 Total N = 64 Total N = 48 Total N = 64

24 Grammatical 32 Grammatical 24 Grammatical 32 Grammatical12 [N(sg.)-V(sg.)] 16 [HN(sg.)-N(pl./sg.)-V(sg.)] 12 [N(sn.)-V(sg.)] 16 [HN(sg.)-N(pl./sg.)-V(sg.)]

24 Ungrammatical 32 Ungrammatical 24 Ungrammatical 32 Ungrammatical12 [N(sg.)-V(pl.)] 16 [HN(sg.)-N(sg./pl.)-V(pl.)] 12 [N(sn.)-V(pl.)] 16 [HN(sg.)-N(sn./pl.)-V(pl.)]

12 Singular Nouns 16 Singular Head Noun 12 Singular Nouns 16 Singular Head Noun12 Animated Nouns 16 Animated Head Nouns 12 Animated Nouns 12 Animated Head Nouns

Table 1: Structures for all conditions and amount of stimuli per condition displayed. N = amount of stimuli percondition. Complex sentences have bigger number of stimuli sentences per condition given that the additionalNP also required extra contra balancing to control for number and animacy. In Complex conditions the headnoun was always kept singular. HN (head noun) - N (noun) - V (verb) - sg. (singular) - pl. (plural). In Lowdistance Complex conditions ungrammatical sentences with a plural interceding PP are examined for an illusoryagreement effect.

As showed in Table 1, in High distance Conditions (HdC), an Adverb

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(Adv.) was inserted between the HN and the V so as to introduce lineardistance between the HN and the corresponding V. In complex conditionsand additional NP interceded between the HN and the V. Nouns wherecontrolled for animacy (half aniamate), gender (half male), number (halfsingular) and frequency. Nouns with a frequency under 5 per million wherenot used to create stimuli, we used Corpus del Espanol Online and onlyconsulted 20th century texts. Adverbs where not controlled for frequencyfor our high distance conditions. Ungrammatical filler sentences where con-structed in the same ratio and manner to the experimental conditions butcontaining a semantic violation in the verb position. All sentences wereconstructed in present indicative grammatical tense. To check the stimuli,full lists of stimuli were sent out to ten native Spanish speakers who wereasked to judge each sentence as correct or incorrect. Items with low ratings(< .85) were corrected or excluded the test material altogether.

In doing so we created four sentence types for our experiment. Lowdistance simple sentences (2), low distance complex sentences (3), high dis-tance simple sentences (4), high distance complex sentences (5) and fillersentences (6).

(2) ElThe

mueblecabinet

guardacontains

losthe

platos.dishes.

‘The cabinet contains the dishes’.

(3) LaThe

secretariasecretary

intencionalmenteintentionally

saludagreet

a[to

lathe]

gente.people.

‘The secteraty intentionally greets people’.

(4) ElThe

perrodog

del[of/the]

ninoboy

caminawalk

enin

lathe

callestreet

‘The dog of the boy walks in the street’

(5) LasThe

amigasfriends

deof

lathe

ninagirl

tipicamentetypically

comeneat

enat

suher

casa.house.

‘The friends of the girl typically eat at home’.

(6) FillerElThe

perrodog

deof

lathe

ninagirl

naturalmentenaturally

llueverain

enat

suher

casa.house.

‘The dog of the girl naturally rains at home’.

Ungrammatical versions of each item were created by changing the verbto plural or singular as in (6). Two versions of the items were used in theexperiment. If a sentence was ungrammatical in version 1 of the stimuli thesame item would be grammatical in version 2. Full list of the stimuli inAnnex 1.

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(7) *El*The

perrodog

del[of/the]

ninoboy

caminanwalk

enin

lathe

callestreet

‘*The dog of the boy walk in the street’

2.3 Procedure

All participants were measured in a testing booth, seated comfortably in achair at approximately 90cms away from a LCD display monitor. Instruc-tions where given verbally and presented on screen in the booth whilst theEEG cap and electrodes were being set up. Six practice trials proceeded in-struction, three of these correct. All sentences were presented in white overa black background. Punctuation and use of upper and lower case letterswas normal. The presentation sequence was as follows: Before the first andeach succeeding item a green circle appeared onscreen (3s) followed by a redfixation cross (1s) indicating the beginning of a sentence. Sentences werepresented in a chunk by chunk manner. Each chunk was composed of 1 to 3words and remained on the screen for 350 ms followed by a blank screen of150 ms between chunks. The critical verb always constituted its own chunkand always presented in second or third position. Subjects were instructedto blink during the presence of the green circle on screen in order to reducethe possibility of blinks at critical moments. Participants were asked to readthe sentences carefully for comprehension. After each sentence participantsanswered a judgment task: Was the sentence incorrect or correct? (¿Esla oracion incorrecta (boton rojo) o correcta (boton blanco)?). After a re-sponse the following item would commence. To avoid end word (wrap up)effects, critical verb was never in the end position, but always followed by aPP (min 2 words max 4 words). The critical verb agreed with the subject inthe grammatical versions, but not in the ungrammatical. Participants wereasked to judge the correctness of the sentence they just read and to pressthe corresponding button on the response box to answer the question. Afterthe response the following trial started. The complete experiment consistedof 4 blocks of around 76 sentences each. Subjects controlled amount of resttime in between blocks. Complete experiment lasted between 1,5h - 2h perparticipant.

2.3.1 EEG Measurements

Electroencephalografic (EEG) measurements where recorded using 64 scalpelectrodes were placed in a standard BioSemi 64-channel elastic cap. Sevenadditional flat electrodes were placed above and below the left eye, at theouter canthi, at both mastoids and on the nose. ECOG recorded horizon-tal and vertical eye movements including eye blinks. The EEG signal wasamplified with a direct current amplifier build into each electrode. EEG

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data was on-line referenced to the linked mastoid electrodes and the noseelectrode. Data was high-pass filtered at 0.5 Hz and low-pass filtered at 35Hz with the sample rate always kept under 10khz (8kHz). ERP’s wheretime-locked to the critical word.

Region of Interest Layout

Figure 1: Approximate location of 64 electrodes on scalp and ROI division.

2.3.2 EEG analysis

The EEG data was pre-processed using BrainVisionAnalyzer2.0 (Brain Prod-ucts, Munich, Germany). Only grammatical and ungrammatical trials judgedcorrectly were used in the analysis. All channels were referenced to the av-erage of the nose and mastoids activity, data was high pass filtered at 0.5Hzand low pass filtered at 35Hz. ERP’s where computed offline using 1700msepochs (-200 ms to 1500ms), time locked to stimulus onset time being the

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presentation of the critical verb. All trials judged incorrectly in the postsentence judgment task were removed, leaving us only with correctly per-ceived items. A semi-automatic artefact rejection was conducted and datawas visually inspected for epoch removal. Our criteria for removal includedsegments with electrical activity exceeding +-100uV and/or epochs thatcontained blinks in critical segments. (8.9% trials removed). ERP baselinecorrection was preformed using -200ms to 0ms pre-stimulus time window.

Six regions of interest (ROI) where created over anterior and posteriorelectrode sites as showed in Figure 1. Regions of Interest were distributedas follows: Anterior Left (Fp1, AF7, AF3, F5, F3, F1, FC1, FC3, FC5),Midline Anterior (Fpz, AFz, Fz, FCz), Right Anterior (Fp2, AF8, AF4, F6,F4, F2, FC2, FC4, FC6), Posterior Left (CP5, CP3, CP1, P5, P3, P1, PO3),Midline Posterior (Cz, CPz, Pz, POz) and Posterior Right (CP6, CP4, CP2,P6, P4, P2, PO4).

3 Results

Statistical analysis for each time window consisted in a omnibus 6 (ROI)x 2 (Distance) x 2 (Complexity) x 2 (Grammaticality) repeated measuresANOVA to check for main effects in our data. When main effects are encoun-tered, follow up analysis are performed. Given that in both time-windowsepsilon values > 0.75 in the Mauchly’s Test of Sphericity, we report theHuynh-Feldt correction to test for within-subject effects (Huynh and Feldt,1976).

3.1 Acceptability Judgment Task Response Ratings

Data of one participant was excluded from all analysis due to a low scoreon judgment task (cutoff < 85%, p = .67). Accordingly, low rating items(< 85%) where discarded from the analysis a well. Overall, the partici-pants were equally accurate in judging grammatical from ungrammaticalsentences. According to the acceptability judgment after each sentence,on average participants rated 91,5% of the all correct sentences presentedas acceptable and 89,2% of the ungrammatical sentences were judged asunacceptable. This rating demonstrates that participants were adequatelysensitivity to syntactic ungrammaticality in our stimuli sentences. Table 2shows the average accuracy ratings for all participants for each condition.

Due to a non normal distribution of the response ratings for the postsentence judgment tests, non-parametric test were preformed on this setof data. A Wilcox signed ranks test was performed on all ungrammaticalconditions against each other. Results indicates that subjects had signifi-cantly better accuracy at answering LdS (M=.925) sentences than any othercondition, LdC (M = .888), Z = −2.949, p < .005; HdS (M = .871), Z =

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Table 2: Average Judgement Scores per Condition.

LdS LdC HdS HdC

Grammatical (%) 91.1 91.4 94.4 89.1

Ungrammatical(%) 92.5 88.8 87.1 88.5

Mean .919 .884 .906 .888

Std. Dev. 5.15 6.15 6.32 5.01

−3.043, p < .005; HdC (M = .885), Z = −2.443, p < .005. This resultsis not unexpected as LdS conditions are the simplest type of sentence andvery high accuracies were expected. A follow-up Wilcox Signed-ranks testwas performed to checked the response rates for one particular subgroupof stimuli for an illusory agreement effect. We compared average accuracyto ungrammatical complex sentences with a ”singular head noun - pluralnoun - and plural verb” structure, to the accuracy rating of ungrammatical”singular head noun - singular noun - plural verb” complex sentences. Ifan illusory agreement effect were present in our data more errors would beexpected in identifying ungrammatical ”singular head noun - plural noun -and plural verb” sentences. Ratings between these conditions are not dif-ferent from each other, Z = −1.22, p < .05 and, as such, no evidence of aillusory agreement effect was found in the judgment response data.

3.2 ERP analysisLAN: 350ms to 500ms Time Window

For the 350ms-500ms time window, an initial 2(Gram) x 2(Complexity) x2(Distance) x 6(ROI) Omnibus repeated ANOVA was conducted. Resultsshow no significant main effects for Distance, Complexity or ROI F < 1at this time window. Interestingly, no significant main effect was found forGrammaticality F (1, 17) = 2.135, p = .162. A marginally significant inter-action between Distance and ROI F (1, 17) = .271 , p = .060 was observed,but no other interaction appeared significant, F < 1.

To follow up the trend in the interaction between Distance and ROI anadditional analysis was conducted with Distance, ROI and Grammaticalityas factors. A 3 (Anterior ROI) x 2 (Grammaticality) x 2(Distance) repeatedmeasures ANOVA provides results showing a main effect for Grammatical-ity, F (1, 17) = 9.195, p = .009 but not for ROI or Distance, F < 1 over

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the anterior sites. Unlike our expectations, this result indicates a generalnegativity effect over anterior and posterior sites; these results are displayedin Table 3.

Table 3: Distance x ROI x Grammaticality

Mean Amplitude for the 350ms – 500ms Time window

                                                                           

Table  3:  Mean  amplitudes  elicited  by  high  and   low  distances  sentences  after  simple  and  complex   conditions  were   collapsed   for   the  350ms  –  500ms   time  window.     Differences   in   the   waveforms   elicited   from   grammatical   and  ungrammatical   sentences   are   not   contained   to   anterior   sites,   but   are   also  present  in  posterior  ones  as  well.  

Distance

ROI Grammaticality Mean (µV)

Low Distance

Left Anterior Grammatical -.038 Ungrammatical -1.369

Mid Anterior Grammatical -.059 Ungrammatical -1.813

Right Anterior Grammatical .047 Ungrammatical -1.465

Left Posterior Grammatical -.257 Ungrammatical -1.593

Mid Posterior Grammatical -.730 Ungrammatical -1.978

Right Posterior Grammatical -1.742 Ungrammatical -.948

High Distance

Left Anterior

Grammatical

-1.652

Ungrammatical -1.630

Mid Anterior Grammatical -1.115 Ungrammatical -1.489

Right Anterior Grammatical -.633

Ungrammatical -.455

Left Posterior Grammatical -.596 Ungrammatical -1.605

Mid Posterior Grammatical -.487 Ungrammatical -1.315

Right Posterior Grammatical -.249 Ungrammatical -1.456

Table 3 summarizes the mean amplitudes elicited by grammatical andungrammatical sentences. Results evidence differences in both anterior andposterior ROI. As such, our results evidence a lack of LAN in responseto subject-verb number disagreements. These results present evidence fora general negativity effect to ungrammaticality present over anterior andposterior regions at this time. This effect is illustrated in Figure 2. Topo-

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graphical maps show a medial-posterior negativity that becomes increasinglyposterior over time. These widespread negativities are followed by strongpositivities in posterior ROI in the following time window, between 500msand 1000ms. These results are presented in the next subsection.

Grand Average Topographical Plots: Ungrammatical Sentencesbetween 350ms-500ms

Figure 2: Topographical maps display the mean activity, relative to baseline, in responseto Ungrammatical sentences between 350ms and 500ms from the apparition of the criticalverb.

3.3 P600: 500ms to 1000ms Time Window

As in the earlier time window, a 2(Grammaticality) x 2(Complexity) x2(Distance) x 6(ROI) omnibus repeated measures ANOVA was performed.Mauchly’s Test of Sphericity shows that epsilon > .75 in all effects and conse-quently a Huynh-Feldt statistic is reported for within subject effects. A maineffect for Grammaticality was observed, F (1, 17) = 12.086, p = 0.019 as wellas a marginally significant effect for Distance, F (1, 17) = 12.086, p = 0.072.No effect was observed for Complexity, F (1, 17) = 0.303, p = 0.589 or ROIF (1, 17) = 0.337, p = 0.881. A marginally significant interaction betweenROI and Grammaticality, F (1, 17) = 2.748, p = 0.066 was observed but allother interactions proved not significant, F < 1. The main Grammaticalityeffect reflects a significant difference in the waveform amplitude elicited by

15

grammatical and ungrammatical sentences.

Table 4: Distance x ROI x Grammaticality

Mean Amplitude for the 500ms – 1000ms Time window

Distance ROI Grammaticality Mean (µV)

Low Distance

Left Anterior Grammatical -.241 Ungrammatical 1.577

Mid Anterior Grammatical 1.221 Ungrammatical .553

Right Anterior Grammatical -.298 Ungrammatical 1.325

Left Posterior Grammatical -1.414 Ungrammatical 1.355

Mid Posterior Grammatical -1.313 Ungrammatical 1.023

Right Posterior Grammatical -1.164 Ungrammatical 1.515

High Distance

Left Anterior

Grammatical

.467

Ungrammatical 2.325

Mid Anterior Grammatical .371 Ungrammatical 1.827

Right Anterior Grammatical .236 Ungrammatical 2.791

Left Posterior Grammatical .195 Ungrammatical 3.456

Mid Posterior Grammatical -.032 Ungrammatical 3.302

Right Posterior Grammatical .176 Ungrammatical 3.506

Table   4:   Mean   amplitudes   elicited   by   high   and   low   distances   sentences   after   simple   and   complex  conditions  were   collapsed   for   the   500ms   to   1000ms   time  window.     Significant   differences   in   the  mean  amplitudes  are   considerably  greater  over  posterior   sites   than  anterior  ones.  The  greatest  differences   in  elicited  amplitude  between  grammatical  and  ungrammatical  sentences  are  found  at  posterior  sites  in  high  distance  conditions.    

 

To investigate the marginally significant effect of Distance found in theomnibus ANOVA, second 6 (ROI) x 2 (Grammaticality) x 2 (Distance) wasperformed. Results show a significant effect of Grammaticality, F (1, 17) =12.086, p = 0.003; ROI F (1, 17) = 4.167, p = 0.018 and a marginally sig-nificant effect of Distance, F (1, 17) = 3.745, p = 0.069. These main re-sults where further described by a marginally significant interaction be-tween Distance and ROI, F (1, 17) = 2.589, p = 0.078; but no other in-

16

teractions were observed Distance/Grammaticality, ROI/Grammaticality,Distance/ROI/Grammaticality, F < 1. Table 4 shows the mean amplitudesby ROI for high and low distance, grammatical and ungrammatical sen-tences. Ungrammatical sentences elicit larger positivities than grammaticalones in most ROI (with the exception of the anterior medial region), butlarger differences between the waveforms are observed over the posteriorsites. Following analysis were performed over posterior ROI.

A follow-up 3 (ROI) x 2 (Distance) x 2 (Grammaticality) repeated mea-sures Anova was performed to unpack this marginal interaction. Effects forGrammaticality, F (1, 17) = 15.101, p = 0.001;ROI, F (1, 17) = 6.951, p =0.007; and for Distance, F (1, 17) = 7.315, p = 0.015 were found. Theseeffects are qualified by a marginally significant interaction between Dis-tance and ROI, F (1, 17) = 3.501, p = 0.055. No other interactions, Dis-tance/Gram, ROI/Gram, Distance/ROI/Gram were relevant, F < 1.

Posterior electrodes Grammatical and Ungrammatical conditions:

Figure 3: Grand Average ERPs elicited by Ungrammatical (full line —) and Grammatical(dotted line - - -) sentences.

The mean amplitudes elicited by ungrammatical sentences were com-pared at high and low distance conditions in all posterior ROI. Results il-lustrate that the high distance sentences elicit a greater positivity than low

17

distance sentences in Left t(17)= -2.696; p = .015, and Right t(17)=-2.403;p = 0.028 anterior ROI. Grand average ERP’s are illustrated in Figure 4.

Posterior electrodes low v/s high distance ungrammatical sentences

Figure 4: Average ERP waveforms for High Distance ungrammatical sentences (dottedline - -) and Low Distance ungrammatical sentences (full line —) for posterior electrodes.The critical verb is presented at time 0. This figure depicts differences in ungrammaticalsentences between 500ms and 1000ms.

18

Grand Average Topographical Plots: Ungrammatical Sentencesbetween 500ms-1000ms

Figure 5: Topographical maps display the mean activity, relative to baseline, in responseto Ungrammatical sentences between 500ms and 1000ms from stimulus onset time (thisbeing the apparition of the critical verb).

Overall, gran average ERPs showed that ungrammatical sentences elicit asignificantly larger positivity than grammatical ones as illustrated in Figure3. As expected, results depict a P600 component in response to ungrammat-icality elicited by subject-verb agreement violations. Figure 5 show topo-graphical maps of the average electrical activity over the scalp for the 500ms- 1000ms time window. These plots show a typical P600 posterior positivitythat reaches its maximum at around 800ms post critical word onset.

4 Discussion

The aim of this investigation was to view the effect of different levels ofcomplexity and distance on subject-verb agreement processing. To do this,Spanish stimuli sentences were created in which the head noun was separatedfrom the verb by either an adverb (distance) or an additional prepositionalnoun phrase (complexity). Behavioural data and ERP analysis results arediscussed next. The main results are as follows, behavioural responses indi-cate subjects understood sentences correctly. An absence of illusory agree-ments effects was found. Electrophysiological waveforms display a Nega-

19

tivity / P600 pattern in response to subject-verb number disagreementsin which only the later component seems differences in distance. Becausesubject-verb distance effects are only present in the P600 component, theconclusion is drawn that early ERPs related to syntactic processing provideerror detection while later components represent repair and integration ofthe syntactic agreement features.

4.1 Behavioural Responses

Behavioural responses, to the post stimuli judgment task, suggest that sub-jects detect deviations to subject-verb number agreement in simple shortsentences significantly better than in complex and/or long sentences. Inaddition, the existence of an illusory agreement effect was also investigatedvia the manipulation of the noun number features in complex conditions.We expected to find more judgment errors made to complex ungrammaticalsentences with a ”singular head noun - plural noun - plural verb” struc-ture due to a known effect of grammatical asymmetry in which the featuresof the intervening noun are transferred to the verb (Wagers et al., 2009),but surprisingly, no effect of illusory agreement was found. No differencewas found in the accuracy ratings between ”singular head noun - pluralnoun - plural verb” complex sentences and ”singular head noun - singularnoun - plural verb” complex sentences in grammatical or ungrammaticalconditions. One possible explanation is that in the current investigation theintervening prepositional phrases used in creating complex conditions wereconstructed with a preposition (determiner) and a noun like in (8).

(8) ElThe

gatocat

deof

lasthe

amigasgirls

caminawalk

enin

lathe

calle.street .

‘The cat of the girls walks in the street’.

It is possible that the determiner of the second noun effectively narrowsthe morphological possibilities of the following word in the sentence. Insteadof incrementing the distance, and therefore increase processing difficulty, thedeterminers may effectively predict the possible words it will encounter andimmediately detect deviations to this expectation. Ultimately this wouldreduce, instead of increasing, computational demands. Konieczny (2000)shows evidence that in perception, at least, verb features can be anticipatedthrough incremental integration of their arguments. Konieczny argues thatlocality is relevant for production rather than comprehension. During pro-cessing of a sentence, the type of the verb (i.e, its idiosyncratic feature)becomes continuously constrained to allow only certain arguments to beimputed, thus, facilitating syntactic processing, decreasing response timesand increasing accuracy. In doing so he tests the locality-based preferencesissue in sentence processing finding behavioural evidence against the DLT

20

(Gibson, 2000). Following this idea, in sentence (8), for instance, the de-terminer ’de las’ could actually be effectively facilitating processing ratherthan complicating it. By reducing the possible features of the following verband generating a prediction, syntactic deviation processing could be assistedby the presence of the determiner ’of the’.

Another possibility an effect of word and structure frequency. Thoughthis particular sentence the construction ”el gato de las ninas” is quitecommon, other sentences like (9), containing an animate head noun followedby an inanimate intervening noun the sentence ensembles are much lessfrequent.

(9) LaThe

senorawoman

deof

losthe

pantanosswamps

profundamentedeeply

duermesleeps

porin

lathe

manana.morning.

‘The woman of the swaps deeply sleeps in the morning.’

It is possible that subjects were particularly careful in answering sen-tences they considered odd and where less attend to frequent sentences ofthe same condition. If so, then the generation of expectancy to these ”odd-reading” sentences could also promote the use of strategies to answer thejudgement tasks correctly, rather than rely on normal reading processes.

There are know effects of frequency tampering the overall difficulty ofsentence processing (Van Petten and Kutas, 1990). In the current inves-tigation, Nouns were individually controlled for frequency. The completesentence structure, however, was not. Carns and Foss (1971) propose thatsentence structure plays a role in determining the relevance of a words fre-quency. They found that reading times were prolonged following a lowfrequency adjective. Carns and Foss (1971) conclude that adjectives are lesspredictable than verbs in a sentence, and there for more likely to be subjectto a frequency effect. In our experiment adverbs were used to create lineardistance between noun and verb. Adverbs, in this context, seem equallyunpredictable as adjectives and there for as likely to be susceptible to infre-quency or expectancy of violation effects. This could also help explain theexistence of a P600 and lack of a LAN component in our EEG data. ERPcomponents are discussed next.

4.2 ERP Components: Negativity and the P600

In multiple studies (Wicha et al 2004, Barber et al 2004, Barber and Car-reiras 2005) a two-stage pattern, characterised by a left anterior negativityfollowed by posterior positivities is described in response to subject-verbdisagreements to syntactic agreement violation in Spanish. In this inves-tigation, results point to a widespread negativity effect in response to un-

21

grammaticality rather than the expected LAN effect between 350ms - 500ms.These negativities are followed by positivities reflecting a P600 effect.

Sentences containing a subject-verb number disagreement clearly evokeda different brain response to critical verbs than correct sentences, but nospecific location was found in the resulting ERPs. As such our predictionsregarding the modulation of the LAN response as result of experimentalmanipulations on the test sentences cannot be clearly resolved. Never theless we provide a alternative explanation of these findings. Similar resultswere found by Hinojosa et al. (2003) in response to verb inflection violationslike in sentence (10); taken from their stimuli.

(10) *LaThe

pruebaevidence

ocultadahidden

porby

elthe

fiscalprosecuter

aparecı.(’I’)appeared.

‘ The evidence (that was) hidden by the prosecuter (I) appeared.’

They a found non-lateralized central-anterior negativities to inflectionviolations. As expected negativities are found in response to agreement vi-olations. Unlike our results, Hinojosa et al. (2003) find that the negativitiesare restricted to anterior regions of the brain. Though it is not addressedin the study, sentence structure frequency and word context could be influ-encing the distribution of the ERP component. In a similar manner to ourinvestigation, the structure of the stimuli sentences used in Hinojosa et al.(2003) is quite uncommon, particularly, the deviation to subject-verb personagreement is scarcely produced in natural speech. Unnaturally constructedsentences could be an issue for our investigation as well due to the fact thatfrequency differences, rather than purely morpho-syntactic deviations, couldbe generating a neural response.

In our experiment ungrammatical conditions do elicit a significantlygreater negativity than grammatical sentences in the 350ms-500ms time win-dow, but this effect is not limited to anterior locations. Three other studiesin Spanish (Hinojosa et al., 2003; Kaan, 2002; Leinonen et al., 2008) havefound similar effects to these according to a recent review (Molinaro et al.,2011). But in all cases negativities are segregated to anterior locations. Ofthese three Kaan (2002) was the only to use multi-word intervening materialand no verb inflection violation. Her results also evidence a early (300ms -500ms) bilateral anterior negativity effect in response to ungrammaticalityand, as in our results, this component seems insensitive to distance manip-ulations. A anterior negativity effect has been reported to detect responseslexical-syntactic violations and is typically considered to reflect first stageparsing of agreement errors. This understanding of the anterior negativitycomponent response explains, to some extent, the occurrence of a negativityeffect in the present study as a response to disagreements. Coulson et al.(1998) found results more closely related to the ones presented in this study.They report different distributions in negativities responding to ungrammat-

22

ical sentences between 300ms and 500ms after the onset of a critical verb.Though no main effects of Complexity, Distance or ROI seem to influencethe amplitude of the initial negativities, Distance does generate differencesin the later P600 waveforms. As expected, between 500ms -1000ms from theappearance of a critical verb, ungrammatical sentences elicit a significantlygreater negativity in posterior ROI and in anterior ones. Furthermore, oncethe overall data was collapsed over complexity, results show a relevant effectof distance on the P600. In the ERP analysis for our later time window,we view a differences in evoked responses to ungrammatical low distancesentences like (11) when compared to similar ungrammatical long distancesentences like (12).

(11) *El*The

perrodog

caminanwalk

poron

lathe

vereda.sidewalk.

‘*The dog on the sidewalk.’

(12) *La*The

madremother

deof

lasthe

ninasgirls

rapidamentequickly

caminanwalk

ato

casa.house.

‘*The mother of the girls quickly walk home.’

A clear P600 response was elicited in posterior brain regions between500ms - 1000ms after the onset of the critical verb. Results show that theP600 is not sensitive to processing complexity increments within a sentence.Complex and simple conditions were collapsed after this, and a significanteffect for distance on the P600 was found. The average positivity elicited byungrammatical sentences was significantly larger in high distance sentences,compared to low distance sentences. Kaan (2002) used tailored stimuli withfairly complex intervening material to view the effects of distance on agree-ment processing. She used ”long conditions” that had three of four wordphrase intervening material between the subject and the verb. Kaan re-ported a P600 at two time windows, an early P600 and a late P600. Theycollapsed their deviant-number condition in the analysis, and found thatintervening material between a subject and the mismatch verb could triggeradditional working memory processing difficulties reflected in a temporallydelayed P600 waveform peak. In the current investigation, high distanceconditions only used a one word adverb to add distance. It is likely thatone word, independent of how long, is not sufficient material to raise thedifficulty of the sentence enough to increase processing demands sufficiently.Complex sentence conditions, on the other hand, present multi word inter-vening material, but show no individual effect on sentence processing. Assuch, when collapsed over complexity, the distance that was factored intothe analysis was augmented. Following this, we report an effect of distanceon the P600s amplitude. We interpret this finding as a result of increasingprocessing demands via the addition of distance between the noun and theverb by 3 or 4 words. Since in complex conditions contain a higher amount

23

of intervening material due to the additional noun phrase (3 or 4 words),we propose that distance can indeed affect agreement processing in Spanish.These results provide further evidence to claims made by Kaan (2002) inregards to the effects of distance on feature tracking in sentence processing.Given that three or four words generate an important increase to the timeand difficulty required to maintain the noun’s features in working memoryand posteriorly reactivate them to match with the verb, larger amplitudesof the P600 are encountered. Kaan and Swaab (2003) provide evidence tosupport the idea that a posterior distribution of the P600 represents an in-dex of syntactic processing difficulty, including repair and syntactic revision.They posit a frontally distributed positivity would represent ambiguity res-olution responding to increase in the level of complexity of a sentence. Thiswould explain the lack of differences in amplitudes for complex and simplesentences on the P600. Also it can provide an account for a increased pos-itivity in our high distance conditions. In longer sentences like (12), lineardistance is sufficient to require significantly greater syntactic revision mecha-nisms. In this way the dimension of the syntactic repair process is indexed inthe P600 amplitude. Given that in the present study short subject-verb dis-agreements elicit smaller P600 amplitudes than long disagreeing sentences,but only when collapsed across both simple and complex conditions, wepostulate the idea that there is a threshold amount of intervening necessaryto elicit a significantly different response. Kaan and Swaab (2003) presentevidence for a ceiling effect in the P600 amplitude due to maximum resourceuse in sentence processing. To this theory we add the idea of a minimal re-source demand necessary for differential morphosyntactic parsing processesin native speakers. Also, due to the experimental design of the investiga-tion high and low distance complex sentences only had 16 items per subjectand some of these where incorrectly answered, and there for not includedin the ERP analysis. Low amount of stimuli could account for marginallysignificant effect in our results, this is further discussed in the ConcludingRemarks Section of this report.

Though we do not find evidence of a typical biphasic LAN/P600 patternin response to subject-verb disagreements. We report a negativity/positivitybiphasic pattern in response to ungrammatical sentences containing subject-verb agreement deviations. Results evidence a general negativity, followedby a strong positivity for ungrammatical sentences. We interpret this neg-ativity response in our results as a detection of subject-verb agreement vi-olations. The component is followed by a strongly positive P600 compo-nent signalling syntactic repair or integration (Kaan and Swaab, 2003). Assuch subject-verb agreement processing in Spanish demonstrates a two stageprocess in which each epoch is identified by specific polarities in the ERPwaveforms of each time window.

Though the lack of a LAN response and strong P600 is unexpected, these

24

results indicate that initial syntactic parsing processes (before 500ms fromcritical verb onset time) relate to widespread cortical negativities, whilstsecondary parsing mechanisms (between 500ms and 1s) relate to an ongoingpositivity with posterior-cortical neural generators. Furthermore, additionaldistance between the noun and the verb (more than three intervening words)generate differences on the max amplitude of the P600.

5 Concluding Remarks

To summarise, behavioural judgment task response show adequate sensi-tivity to stimuli sentences and evidence no illusory agreement effect. Thesimplest sentences are judged more accurately that complex and long sen-tences, as expected. The ERP results presented show no evidence of a clearLAN response in the EEG data. A general negativity was, however, foundin the early time window as a response to subject-verb disagreement. Pos-teriorly, a clear P600 response was detected in the second time window.The later component seems to respond to the addition of distance betweensubject and verb, but only in very high distance conditions.

As a final remark we wish to include some methodological considerationswith regards to our work. The experimental design for this investigationproved unnecessarily complex. This was due to this investigation beingmodified from its original form where native speakers of Spanish would becompared to highly proficient second language learners. Given the absenceof participants in the second language group during the pilot phase of theinvestigation, the experimental design and stimuli were altered resulting ina very complex nested design. Future research in this field should considergenerating specific, non overlapping, experimental conditions to further testthe effect of distance on subject-verb agreement in Spanish. In the samemanner, due to contra balancing for plurality, animacy and gender in ourexperiment, the smallest experimental conditions in the ERP analysis hadrelatively few items (between 12 and 16 sentences). This could be causingmarginally significant effects in our results due to lack of power. Futurestudies should account for amount of stimuli per condition used and tryto maximize the expected effect. Hopefully this investigation will providean important stepping stone for following researchers and establish generalguidelines regarding investigations into agreement processing.

5.1 Acknowledgments

I would like to firstly acknowledge my supervisor Dr. Judith Rispens forthe countless hours of supervision and teaching. This project would have inno way have been possible without her assistance and guidance. Secondly a

25

spatial thanks to Dirk-Jan Vet for all the technical support and to TamaraPlankman for all her help in setting up and conducting the pilot of thisstudy. Thirdly, we acknowledge Dr. Sible Andringa for co-assessing thisinvestigations and finally, special thanks to the ACLC for allowing openaccess to laboratories and equipment in the centre.

26

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ANNEX SENTENCES BY CONDITION

Item Condition

NP NPⁿ Adverb VP PP

1 LdS Los gatos camina en la calle

2 LdS El músico huyen en la estación

3 LdS Las perras corren en la calle

3 LdS La amiga observa el suceso

5 LdS Los edificios cae al suelo

6 LdS El fuerte aguantan el ataque

7 LdS Las lámparas iluminan en la noche

4 LdS La comida se enfría en la mesa

9 LdS Los hombres roba en el mercado

10 LdS El motor hierven en el coche

11 LdS Las mujeres practican su instrumento

12 LdS La hormiga construye su colonia

13 LdS Los negocios vende los zapallos

13 LdS El mueble guardan los platos

15 LdS Las estufas calientan el departamento

16 LdS La cárcel permite las visitas

17 LdS Los ciudadanos vota en la elección

14 LdS El ratón comen mucho queso

19 LdS Las suegras regaña en la mesa

20 LdS La reina detiene la ejecución

21 LdS Los teléfonos suena en la mañana

22 LdS El vaso contienen líquido transparente

23 LdS Las ventanas tiemblan en la tormenta

23 LdS La llave cruje en la cerradura

25 LdS Los jefes despide al empleado

26 LdS El coche viajan a la playa

27 LdS Las tortugas nadan en el mar

24 LdS La mariposa vuela en el jardín

29 LdS Los puentes cruza la bahía

30 LdS El hotel cierran en el verano

31 LdS Las cosechas alimentan al pueblo

32 LdS La habitación aloja al invitado

33 LdS Los policías frena al vehículo

33 LdS El bombero extinguen el incendio

35 LdS Las viudas lloran en el funeral

36 LdS La enfermera trabaja en el hospital

37 LdS Los libreros afirma los estantes

34 LdS El filtro limpian el aire

39 LdS Las represas previenen la inundación

30 LdS La mañana comienza muy temprano

31 LdS Los pájaros planea en el aire

32 LdS El músico tocan el instrumento

33 LdS Las vecinas cocinan en la tarde

33 LdS La mesera lava en la pieza

30

35 LdS Los abrigos mantiene el calor

36 LdS El alimento engordan a las gallinas

37 LdS Las velas arden en la oscuridad

34 LdS La pipa quema el tabaco

39 LdC El amigo de los directores presentan un reclamo

50 LdC Los coches del actor corre mucho por la vía

51 LdC El ratón de los almacenes espanta a los clientes

52 LdC Los guardias del bar disculpan a los intrusos

53 LdC El edificio de los ancianos acogen a visitantes

53 LdC Las prendas del vendedor está en el canasto

55 LdC El suelo de los árboles sufre por la contaminación

56 LdC Los anillos del barril mantienen su integridad

57 LdC La profesora de las modelos sonríen al entrar

54 LdC Las abogadas de la sobrina llora por lo que sucede

59 LdC La dueña de las granjas cultiva tomates orgánicos

60 LdC Las empleadas de la empresa abren la gran puerta

61 LdC La escuela de las enfermeras cierran temprano hoy

62 LdC Las autoridades de la zona establece las tarifas

63 LdC La compuerta de las represas se sostiene por ahora

63 LdC Las luces de la pieza se queman con este voltaje

65 LdC La recepcionista de los barcos viajan en la noche

66 LdC Las monturas del caballo se resbala al correr

67 LdC La secretaria de los hoteles huele muy mal

64 LdC Las brujas del pueblo condenan a los insolentes

69 LdC La herencia de los porteros pierden hoy su valor

70 LdC Las chimeneas del departamento arde con llamas

71 LdC La llave de los gabinetes está en la calle

72 LdC Las pulseras del cantante golpean contra el suelo

73 LdC El gato de las niñas pasean en la calle

73 LdC Los caballeros de la dama conduce el desfile

75 LdC El rey del las haciendas dispone de los frutos

76 LdC Los herederos de la mansión reciben turistas de verano

77 LdC El bolso de las mujeres desaparecen en la estación

74 LdC Los huesos de la pierna fortalece el cuerpo humano

79 LdC El autor de las pinturas honra al maestro

40 LdC Los tapetes de la escalera decoran la casa fea

41 LdC El perro de los niños caminan por la calle

42 LdC Los peces del océano cambia de color

43 LdC El músico de los funerales finaliza lentamente la canción

43 LdC Los hombres del experimento fracasan en su labor

45 LdC El dolor de los veteranos dependen del medicamento

46 LdC Las estructuras del juego entretiene a los niños

47 LdC El cabello de los maniquíes cae al suelo

44 LdC Las aguas del temporal superan lo previsto

49 LdC La esclava de las princesas reposan al sol

90 LdC Las camareras de la nave salta por la turbulencia

91 LdC La jirafa de las praderas llena de mosquitos

92 LdC Las meseras de la taberna juntan bastante dinero

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93 LdC La pianola de las alumnas resuenan mucho cuando tocan

93 LdC Las ideas de la vecina sorprende a su amigo

95 LdC La música de las trompetas desafina en la canción

96 LdC Las teteras de la cocina están hirviendo fuertemente

97 LdC La visita de los enfermos se aburren en el hogar

94 LdC Las ruedas del automóvil estalla por accidente

99 LdC La mujer de los negocios cancela el acuerdo

100 LdC Las señoras del fiordo encantan a los viajantes

101 LdC La mesa de los hermanos detienen el derrumbe

102 LdC Las redes del pescador rinde frutos maravillosos

103 LdC La mochila de los exploradores se extravía en el bosque

103 LdC Las cerraduras del cajón están fuera de uso

105 LdC El amante de las vecinas manejan por la ciudad

106 LdC Los soldados de la reina muere en la revuelta

107 LdC El campeón de las peleas sube de categoría hoy

104 LdC Los jefes de la bailarina permiten atrasos justificados

109 LdC El jardinero de las locas huyen hacia el campo

110 LdC Los ordenadores de la secretaria sufre de un virus

111 LdC El palacio de las suegras alberga a muchas personas

112 LdC Los puentes de la frontera evitan el paso de inmigrantes

113 HdS Los barcos casualmente navega a la costa

113 HdS El vendedor ágilmente negocian el precio

115 HdS Las empleadas básicamente pierden el empleo

116 HdS La modelo tranquilamente estrena los zapatos feos

117 HdS Los bares ocasionalmente abre sus puertas

114 HdS El bolso fácilmente engañan a los compradores

119 HdS Las haciendas desafortunadamente arden en el incendio

120 HdS La cerradura lógicamente abre la puerta

121 HdS Los pilares simplemente sostiene la estructura

122 HdS El ciego lamentablemente dependen de su familia

123 HdS Las enfermeras afortunadamente atienden en el hospital

123 HdS La profesora inicialmente castiga al alumno

125 HdS Los sombreros típicamente tapa las orejas

126 HdS El experimento raramente explotan en la sala

127 HdS Las pulseras a veces dañan su mano

124 HdS La idea afortunadamente incita el cambio

129 HdS Los presidente diariamente come en la mesa

130 HdS El juez extrañamente liberan al reo

131 HdS Las meseras siempre ganan más dinero

132 HdS La bicicleta claramente mejora el rendimiento

133 HdS Las cucharas discretamente derrama la comida

133 HdS El fuerte fácilmente defienden al pelotón

135 HdS Las granjas anualmente cosechan patatas premiadas

136 HdS La propiedad tradicionalmente pertenece a la ciudad

137 HdS Los osos imponentemente camina en el bosque

134 HdS El gato relajadamente miran el atardecer

139 HdS Las hijas tranquilamente juegan en la sala

130 HdS La perra indiscutidamente come en el jardín

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131 HdS Los edificios invariablemente impresiona a los turistas

132 HdS El basurero intensamente apestan la calle

133 HdS Las comidas ocasionalmente disgustan al dueño

133 HdS La muralla estrafalariamente cae al suelo

135 HdS Los hombres obviamente intimida a la gente

136 HdS El alcalde intencionalmente saludan a la gente

137 HdS Las mujeres plácidamente descansan en la habitación

134 HdS La dama habitualmente acompaña a la abuela

139 HdS Los cajones seguramente guarda el tesoro escondido

150 HdS El árbol naturalmente albergan muchos animales

151 HdS Las ramas lamentablemente topan la ventana

152 HdS La mansión básicamente ocupa todo el territorio

153 HdS Los cantantes displicentemente presenta esta tarde

153 HdS El chofer evidentemente manejan en las vías

155 HdS Las brujas invariablemente hechizan a los intrusos

156 HdS La bailarina aparentemente dirige la compañía

157 HdS Los hoteles semestralmente recibe a los actores

154 HdS El teatro cotidianamente exhiben la obra

159 HdS Las llave difícilmente abren el candado

160 HdS La red irónicamente deja la pesca libre

161 HdC El heredero de los gatos tristemente caminan en la calle

162 HdC Los choferes del profesor lentamente regresa al hogar

163 HdC El rey de los caballeros malvadamente engaña al sirviente

163 HdC Los automóviles del soldado casualmente rozan la muralla

165 HdC El boxeador de los gimnasios regularmente promueven la pelea

166 HdC Los hermanos del difunto estancadamente permanece en la casa

167 HdC El vendedor de los tapetes inadvertidamente repele a los extraños

164 HdC Los dueños del campo exitosamente decoran el paisaje

169 HdC El casco de los barcos inesperadamente aparecen en el horizonte

170 HdC Los negocios del marido estúpidamente arruina a la familia

171 HdC El hueso de los caballos evidentemente denota la raza

172 HdC Los edificios del millonario ávidamente despliegan su estilo

173 HdC El baño de los hoteles inexplicablemente cierran en la noche

173 HdC Los empleados del teatro bulliciosamente anuncia las películas

175 HdC El cantante de los pueblos pacientemente espera el verano

176 HdC Los ventiladores del anciano constantemente requieren energía eléctrica

177 HdC La pierna de las niñas habitualmente tienen tierra encima

174 HdC Las muñecas de la vecina siempre gira cuando hay musica

179 HdC La compañera de las mujeres rápidamente coge la cuchara

140 HdC Las directoras de la secretaria airadamente gritan en la puerta

141 HdC La dueña de las tiendas nerviosamente exhiben su vestido

142 HdC Las actrices de la jefa graciosamente baila en la noche

143 HdC La bruja de las cavernas perceptiblemente tiembla al caminar

143 HdC Las marcas de la frontera explícitamente demarcan la zona

145 HdC La compañía de las recepcionistas obligadamente cambian su rubro

146 HdC Las grúas de la señora prontamente cava una zanja

147 HdC La comida de las visitas absolutamente deleita a los anfitriones

144 HdC Las primas de la señora astutamente venden la mesa

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149 HdC La llave de las cadenas inevitablemente raspan al abrir

190 HdC Las escotillas de la bodega adicionalmente guarda comida perecible

191 HdC La apertura de las escotillas controladamente permite que pase el aire

192 HdC Las ventanas de las habitaciones fortuitamente evitan que entren moscas

193 HdC La enfermera de los gorilas lentamente caminan hacia la jaula

193 HdC Las alumnas del veterano inicialmente enseña cómo esconderse

195 HdC La tienda de los vendedores típicamente promueve las ventas

196 HdC La vecina del hombre meticulosamente revisa los planos

197 HdC La dueña de los árboles constantemente mantienen su tierra fértil

194 HdC Las artistas del cine rutinariamente presenta una obra

199 HdC La empleada de los bancos discretamente roba dinero

200 HdC Las meseras del bar incorrectamente cobran mucho por servicio

201 HdC La empresa de los gerentes lamentablemente generan problemas a diario

202 HdC Las botellas del cantinero inoportunamente derrama el contenido

203 HdC La pieza de los guardias ocasionalmente alberga mucha basura

203 HdC Las maniobras del piloto afortunadamente calman a los pasajeros

205 HdC La riqueza de los países únicamente dependen de las exportaciones

206 HdC Las terminaciones del estante lamentablemente bota los libros al suelo

207 HdC La luz de los callejones inesperadamente asusta a los paseantes

204 HdC Las teteras del hospedaje matinalmente proveen agua para todos

209 HdC El dirigente de las modelos asustadamente huyen de la escena

210 HdC Los amigos de la esclava iracundamente golpea la puerta al salir

211 HdC El director de las actrices acertadamente renuncia al empleo

212 HdC Los radares de la nave tristemente pierden la conexión

213 HdC El monitor de las enfermerías únicamente miran hacia adentro

213 HdC Los perros de la nobleza lentamente sale de paseo hoy

215 HdC El aprendiz de las profesoras inevitablemente toca muy mal

216 HdC Los teléfonos de la empresa finalmente pertenecen al señor

217 HdC El almuerzo de las princesas habitualmente alimentan a su sirviente también

214 HdC Los veredictos de la jueza imponentemente detiene el avance

219 HdC El templo de las deidades nostálgicamente acumula bastante polvo

220 HdC Los sueños de la infancia inconscientemente entretienen al cura

221 HdC El primo de la granja felizmente cultivan cultiva zanahorias

222 HdC Los puertos de la naviera constantemente recibe docenas de barcos

223 HdC El maniquí de las vitrinas lamentablemente aterroriza a los clientes

223 HdC Los cajones del estante desfavorablemente afectan la decoración

225 Filler Los deportistas gotera en el mar

226 Filler El abuelo letras en la estación

227 Filler Las jóvenes llueven contantemente

224 Filler Las abuelas recostadas en la cama

229 Filler Los doctores burbujean rápidamente

230 Filler La bailarinas podan en el psicólogo

231 Filler Los investigadores caminan en el comedor

232 Filler Los jugadores aparecen en una revista

233 Filler Los pacientes diluvian en el hospital

233 Filler El abogados tuestan en el tribunal

235 Filler Las abuelas cantan en misa

236 Filler Las abuelas arrugadas mantienen la estancia

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237 Filler Los doctores ladran un premio

234 Filler El paciente terminal evapora rápidamente

239 Filler Los investigadores privado perseveran hasta encontrarla

230 Filler Los abogados mentirosos presiden en el juicio

231 Filler Las bailarinas amablemente empollan con ánimo

232 Filler El parlamento galopa por la educación

233 Filler Las prensas regionales divulgan la mentira del político

233 Filler Los dentistas expertos confirman el diagnóstico inicial

235 Filler Las cantantes desafinadas relinchan que no sabe cantar

236 Filler El ministro intolerante catapulta el argumento

237 Filler Los vendedores insolentes insisten en el asunto

234 Filler El empleado temporal anuncia la nueva medida

239 Filler Los clientes del dueño runrunearon el descuento

250 Filler La señora repisa al editor del peligro

251 Filler Las gitanas del bosque viven en una cueva

252 Filler El conejo de montaña salta por la pradera

253 Filler Los presidentes de la empresa pastan las inversiones

253 Filler La alumna de la escuela oxida del resto

255 Filler Las cantantes de las cantinas mueven sus caderas

256 Filler La araña del jardín teje una red grande

257 Filler Los zapatos de los muchachos aplauden bajo la lluvia

254 Filler La cadena del establo sonríe en el verano

259 Filler Las suelas de los zapatos se estropean con el agua

260 Filler La recamara de la azotea guarda comida en invierno

261 Filler Los jinetes de las yeguas corroen la carrera final

262 Filler La azafata del avión calabaza la calma

263 Filler Los burros del campesino comen en el campo

263 Filler La sobrina del difunto duerme en la iglesia

265 Filler Los capitanes de las naves nievan el retraso

266 Filler La doncella de la hacienda cloaca las salas

267 Filler Los relojes de los científicos muestran el tiempo exacto

264 Filler La corona del príncipe tiene piedras preciosas

269 Filler Los puñales del asesino bailan sangre en el suelo

270 Filler La guantera del asiento trasero absuelve en este vehículo

271 Filler El ordenador del escritorio se apaga cuando se calienta

272 Filler El policía dispara al aire con su arma

273 Filler Las operadora maúlla la petición del cliente

273 Filler El perro apuesta su almuerzo

275 Filler Las socias de la mujer firman un contrato

276 Filler El ladrón llevó la registradora

277 Filler Las maquilladoras relampaguean camino al estreno

274 Filler El detective arpegia un importante papel

279 Filler Los ratones pelean por el queso

240 Filler La serpiente duerme el invierno

241 Filler Los hermanos ululan al invitado ebrio

242 Filler La novia incuba en su boda

243 Filler La amiga comenta del clima

243 Filler El doctor erudito acepta amablemente un regalo

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245 Filler Las bailarinas amistosas garuan fuertemente hoy

246 Filler El investigador privado durazno hasta llegar

247 Filler El abogado mentiroso desaparece misteriosamente

244 Filler El paciente terminal rápidamente envejece en el hospital

249 Filler El colegio lamentablemente arruga a la montaña

290 Filler La oficina regional mastica que el político es corrupto

291 Filler Los doctores sádicos confirman que el brazo se amputa

292 Filler La cantante desafinada reafirma que no sabe cantar

293 Filler Los arzobispos intolerantemente polvorean que la discusión es urgente

293 Filler El vendedor necrosa la petición

295 Filler Los directores temporales anuncian una nueva fiscalización

296 Filler El cliente reitera que requiere un descuento

297 Filler Las periodistas resecan al público del pánico

294 Filler La gitana del bosque brota a una cueva

299 Filler Los conejos de las montañas saltan por la pradera

300 Filler El presidente de la empresa habla al directorio

301 Filler Las doctoras de la escuela bufan la oportunidad

302 Filler La cantante de la cantina grazna sus piernas

303 Filler Las arañas del jardín tejen redes bellísimas

303 Filler El zapato del muchacho está bajo la cama

305 Filler El burro del campesino debate en el campo

!

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Screening Form:

ACLC Experimento de Neuro Linguistica Formulario de participacion en Experimento

Muchas gracias por querer participar en nuestro experimento. Tu ayuda es vital para nuestro trabajo en el laboratorio. En esta ocacion el experiment que realizamos trata sobre como la gente entiende el language. Para esto necesitamos que nos contestes unas preguntas iniciales respesto a ti y tu historia de lenguaje. Tú participacion no depende de las respuestas por lo que puedes responder con sinceridad.

Nombre completo:

Edad:

Nacionalidad:

Mano dominante:

Sexo: ! M ! F

Usas gafas:

! Yes | ! No

¿Tu educacion primeria fue en español?

! Yes | ! No

! Bilingue: _______________________

¿Cual fue tu ultimo titulo academico obtenido?

! Secundaria ! Universitaria

! Magister ! PhD

! PostDoc ! Other _______________

¿Has sido diagnosticado con algun trastorno del lenguaje?

Dyslexia: ! Yes | ! No

Trastorno especifico del language: ! Yes | ! No

¿Cual? ____________________________

Otro: ! Yes | ! No

¿Cual? ____________________________

¿Has sido diagnosticado con alguna enfermedad psiquiatrica?

! Yes | ! No

¿Cual? ____________________________

Muchas gracias por responder nuestro cuestionario. Por favor devolver via mail a ______________ Te contactaremos a la brevedad para agenda un dia de participacion.

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