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English secondary learners in multilingual Mauritius. Research Journal of the

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UNIVERSITY OF MAURITIUS RESEARCH JOURNAL – Volume 22 – 2016 University of Mauritius, Réduit, Mauritius

53

Motivation and the L2 Self: A Case Study of English Secondary Learners in Multilingual Mauritius

Mohammad Nooruddine Syed* Faculty of Education University of Cumbria Lancaster United Kingdom E-mail:[email protected]

Paper accepted on 29 January 2016

Abstract

Drawing on Dornyei’s ‘L2 Motivational Self System’ (2009), this article

explores English language learning motivation among adolescent students in a

secondary school in Mauritius. A mixed-methods approach, with the qualitative

method being dominant, was used to fill in the gap of research pertaining to

English language teaching and learning in Mauritius. Analysis of the findings

reveals that there appears to be no major differences with regard to motivational

factors among Form 4, Form 5, Lower and Upper 6 students. The learners’ robust

ideal L2 selves mediate and reinforce the subtleties and complexities of English

language learning motivation. Teasing out the linguistic and sociocultural

particularities of Mauritius, I argue that motivation is characterised by a complex

web of interrelated factors impacting on the students’ learning experiences.

Keywords: English motivation secondary school Mauritius L2 Selves

INTRODUCTION

In the field of second language acquisition, numerous individual differences such

as personality, aptitude, learning styles and strategies, language anxiety and

motivation play an important role in learner attainment (Ellis, 2004). While the

extant literature foregrounds the salience of these individual differences,

motivation seems to have a very powerful role in the process of learning a

Motivation And The L2 Self: A Case Study Of English Secondary Learners In Multilingual Mauritius

54

second/foreign language (Dornyei et al., 2006; Ryan, 2009; Taguchi et al., 2009).

Dornyei (2005, p.65) argues that ‘all the other factors involved in second

language acquisition presuppose motivation to some extent.’ For the last three

decades, there has been a growing interest in investigating the dynamics between

second language learning and motivation. I understand motivation as a driving

force that triggers willingness and perseverance to invest effort so as to achieve

the set goals. Cohen and Dornyei (2002, p.172) assert that ‘without it

[motivation], nothing much happens.’ Muir and Dornyei (2013) suggest that

motivation has been assumed to be static, with the supposition that learners may

be either ‘motivated’ or ‘demotivated.’ In the literature, motivation is a contested

topic owing to its non-static nature and ‘an abundance of theoretical frameworks’

(Shahbaz and Liu, 2012, p.117). Dornyei’s review of theories of motivation

(2005) reveals that instead of differences between the frameworks, similarities

were posing more challenges to comprehend the dynamic nature of motivation.

To this end, Dornyei (2009) has designed the ‘L2 Motivation Self System’ that

stems from empirical studies and concepts of possible selves. The present study

uses Dornyei’s (2009) conceptual framework to explore motivational factors in a

sample of 14 to 18 year old Mauritian students. The primary aims of this paper

are to investigate the relevance of Dornyei’s framework among adolescents in a

secondary school in Mauritius and to explore some English language learning

motivational factors. Subsequently, this study can be useful to language teachers

to understand the motivations of secondary learners vis-à-vis English as well as

the factors impacting on students’ motivation to learn English. Accordingly, they

can accommodate their teaching practices.

Below is a contextual overview of Mauritius and its education system. It is

important to mention that I drew from these particularities (contextual factors) to

include other items in the survey and interviews for this study.

Overview of sociolinguistic situation and literacy practices in Mauritius

Mauritius is an island situated in the Indian Ocean with a population of around

1.2 million people. It was a former British and French colony. Subsequently,

English and French are emblems of prestige in the local context (Rajah Carrim,

2007). French is omnipresent in the public sphere and is assumed to be a second

language. Conversely, though English is the official language of education and

M N Syed

55

government, it is barely employed socially in the Mauritian society,

foregrounding its foreign status (Auleear Owodally, 2012). Besides, numerous

oriental languages such as Hindi, Mandarin, Tamil, Telugu and Urdu are taught

across the education system. They are strong signifiers of ethno-religious identity

(Rajah Carrim, 2007). The home language of 84% of Mauritians (Central

Statistics Office, 2011) is a French-lexified Creole (Kreol Morisien). Auleear

Owodally (2012, p.52) uses the term ‘linguistic and literacy paradox’ to describe

the linguistic situation of Mauritian learners. She explicates that though Kreol

Morisien is the home language of the population, English and French are the

most important languages of literacy and education as well as the most popular

and visible print languages. As from the first year of primary schooling, English

is the chief language of literacy and main written medium of instruction (Auleear

Owodally, 2014). It is also a compulsory subject taught in secondary schools.

Throughout the education system, without passing English, no one is promoted to

another class. This suggests that English has very instrumental and crucial

dimensions in the local landscape. In such a situation, it is interesting to explore

teenagers’ positions towards English as a foreign language and its place in their

lives. Providing recommendation for future research, Kormos and Csizer (2008)

suggest that motivation can be explored in contexts where learners have little

chance to communicate with native speakers and are not so much exposed to

cultural products. This study focuses on such research direction where other

conclusions might be possibly drawn.

Theoretical premise of this study: Dornyei’s L2 Motivational Self System

Theory

Dornyei’s L2 Motivational Self System (2005, 2009) is distinctive as it

comprises the ideal and ought-to L2 selves. This section unpacks the components

of L2 Motivational Self System. Dornyei (2009) reconceptualises L2 learning

motivation by designing the L2 Motivational Self System. The latter is made up

of three constructs, namely the ideal L2 self, the ought-to L2 self and the L2

learning experience. The ideal L2 self is characterised by the way we perceive

ourselves and aspire to be in future. Dornyei (2005) postulates that the learner’s

desire to become proficient in the target language will be an impetus for the latter

to deal with the challenges relentlessly so as to reach to the ideal self. On the


56

other hand, the ought-to L2 self is influenced by other people’s aspirations such

as parents, teachers or/and the broader social context. This kind of motivation is

extrinsic as the learner tries to avoid negative outcomes to meet expectations of

others. The L2 learning experience concerns the learners’ social contexts where

they are likely to be affected by peer group, experience of achievement and the

teacher. The underpinning assumption is that if expertise in the target language is

embedded in an individual’s ideal or ought-to L2 self, this will act as a driving

motivational force to be competent in the target language. This entails a

willingness to bridge the gap between the present and future potential selves.

Interestingly, Lamb (2004) contends that for Indonesian learners, L2 motivation

is tied in to their ‘bicultural identity’. In other words, as local and global citizens,

they put a lot of effort and time in the L2 to construct and reshape their identity.

This idea is actually at the heart of the L2 motivational self system. Arguably,

this theory is efficacious in second language learning motivation contexts.

In the coming sections, the research methodology of the present study is outlined.

The salient findings are next presented, followed by some discussions. The paper

ends with an overview of the findings and some recommendations for future

research. It is important to note that the qualitative findings are prioritised for

they form part of the dominant research methodology and are powerful and

intimate, evoking the overlapping nature of L2 motivation. The quantitative

findings are teased out only for comparative purposes.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

In his seminal book Research Methods in Applied Linguistics, Dornyei (2007)

argues that by combining both quantitative and qualitative approaches, we fully

comprehend the target phenomena. Thus, a mixed-methods research was

conducted ‘to achieve an elaborate and comprehensive understanding of a

complex matter’ as motivation (ibid, p.164). Methods of data collection were

carried out independently.

Zenter and Renaud (2007) postulate that individuals start to develop their future

selves from adolescence. Exploring the beliefs and attitudes of secondary

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learners pertaining to English can give an insight into their ideal and ought-to L2

selves. The fact that they have been studying English throughout primary school

and still doing so puts them in a better position to articulate the factors impinging

on their English language learning. For data collection, a coeducational

secondary school was chosen owing to accessibility. The learner population

(aged between 14-18) is homogenous in terms of high proficiency level.

Normally, students with A+ (distinctions) in all subjects are admitted to this

school. This is determined by standardized examinations known as the Certificate

of Primary Education (CPE) conducted by the Mauritius Examination Syndicate

(MES) annually.

Quantitative data collection

I opted for self-selection (Dornyei, 2007) wherein 30 students, 15 boys and 15

girls willingly participated in the survey from Form 4, Form 5, Lower 6 and

Upper 6. The age range is from 15 (Form 4) to 19 (Upper 6) years old. Form 4

and Lower 6 are preparatory years for School Certificate and Higher School

Certificate (examinations conducted by the Mauritius Examinations Syndicate on

behalf of the University of Cambridge International Examinations) respectively.

In total, 120 students formed part of the quantitative survey. The latter consisted

of three sections of 4-Likert scale statements and questions, ranging from

‘strongly disagree’ (1) to ‘strongly agree’ (4). Items in the questionnaire were

replicated and adapted from five empirical studies: Dornyei et al. (2006), Ryan

(2008), Taguchi et al. (2009), Yashima (2009) and Islam (2013). The items

(explained in ‘Results’ section) were pertaining to the learners’ attitudes towards

L2 Community, their position towards integrating into the L2 culture and the

extent to which they are interested in L2 cultural products. Other items

incorporated English Language learning attitudes, the role of English in the

international scenario, the function of parents and immediate surroundings in

their English Language learning experience and how these mediate, reinforce or

hinder their intended learning efforts. Nonetheless, some amendments with

regard to the ‘National Development’ scale were made so as to make them

contextually apt for Mauritius. For example, these items were formulated to

gauge the salience of English to the Mauritian context according to the learners:

‘I think the knowledge of English will help Mauritians to represent Mauritius in a


58

better way among other nations’ and ‘I think that English is more important than

French for the development of Mauritius.’ Hence, the modifications were related

to the economic and sociolinguistic specificities of Mauritius.

The survey items were organised by categories (themes) so as to decide what

responses would support a particular scale. SPSS was used to do statistical tests

including correlation tests, standard deviation and backward regression analyses.

Qualitative data collection

8 focus group interviews with two to six participants from a class were conducted

to explore the kinds of motivation students had and the factors impacting on their

motivation to learn English. The participants were allowed to choose their friends

for the interview. In this manner, the data would likely be richer and the

atmosphere would be less strenuous. The self-selected respondents were given an

information sheet and explained orally the purpose of the focus group interviews

again. I reinstated that each word they uttered would be confidential and no one

but the researcher would get access to the recording and transcribe data. When

asked about the most comfortable language for the interviews, all groups settled

on their L1 (Kreol Morisien). The interviews took about 30 to 45 minutes,

depending on the group dynamics. Drawing on the L2 Motivational Self system,

the interview questions were set to explore possible motivational factors to learn

English as a foreign language in Mauritius. They were based on their perceptions

about the uses and functions of English, English language learning experience,

attitudes towards L2 cultures, English-speaking people, integrativeness, future L2

selves (ideal and ought-to selves), international posture of English and its role in

national development. Having set questions gave me a clear road map to follow

so that I could monitor the process of co-constructing knowledge during the

interviews (Holdstein and Gubrium, 2002).

After an interview was conducted, I started transcribing the recordings. Thematic

analysis enabled me to manage the data and interpret the emerging and

overlapping issues (Berg, 2009). Cohen et al. (2007) warn that the data should be

reduced into understandable patterns so that there is no compromise on the

quality in a qualitative research. This arduous process required reading and re-

M N Syed

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reading the data so as to have sound grasp of conceptual issues. While presenting

the findings, pseudonyms are used to protect anonymity and students’ utterances

have been translated from Kreol Morisien into English.

RESULTS

Backward regression analysis was conducted to investigate the relationship of the

criterion measure ‘Intended Learning Efforts’ with other motivational factors in

the questionnaire. It was also used to understand which motivational factors

contributed to the components of L2 Motivational Self system. The backwards

regression result demonstrates that these four variables have the strongest

relationship with intended learning effort:

Table 1: Strongest predictors for intended learning effort

To consider the group scores of the variables, mean scores and standard deviation

tests were conducted. The results are presented below:

Table 2: Descriptive Analysis of Scales

Ideal L2 Self .376 Instrumentality Prevention .446 Attitudes to English Language Learning .444 Cultural Interest .391

Names of Scales Mean Standard Deviation

Integrativeness 2.82 0.36 Cultural Interest 3.06 0.43 Attitudes towards L2 Community 3.19 0.29 Instrumentality Promotion 3.32 0.21

Instrumentality Prevention 3.14 0.43 International Appeal 3.11 0.28 English (Classroom) Anxiety 2.42 0.25 English Language Learning Attitudes 2.47 0.34 Milieu 2.87 0.39 Ideal L2 Self 3.32 0.08 Ought-to L2 Self 2.56 0.19 Intended Learning Efforts 2.92 0.23 National Development 2.90 0.43


60

While the mean scores indicate which of the motivational components are more

dominant to the informants’ English language learning experience, the standard

deviation shows dissimilarities pertaining to scores of specific motivational

components. Instrumentality Promotion, International Appeal, Ideal L2 Self,

Instrumentality Prevention, Cultural Interest and Attitudes towards L2

Community have the highest mean values. This highlights that the students are

highly motivated to learn English and there are numerous factors impinging on

their willingness to attain the target language. They are aware of the salience of

English in the contemporary era. Dornyei’s construct of the ideal L2 self is

therefore relevant to the student’s perception of their L2 identities. English

(classroom) anxiety has the lowest mean score. It implies that many learners feel

tensed in classroom contexts when learning English.

The lower standard deviation scores signify that the statements/questions are

agreed on by many participants. A higher standard deviation score suggests that

there is a wide variety of opinions. It is striking to note that the ideal L2 Self and

ought-to L2 Self have the lowest standard deviation, indicating that the

respondents articulated the manifestation of their L2 selves. The students appear

to have different opinions regarding instrumentality (prevention), cultural interest

and national development. Actually, these scales had the least number of items

(ranging from 2 to 4). It is also important to consider that the teenagers have

different experiences of ‘English’ as a disciplinary and cultural apparatus. These

constructs are connected to how English itself is harnessed in Mauritius’ cultural

politics. Thus, the statements in the questionnaire may possibly reiterate their

encounter with English which is mediated by contradictory discourses. This

might explain the variety of responses.

In what follows, the role of motivation in terms of the respondents’ learning

experiences and future L2 selves is described. Particular focus is on the ways the

findings relate to Dornyei’s notions of ideal self and ought-to L2 self in the

second and third sections. The role of milieu, mediated by parents, in relation to

language learning motivation is stated in section four. Next, the dynamics

between instrumental motivation, the students’ learning experiences and future

selves are listed. In part six, the learners’ attitudes vis-à-vis English and the L2

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community are expounded. This is followed by describing the participants’

positions vis-à-vis English as an international language and lingua franca.

Finally, through the lens of the learners, the role of English for the national

development of Mauritius is presented.

English Language Learning Experience and Attitudes

This component of the L2 Motivational Self System postulates that the experience

of learning English in the classroom impacts on the attitudes and motivation of

learners. Thus, the teacher is also an important agent of motivation. An analysis

of the quantitative data (backward regression) shows that integrativeness (.502)

and instrumentality prevention (-.316) have the strongest relationship with

English language learning attitudes. When asked about their English language

learning experience, all students found it to be ‘interesting’, ‘enjoyable’ and

‘enriching’. For Lower and Upper 6 students (aged 17 and 18), learning English

has made them more aware of current local and global issues. The following

attestations of Form 5 and Lower 6 students capture the salience and vis-à-vis

English language learning that all focus groups seem to have internalised: positive

attitudes

Fouad: There are many interesting stuffs. We’ve learnt how to decipher

sentences which are quite difficult. We can understand when people

converse in English with us. These days, English is spoken in many

countries. English is becoming a worldwide language. We learn it to be

able to communicate globally.

Senaaz: We’ve got a very enriching experience that would be useful for

the rest of our lives..we have to use English in our everyday life, in

every sphere..

Rachel: Before, I used to stammer. I didn’t know how to articulate the

‘s’ sounds properly but due to oral practice in class, I’m able to

pronounce them well now.


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Strong presence of the Ideal L2 self

All students had robust visions of themselves using English in the future. Upper 6

girls said that English is part of their lives for they already communicate in

English with some local and international friends. Upper 6 boys put forward the

instrumental use of English in future interviews and working abroad. A Lower 6

boy opined that English would be crucial to integrate in the culture when he

would be studying abroad. The other 3 boys could not imagine using English as

they are not fluent and it would be time consuming. However, they imagined

using it with their university teachers and colleagues. Form 4, Form 5 and Lower

6 girls had very clear pictures of using English in the long run such as studying

and settling abroad, communicating with lecturers, to an audience on a stage as

well as working in the UK. The ideal L2 self of a Form 4 girl was quite

representative of the target participants’ future selves:

My goal is to become a lawyer and I have to keep talking. I don’t intend

to stay in Mauritius, here we don’t have enough opportunities to talk in

English but if I go to England, Australia or Singapore I would speak

English.

The ideal L2 self, instrumentality (prevention), English language learning

attitudes and cultural interest are strong predictors of intended learning effort

(Table 1) among the 120 students. As far as other components are concerned,

intended learning effort (Pearson correlation=.176, p<0.01), attitudes towards L2

community (Pearson correlation=.098, p<0.01), instrumentality prevention

(Pearson correlation=-.285, p<0.05), instrumentality promotion (Pearson

correlation=.246, p<0.05), international appeal (Pearson correlation=.293,

p<0.05), and national development(Pearson correlation=.243, p<0.05) had

significant relationship with the ideal L2 self.

Instrumentality (Prevention): Embodiment of the Ought-to L2 Self

Instrumentality (prevention) refers to the responsibilities and obligations a

learner experiences when learning the target language. It is arguably intertwined

and overlapping with the ought-to L2 self. When asked what would happen if

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they were not learning English, the students reacted spontaneously to the

potential drastic ramifications.

For Form 4 and Form 5 girls, they would not be able to communicate with

tourists, secure a good job and would be lagging behind. Jameela of Form 4

stated:

If we don’t learn English, we will face many problems in our studies

because if we do finance management for example, it is obligatory to

use English. If we think of it, when students sit for exams, the papers

come from Cambridge, England.

Form 4 boys also talked about their inability to communicate in the future. Their

ought-to L2 selves were more prominent in that they expressed their fear that

their tertiary studies would be affected. They would not only face problem to

adapt if they study abroad but also feel inferior. All subjects are English-medium.

Also, they would not be able to adapt or move forward. Foregrounding the

complexity and overlapping facets of motivation, Lower 6 boys’ responses were

interesting. When I asked about the consequences of not learning English, Jean

opined

There are many. The most important thing is that we won’t get a seat in

any university abroad. We’ll be compelled to stay in Mauritius. I think

that all my friends present here think likewise. We no longer wish to

stay in Mauritius. There is a lot of corruption at the level of government.

It’s difficult for us. We prefer to live in another country where we will

get a much better salary at the same time. It’ll be easier for us there.

The above quote not only highlights the instrumental use of English but also its

international appeal. English is perceived to be a passport for employment and

economic stability. Foreign countries represent site of potentialities whereby

English would be useful for communication. Hence, the nature of motivation is

intertwined with several factors while projecting a negative sense of being if the

teenagers do not acquire proficiency in English. Lower 6 and Upper 6 girls used


64

a poignant term ‘illiterate’ to elaborate on the ways people would view them in

society. They would have to depend on someone else to get their work done.

Likewise, Rajiv from Upper 6 boys stated that ‘if we weren’t learning English,

we would have failed Form 5, not get a job and you wouldn’t have interviewed

us.’ Hence, the ought-to L2 selves are intrinsic to the students’ English language

learning process.

Milieu

This variable relates to the views of the students’ peers and parents with regard to

the significance of English as a foreign language. The majority of the students

said that their friends considered learning English as a normal process. As for

their parents, many of the learners said that they are encouraged by them. For

example, a Form 5 boy claimed that his father buys newspapers in English and

encourages him to read on the net and books. Upper 6 boys affirmed that people

will respect them and their friends would be impressed if they had a good

proficiency level. The qualitative findings on milieu indicate that besides parents,

the broader social context is significant in motivating the learners.

Instrumentality (Promotion)

Instrumentality (promotion) denotes the salience of the language that acts as an

encouragement to strive for future use in terms of financial and professional

gains. All the informants from the different age groups were convinced of the

instrumental role of English. The fact that it is compulsory throughout the

education system makes English more crucial in their lives. Lower 6 boys said

that they learn English to pass exams. An interviewee said that even if English

were not compulsory, he would learn it as it is a universal language and is useful

in social networking sites. This is reiterated by Upper 6 boys and girls who said

that English is an international language and widely used and most spoken

language in the world. Lower 6 girls talked about English medium subjects and a

language as a way of enhancing one’s literacy skills such as writing letters.

Interestingly, two Form 5 girls prioritised instrumentality (prevention) when the

question was about instrumentality (promotion):

Neena: if we fail in English, we fail everywhere.

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65

Caroline: If we get an interview for a job and all, everything is in

English these days.

Neena: if we have to go abroad to represent Mauritius or even our

school.

In a similar fashion, both instrumentality promotion (Pearson correlation=.228,

p<0.05) and instrumentality prevention (Pearson correlation=.439, p<0.05)

correlated significantly to the ought-to L2 self. The literature suggests that these

constructs are distinct, but the quantitative and qualitative findings indicate an

overlap between them. Given that the correlation values are significant but not

strong enough, a large sample might profitably yield a more conclusive result.

When I prompted them about the reasons of studying English, a pattern of

intrinsic motivation arose among certain focus groups. To exemplify this, Upper

6 girls, Form 4 boys and Form 5 boys said that there is self development when

they learn English. Form 5 girls talked about their desire of writing poems. Form

4 girls said that it is a sense of achievement if they are able to master English. In

the light of the findings, it can be seen that instrumental (promotion) motivation

is at the ‘core’ of the perceptions of learning process. However, I would use the

word ‘core’ as contingent and provisional as an analysis of the multiple

motivational factors would indicate a complex and interrelated picture of English

language learning motivation.

Integrativeness, Cultural Interest and Attitudes towards L2 Community

This part of the paper reports on the students’ positions vis-à-vis aspect of L2

cultures. To do so, integrativeness, cultural interest and attitudes towards

English-speaking communities are merged in order to have a broad

understanding of the learners’ perceptions and how they relate to their motivation

of studying English as a foreign language. Integrativeness is defined as a

learner’s wish to incorporate into the English-speaking community. Dornyei et al.

(2006) state that this can even lead to an aspiration for learners to be like L2

interlocutors


66

In spite of having mixed opinions on L2 cultures, most of the learners talked

about their desire to integrate to English cultures and some even expressed their

intentions to immigrate to the UK or the US. Having positive insights about L2

cultures, Form 4 girls were fascinated by English gardens, polite people compared

to Mauritians and their ‘sophisticated’ way of living. One shared her experience

of already having an English friend and how easy it was for her to integrate in the

culture. Another said that what she gathers from films is that English countries

have an important role to play. Form 4 boys described England as a land of

potential at the level of education, technological development, fascinating

locations, prestigious universities, infrastructures and better jobs. Many students

wanted to emulate all aspects of the L2 cultures. However, there were mixed

views. For example, one Form 5 girl said that there is too much independence and

indecency in Western countries. Form 5 boys showed their interest on the

personality and fluency of English speaking people. Ajmal and Jhusveer laid

stress on the technological advancement and open-mindedness in English-

speaking communities:

Ajmal: Yes. There’s more development there [in those countries]. More

beautiful places

Jhusveer: We would also be developed with them…language and all, we

would also communicate with them.

For Lower 6 girls, English-speaking countries are emblematic of power as Britain

has colonised Mauritius earlier. Two interviewees said that they would like to

follow some aspects of the cultures. For example, they would like to emulate the

fashion, their ‘style’ of living, their ‘way of working hard’, and their openness

compared to Mauritians. One stated that ‘very often we think that Western

cultures are degrading but it’s not really the case.’ They said that they were

impressed by the lifestyles of English-speaking individuals. One respondent

preferred multicultural Mauritius:

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I like the way we are here..multicultural..the way Mauritian families

live.. when you see it…everyone coming together in a marriage. This is

something peculiar.

When asked about the views of people surrounding them on occasion when

they converse in English among themselves, these were two of the responses

from Lower 6 and Form 4 learners respectively:

Louis: Some will consider us to be educated whereas

others will think that we’re showing off.

Rahena: They assume that we’re arrogant..we’re

trying to prove something..that we know how to talk

in English for example.

All in all, despite having ambivalent attitudes to the target culture, all learners

showed their keenness to integrate with the L2 community so as to communicate

and for many other purposes mentioned earlier. This highlights integrative

motivation to learn English.

International Posture and English as a lingua franca

The concept of international posture (Yashima, 2009) signals a willingness to

view oneself as part of an international set-up. Besides, it also implies showing

keenness in international issues and wanting to communicate with not only native

speakers but also people around the world (ibid), foregrounding English as lingua

franca. The learners were highly aware of the pertinent issue of English as an

international language. It was interesting to note that when the students expressed

their views on English as an international language, they elaborated on English as

a common language (not only limited to English-speaking countries) and the

ways it helps to bridge gaps between various cultures and countries. The

following statement from a Form 4 boy sufficiently advocates this:

…in many countries, people speak English and it is very practical in all

countries.


68

For this reason, this section reviews the learners’ attestations of English as an

international language and lingua franca. During the course of the interviews,

when I asked about the advantages and obligation of learning English (promotion

and prevention), I was struck by the complex emerging patterns when the

learners themselves evoked the salience of English as an international language

in the contemporary era. Students evoked the use, recognition and dominance of

English around the world. Upper 6 students and Lower 6 boys want to be fluent

in English so that they can use it abroad:

The only language that can unite us is English because English is

spoken in all countries. (Christelle, Upper 6)

While Lower 6 girls referred to the use of English in conferences by people from

different countries, Form 5 girls mentioned Bollywood films being dubbed into

English and English-Hindi code switching in Hindi songs. Besides, they feel

encouraged to consume L2 products such as American films, books, BBC, and

documentaries. The learners of the different age groups acknowledged that they

want to improve their proficiency in English for it is an international language.

Similarly, the international appeal score has a fairly strong relationship (Pearson

correlation=.458, p<0.05) with effort.

National development

National development signals a positive perception of English as a powerful

language in the era of globalisation (Islam, 2013). It entails socioeconomic

contribution that an individual can bring to the country with the mastery of the

target language. Pan and Block (2011) refer to the common view that English is a

site of potentialities in developing countries. Hence, it is likely to be intrinsic to

the ideal L2 self. The participants’ reactions (apart from Upper 6 boys) vis-à-vis

this variable was very positive. They opined that if they have mastered English,

they will be able to contribute to the national development of Mauritius.

When I asked about the importance of learning English for Mauritians, Upper 6

students said that it is a prerequisite for international transaction. Upper 6 boys

laid stress on resolving issues together by communicating in English. However,

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they said if English is socially used, people who do not know English can feel

vulnerable. Also, English does not help them to contribute to national

development of Mauritius. To them, English is ‘only a means of communication’.

Similarly, three of the five Lower 6 boys and the Lower 6 girls foregrounded the

communicative purpose, enabling them to contribute to the development of

Mauritius through communication.

Form 5 girls opined that it can bring positive changes to Mauritius, especially in

the tourism field. Mauritius can become a developed country. Similar opinions

were voiced out by the boys. Bringing expertise with the mastery of English will

help Mauritius to become an ‘international power.’ In turn, this will motivate

students to study. Nonetheless, the downside of the empowerment through

English is that value of Creole, cultures and identity can be lost. A Form 4 boy

asserted that if Mauritians resist learning English, there will be a large gap

between rich and poor people.

DISCUSSION

In the light of the data presented above, it is apparent that Dornyei’s motivational

framework is relevant and intriguing in the Mauritian context. Interestingly, there

seems to be minor differences with regards to motivational factors in terms of

age and gender. It is possible to argue that there is a ‘group culture’ prevailing in

the secondary institution. The contention is that many constructs do not appear to

be distinct. There are many overlaps. The qualitative findings, specifically,

highlight the complexity of motivation and how the numerous factors impinge on

the learners’ English Language learning experiences. In this vein, the following

diagram stems from my reading of the qualitative data and attempts to represent

the interplay between the different motivational factors.


70

Diagram 3 reflects the complexity of the students’ learning process.

The ideal and ought-to L2 selves complement each other and form part of their

L2 identities. It is at this stage that they ultimately aspire to reach. To this end,

they make efforts owing to the international position of English. This may be

mediated by attitudes towards English-speaking countries and their associated

cultures. Hence, these positive attitudes may hinder their efforts as they know hat

English would be useful when they would settle in these countries and interact

with the people. As a matter of fact, parents and friends also play a decisive role

in promoting interest and shaping certain attitudes towards the L2 community

and the importance of mastering English for the national prosperity of Mauritius.

Hence, learning English is perceived to be efficacious both in the local and

international contexts. Instrumentality (prevention) is connected to these factors

as the fear of not mastering the language will result in a low sense of self esteem.

The fear associated to failure in English makes the students instrumentally

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motivated. This has an impact on their efforts to learn English. In light of the

data, the learners ’ attitudes towards learning might be affected by English

(classroom) anxiety. However, I argue that this does not have a ‘pull back’ effect

on the students. Instrumental motivation is so dominant that classroom anxiety,

which may be mediated by teachers, teaching methodologies and/or teaching

materials, does not affect their motivation. These motivational factors foreground

Muir and Dornyei’s (2013) concept of a dynamic systems theory perspective.

This technical term is used to describe a situation whereby numerous factors are

intertwined, each influencing one another, resulting in numerous interferences.

In what follows, I discuss the learners’ ideal L2 selves, which are inextricably

intertwined with the international appeal of English. This is followed by a critical

evaluation of the effectiveness of some of Dornyei’s motivational components in

the Mauritian context. These are the roles of motivational factors including the

ought-to L2 self mediated by instrumentality (prevention), milieu, English

language learning attitudes, cultural interest and national development.

Robust Ideal L2 selves

While the quantitative data validates the presence of an ideal L2 self among the

secondary learners (mean=3.32, standard deviation=0.08) the qualitative data

provide an elaborate vision of their future selves. Taking into account their

proficiency level, the learners had clear and realisable idealised images of their

L2 selves. During the focus group interviews, they showed confidence when

expressing their future aspirations and the relevance of English. They talked

about developing their intercultural communications skills that would not only be

useful in international contexts (jobs, integrating in L2 culture, travelling) but also

the local context (jobs). In order to diminish the discrepancy between the current

and ideal selves, they evoked consistence of effort. At this stage, other

motivational factors such as instrumentality (prevention) come into play. The

students were critically aware of the negative repercussions of not mastering

English. Arguably, the students are not only instrumentally but also resultatively

motivated. In many instances, students talked about situations which further

motivated them to learn English. For example, contests, debates and high marks

encouraged them to persevere in their English studies. Thus, aiming to reach a

higher benchmark foregrounds the potency of the ideal L2 self. In this context,


72

Oyserman et al. (2006) contend that besides a strong visualisation of the future L2

self, suitable action plans and techniques to achieve that self are necessary.

Likewise, most students were keen to pursue tertiary education in Mauritius and

abroad. Many interviewees recognised local and international platforms wherein

their ideal L2 selves can thrive. Their future aspirations (of becoming a lawyer,

teacher, entrepreneur, hotel manager) were incentives to improve their

proficiency and were thus pragmatic and achievable. Interestingly, the choice of

the careers reflects social and financial stability in the Mauritian society. But this

is not necessarily part of the participants’ intention as they expressed their wish to

communicate with English-speaking people and a broader L2 community.

However, English seemed to be a professional language and lingua franca, instead

of a language they would use in their everyday lives. This is so as most of the

respondents viewed Mauritians speaking English as a sign of showing off and

arrogance. This reflects the students’ linguistic positions vis-à-vis their first

language and English.

Studies including Kormos and Csizer (2008), Yashima (2009) and Kormos et al.

(2011) have identified the correlation between the ideal L2 self and international

appeal of English. They revealed the participants’ increasing awareness of

English as a lingua franca and to interact. While the quantitative data of the

current study do not reveal anything as such, the qualitative data suggest that the

secondary learners are motivated to learn English for it is an international

language that connects the world. Similar to Pan and Block’s (2011) findings in

China, the findings of the study foreground English as a site of potential,

modernity, and connectivity. This also shows that the Mauritian learners’ ideal

L2 selves are grounded in socio-economic aspects.

Ought-to L2 self and Efforts to learn English

Since instrumentality (prevention) refers to a learner’s apprehension and broader

social expectations, it is thus part of a learner’s ought-to self. Similar to Islam’s

(2013) study on Pakistani university learners, the present findings also

demonstrated strong overwhelming presence of the ought-to L2 self. However,

the difference is that his study did not find any correlation with any aspects of the

ought-to L2 whereas this study clearly revealed a correlation (Pearson

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Correlation=.446,p<0.05) between efforts and instrumentality (prevention). The

Mauritian secondary students showed a raised awareness of the negative

repercussions that they would encounter if they failed to learn English. The fears

were associated with inferiority, low self-esteem and confidence. There were also

evidence of social pressures and respect in society and public sphere. For

instance, one participant mentioned an incident where an elderly person was

insulted for not understanding and speaking English.

The two former sections analysed the learner’s ideal and ought-to L2 selves.

However, these two components are complementary. Dornyei (2009) elucidates

that the ideal and ought-to L2 selves should be in harmony so that motivation to

learn the target language increases. Indeed, the data support this contention. The

learners’ idealised version of an L2 learner appeared to be mediated by social

positions, acceptance and fears. The fact that the learners were affected by social

pressures suggests that their ideal selves stem from and are reshaped by the

ought-to L2 self. Moreover, being a professionally respected member of the

society is actually their ideal L2 self as many learners said that they wanted to

master English as it is a sign of being educated in the society. Oyserman et al.

(2006) postulate that ideal and ought-to L2 selves do not essentially oppose each

other. The interrelatedness between these two concepts might point to the fears

and tensions Mauritian learners feel, thereby impacting on their ideal L2 selves.

When family, immediate learning environment and social expectations have a

crucial role in a context, these factors impinge on a student’s effort to strive

(Papi, 2010). The learners’ ideal L2 selves are framed by internalisation of social

values which are promoted by that environment.

English language learning and Milieu

Both quantitative and qualitative data indicate that milieu has a strong impact on

the respondents’ English language learning motivation. In Mauritius, parents and

family members usually have a role to play in promoting the potential of English.

The data suggest that many students were encouraged by their parents who

regularly talk about the importance of English at home. For some, within their

families, there is a sort of ‘rivalry’ going on between cousins when they score

distinction in English. These suggest that milieu can be a strong motivational


74

factor that impact on effort. The parents may be aware of the socioeconomic

advantages related to English. As a result, they encourage their wards to learn

English by attending private tuitions. In a similar vein, Kormos et al. (2011, p.

70) attest that ‘[f]or the majority of language learners, and even for young adults,

parents and the family are the mediators of the societal and cultural values and

norms.’

Integrative Motivation: Cultural Interest and Attitudes to L2 community

Despite being a foreign language in the local context, English seems to play a

prominent role in the learners’ lives. As suggested in the findings section, most

of the students consume L2 products. They are fascinated by English-speaking

people and their cultures. Actually, this is a way of familiarising oneself (Dornyei

et al., 2006; Ryan, 2009; Taguchi et al., 2009) and establishing contact with the

L2 community in an indirect manner. While the literature has often reported

explicit attempts by the ex-colonised subjects to turn away from the coloniser’s

language (Le Page and Tabouret-Keller, 1985), the learners in postcolonial

Mauritius show an active engagement with the L2 community and the target

language. LePage and Tabouret- Keller (1985, p.5) postulate that the choice and

use of language are inextricably intertwined with one’s sense of identity and

‘search for social role’. In this vein, English has a role to play in the students’

identity construction as they appear to have internalised the language through

constant code switching during the interviews and its importance in their future

lives. However, English does not necessarily act as a threat to their L1. In fact,

the multilingual students seem to use both languages (Creole and English)

without any conflict (Le Page & Tabouret-Keller ibid, p. 180-181). Hence, their

identities are shaped and reconfigured by accommodating to the various social

contexts

However, the qualitative findings point out that many learners had ambivalent

attitudes vis-à-vis the L2 community and culture. The fact that they do not like

certain aspects might suggest that that they are critically engaging with them to

reassert their national and socio cultural identities. Blunt (1994) and Kramsch and

Von-Hoene (2001) hold the view that this is often the case in postcolonial

contexts. Nonetheless, these ambivalent attitudes do not necessarily inhibit

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language learning. Instead, it creates a space whereby the learners negotiate the

use and appropriacy of the target language with regard to their sociocultural

sensibilities. Likewise, the learners in this study espoused these views.

National Interest

The quantitative data suggest that this construct has significant correlation with

several variables such as intended learning effort, ideal L2 self as well as the

ought-to L2 self. This salient finding highlights the significant role of English in

the Mauritian society. The qualitative data also emphasise that majority of the

students believed that English would enable them to contribute to the

development of Mauritius. It is interesting to note that many participants

considered English to be more important than French in relation to the

development of the Mauritian economy. Though Upper 6 boys did not think so,

they highlighted the communicative function of English in the public sphere. In

this vein, as a foreign language, English becomes a means of conveying unity

and shared societal purposes (Rivers, 2011).

CONCLUSIONS AND AVENUES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

Filling in the gap of the scarcity of research in second/foreign language learning

motivation (Kormos and Csizer, 2008), this paper has investigated the factors

that impact on English language learning motivation among adolescent learners

in a secondary school in Mauritius. It has also dealt with the salience of

Dornyei’s L2 Motivational Self System. The mixed methods findings show that

there are no major motivational differences in terms of age and gender. Learners

of the secondary institution are not only instrumentally motivated but also

resultatively and integratively motivated to learn English. These reveal the

salience of English in an era of globalisation. Hence, Mahadeo’s (1999) claim

that Mauritian students are only instrumentally motivated loses its raison d’être.

Nonetheless, the size and nature of the sample need to be acknowledged. With

large scale studies carried out in numerous secondary schools would enable us to

make more concrete conclusions that could reveal intriguing patterns in an EFL

context as Mauritius. Another essential limitation to take into account is that

motivation is fluid and non-linear. So, each of those students would be probably


76

at a different point of the curve when they answered the questionnaire and when

they did the interview. My presence as a researcher may also have had an impact

on the participants’ inclination towards giving ‘right’ and ‘acceptable’ answers.

Drawing from the mixed methods findings of this study, the following

recommendations are provided for further research. Taking into account the

social particularities of Mauritius, the scale of the ought-to L2 self needs to be

explored further. Contextually sensitive issues including the status of English and

its repercussions among people in Mauritian society can be incorporated in the

survey items. For example, factors connected to mental and emotional fears,

confidence, personality, and social expectations can be considered. Moreover, the

construct of national interest demands a more rigorous approach. Islam (2013)

stated that this construct might not be reliable since the latter might emblematise

the learners’ internalisation of discourses concerning English in Pakistan rather

than their actual dedication to national principles. However, the present study

found out that the ideal L2 self had a strong correlation with national interest.

Additionally, it contributed to the intended learning effort. Hence, it would be

interesting to probe further into the dynamics between the ideal L2 self and

national interest in Mauritius and in other ESL or EFL contexts. Future research

can look into the ways in which English is harnessed as a site of opportunities

and academic prestige. Another pertinent issue emerging from the focus group

interviews was the students’ concerns and emotional attachment vis-à-vis Kreol

Morisien. It is likely that they may also develop their future L1 selves. It is

therefore suggested to explore the dynamics between both L1 and L2 selves and

whether they complement or contradict each other or else there is a critical

engagement or even an emergence of emotional tussles. In multilingual

Mauritius, learners may be having future selves for more than two and three

languages.

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