Sufi Shaykhs And Society In Thirteenth And Fifteenth Century Anatolia Spiritual Influence And Rivalry.pdf

SUFI SHAYKHS AND SOCIETY IN

THIRTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURY

ANATOLIA: SPIRITUAL INFLUENCE

AND RIVALRY

RESUL AYKirikkale University, Turkey

1. INTRODUCTION

Sufi hagiographies (menakibname) produced in late medieval Anatoliasometimes reveal characteristics in their subjectsmoral weaknesses,worldly ambition and rivalry with fellow Sufisthat are at odds with theidealized Sufi type. These characteristics are sometimes expressedindirectly through symbols, sometimes directly in words, attitudes andactions including fighting. How the representatives of a movement thatset out as a world-renouncing way of life oriented to individual salvationbecame engrossed in worldly aspirations and ambitions is closelyconnected to the fact that, over the course of time, Sufi shaykhs tookon significant social roles and commitments, not just to individualsalvation, but also to the salvation of society as a whole, with newinterpretations or models of ascetic renunciation to fit the orientation topublic service and a public role.1

1 For the evolution of the new model of renunciation as a movement basedon rejection of society while living within the society, see Ahmet T. Karamustafa,Gods Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in The Islamic Later Middle Period(12001550) (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Pres, 1994), 13, 2532. On Sufistaking on social responsibilities, see H. Landolt, art. Khalwa, EI2, iv. 9901.The Sufis communalist tendencies are well illustrated by Abu Ishak-| Kazarun:he accepts as an important task for himself to improve the morals of the peopleand invite them to the true religion, and he does not consider being among thepeople an obstacle to the ideal of a permanent state of being with God. SeeWevk|-i Kadm, Menak|b-i Wayh Abu Ishak-| Kazarun Tercumesi (Suleymaniye,Esad Efendi Kutuphanesi Kay|t no: 2429, microfilm ArZ no: 1178, 1955, fos.38ab). A similar approach is evident also in the Naqshbandi doctrine

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From the eleventh century onwards, the Turkicization and Islamiza-tion of Anatolia went hand in hand with dervish migrations into theregion.2 The conditions there must have been propitious for the spread ofSufi ideals and dervish settlements. Indeed, the elite of the Sufis who livedin the capital also took a hand in administrative affairs, while othersplayed an important role in the colonization of the newly conqueredareas and in the process of social and economic life, as well as in thereligious life of society. Their influence was closely related to how theywere perceived by the people as well as to their social functions. Theintense spirituality and the special powers attributed to the shaykhswere the principal reasons for their spiritual authority with the people.That authority is evident in their relations with various sectors of society,including the ruling elites, and is the reason why at least a significantproportion of the shaykhs engaged in a kind of power struggle amongthemselvesthey did so in order to convert spiritual influence intotemporal influence, in other words, to secure symbolic and materialbenefits for themselves or for their sects.This study focuses primarily on the extent of the influence that the

shaykhs enjoyed in the thirteenthfifteenth centuries, its causes andeffects, in particular the competitive rivalries that emerged among themin Anatolia and Central Asia more generally.The identity and origins of early Anatolian Sufism have been the

subject of intensive and serious scholarship.3 Apart from these, the social

formulated as solitude in society (khalwat dar anjuman): see Jo-Ann Gross inLeonard Lewisohn (ed.), Authority and Miraculous Behavior: Reflections onKar:m:t Stories of Khw:ja Ubaydull:h AAr:r in The Legacy of MedievalPersian Sufism (London: Khaniqahi Nimatullahi Publications, 1992), 163.

2 A. YaZar Ocak, Babaler Isyan|: Alevligin Tarihsel Altyap|s| YahutAnadoluda Islam-Turk Heterodoksisinin TeZekkulu, (Istanbul: DergahYay|nlar|, 2nd edn.,1996), 626.

3 The serious scholarship began with the pioneering work of M. FuadKoprulu: see his Early Mystics in Turkish Literature (transl. and ed. Gary Leiserand Robert Dankoff; London: Routledge, 2006) = Turk Edebiyat|nda IlkMutasavv|flar (Ankara Diyanet IZleri BaZkanl|g| Yay|nlar|, 8th edn., 1993); Islamin Anatolia after the Turkish Invasion (transl. and ed. Gary Leiser; Salt LakeCity: University of Utah Press, 1993) = Anadoluda Islamiyet DarulfununEdebiyat Fakultesi Mecmuas|, 2 (1922). Koprulus disciple, A. Golp|narl|continued this work in, for example, Melamlik ve Melamler (Istanbul: GriYay|nlar|, [1931] 1992); Yunus Emre ve Tasavvuf (Istanbul: Ink|lap Kitabevi,2nd edn., 1992); Turkiyede Mezhepler ve Tarikatler (Istanbul: Ink|lap Yay|nlar|,1997); etc. Nearer to the present, the scholarly works of A. YaZar Ocak andAhmet T. Karamustafa are especially important. See, e.g., A. YaZar Ocak,Osmanl| Imparatorlugunda Marjinal Suflik: Kalenderler (XIVXVII.

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and cultural aspects of these Sufi groups, their relations with the rulingelites, and their living conditions, centred on dervish lodges, have alsobeen extensively researched.4 So too have major political events, notably

Yuzy|llar) (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Yay|nlar|, 1992 [2nd revised andenlarged edn., 1999]); Ahmet T. Karamustafa, Gods Unruly Friends; id., EarlySufism in Eastern Anatolia in Leonard Lewisohn (ed.), Classical Persian SufismFrom Its Origins to Rum (London: Khaniqahi Nimatullahi Publications, 1993);id., Yesevlik, Melametlik, Kalenderlik, Vefalik ve Anadolu TasavvufununKokenleri Sorunu in Ahmet Y. Ocak (ed.), Osmanl| Toplumunda Tasavvuf veSufiler: kaynaklar- doktrin-ayin ve erkan-tarikatlar-edebiyat-mimari-guzelsanatlar-modernizm (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 2005), 6688. Although notdirectly related to Anatolian Sufism, the work of Devin DeWeese on the CentralAsian Yasavi tradition has a bearing on Anatolian Sufism, especially the questionof its origin and ties with the Yasavi tradition. See, in particular his Foreword toEarly Mystics in Turkish Literature, viiixxvii; A Neglected Source on CentralAsian History: The 17th-century Yasav; Hagiography Man:qib al-akhy:r in B.A. Nazarov and D. Sinor (eds.), Essays on Uzbek History, Culture, and Language(Bloomington, IN: Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1993; Uralic andAltaic Series, 156), 3850; The Mash:8ikh-i Turk and the Khojag:n: Rethinkingthe Links Between the Yasav; and Naqshband Sufi Traditions, Journal ofIslamic Studies, 7/2 (1996): 180207; The Yasav; Order and PersianHagiography in Seventeenth-Century Central Asia: 62lim Shaykh of 6Al;y:b:dand his Lamah:t min nafaA:t al-quds in Leonard Lewisohn and David Morgan(eds.), The Heritage of Sufism, III: Late Classical Persionate Sufism (15011750)(1999), 389414.

4 This research has focused mostly on the Ottoman period, but the Sufis rolein the colonization and Islamization of Anatolia and Rumelia, and some of theirsocial activities and cultural services, are usually mentioned. As the most typicalexamples, see: Omer Lutfu Barkan, Osmanl| Imparatorlugunda Bir Iskan veKolonizasyon Metodu Olarak Vak|flar ve Temlikler I: Istila DevirlerininKolonizator Turk DerviZ leri ve Zaviyeler, Vak|flar Dergisi, 2 (1942): 279304; Ahmet Y. Ocak, Zaviyeler, Vak|flar Dergisi 12 (1978): 24768; A. Y. Ocakand S. Faruk, art. Zaviye, Islam Ansiklopedisi, xiii, MEB Yay|nlar|, 4716. Onthe Sufis relations with Sultans and ruling elites, see Halil Inalc|k, Dervish andSultan: An Analysis of the Otman Baba Vil:yetn:mesi, The Middle East and theBalkans Under the Ottoman Empire, Essays on Economy and Society(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1993); ReZat Ongoren,Osmanl|larda Tasavvuf, Anadoluda Sufler, Devlet ve Ulema (XVI. Yuzy|l),(Istanbul: Iz Yay|nlar|, 2000). For the Seljuk and Ottoman period, see: A. Y.Ocak, Sufi Milieux and Political Authority in Turkish History: A GeneralOverview (ThirteenthSeventeenth Centuries), Princeton Papers:Interdisciplinary Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 15: Sufism and Politics:The Power of Spirituality (ed. Paul L. Heck; Princeton, NJ: Markus WienerPublishers, 2007), 16595; see also two as yet unpublished papers presented atthe workshop Court and Society in Seljuk Anatolia, 1617 October 2009,

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rebellions, in which the Sufis were involved.5 However, these studieshave not dwelt on social dimensions of the role of the Sufi shaykhs asleaders of groups with a distinct identity and function in the life ofsociety. The origin question need not inhibit research on the socialdimensions of the shaykhs role. The available hagiographies and Sufibiographies provide a substantial volume of material to enable us tounderstand the life stories of the shaykhsat least from the perspectiveof their followerstheir relations with society, popular perceptionsabout them and the extent of their influence over the people. Of course,information from the hagiographical material needs to be checkedagainst the other sources and literature available. That information iscritically important to our understanding of the shaykhs relationshipsand rivalries, both vividly reflected in the hagiographies.

2. OVERVIEW OF ANATOLIAN SUFISM,THIRTEENTHFIFTEENTH CENTURIES

Sufi migrations, beginning after the battle of Manzikert (1071),accelerated through the thirteenth century and led to an important Sufipresence in Anatolia in a relatively short period. Thereafter, the Sufismade their presence felt, as a distinct social group. However, they wereby no means a single, homogenous entity. Their diversity is closelyconnected to their origins in different schools and dervish orders. Duringour period, many Sufi sects or schools in the Islamic world began to berepresented in Anatolia, and furthermore, new local Sufi orders orgroups also appeared.6

Orient-Institute, Istanbul: A. C. S. Peacock, Sufis at the Seljuk Court: Politicsand Patronage; HaZim Wahin, Sufi Shayks and Sultans: Shaykh Majd al-DinIshaq (d. 1234)s Spiritual Edification of Ghiyas al-Din Khusraw I, Izz al-DinKaykaus I and Ala al-Din Kayqubad I. A related work is: Ethel Sara Wolper,Cities and Saints: Sufism and the Transformation of Urban Space in MedievalAnatolia (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003), 2437.

5 For the revolt of the Babais during the Seljuk period, see A. Y. Ocak,Babaler Isyan|. For the movement of Shaykh Badreddin and his disciples, seeMichel Balivet, Islam Mystique et Revolution Armee dans les Balkans Ottomans:Vie du Cheikh Bedreddn, le Hallaj des Turcs (1358/591416) (Istanbul: Isis,1995) = Weyh Bedreddin: Tasavvuf ve Isyan (transl. Ela Guntekin; Istanbul: TarihVakf| Yurt Yay|nlar|, 2000).

6 On the Sufi groups of this early period, see Franz Babinger, M. FuadKoprulu, Anadoluda Islamiyet (ed. Mehmet Kanar; Istanbul: Insan Yay|nlar|,1996), 4155; A. Y. Ocak, Babailer Isyan|, 6276; id., Quelques remarques sur

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Among these diverse groups, those whose orders were based onrenunciation through social deviance, a tendency that had only recentlyemerged in the Islamic world, are particularly noticeable.7 This tendencycan be correlated with the Qalandari movement or Khorasanschool, adopting love and ecstasy as the mystical path. Representativeof this tendency were the Haydariyya, Wafa8iyya, Jawlaqiyya, andQalandariyya in thirteenth century Anatolia.8 According to Koprulu andOcak, Over time these groups came to be known as Babai, probablybecause they joined the rebel movement (1239/40) of Baba Ilyas, and asAbdalan-| Rum during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, andsubsequently as BektaZi, in association with Hac| BektaZ.9 This lastnaming seems somewhat forced: several Sufi groups active within thesame community did not consider themselves attached to the lodge inSulucakaraoyuk, the centre of the Bektashiyya, but rather belonged tothe dergah of Seyyid Gazi.10 The Bektashi shaykhs of these orders choseto reside in both urban and rural areas, whereas the shaykhs relatedto this movement and referred to as Turkmen baba, dede and abdal,preferred to live mainly in rural areas. The latter had a specialrelationship with the semi-nomadic Turkmen tribes. It is highly probablethat they migrated to Anatolia with these tribes, settled or moved withthem as their holy men and that there were also kinship ties between

le role des derviches Kalenderis dans les mouvements populaires dans lEmpireOttoman au XVe et XVIe sie`cles, Osmanl| AraZt|rmalar|, 3 (1982): 6980; id.,Les milieux soufis dans les territories du Beylicat ottoman et le probleme des6Abdalan-| Rum (13001389) in Elizabeth Zachariadou (ed.), The OttomanEmirate (13001389) (Rethymnon Institute for Mediterranean Studies: CreteUniversity Press), 14558; Karamustafa, Early Sufism in Eastern Anatolia, 17597; Mehmet Rahmi Ayas, Turkiyede Ilk Tarikat ZumreleZmeleri Uzerine DinSosyolojisi Ac|s|ndan Bir AraZt|rma (Ankara: Ankara Universitesi Bas|mevi,1991), 3557; Resul Ay, Tasavvufi Hayat ve Tarikatlar in A. Y. Ocak (ed.),Anadolu Selcuklular| ve Beylikler Donemi Uygarl|g| 1 (Ankara: Kultur ve TurizmBakanligi Yayinlari, 2006): 45965.

7 Karamustafa, Gods Unruly Friends, 13.8 A. Y. Ocak, Kalenderler ve BektaZilik in Dogumunun 100. y|l|nda

Ataturke Armagan (Istanbul: Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi, 1981),29799; id., Kalenderler (XIVXVII.yuzy|llar) 5779.

9 M. Fuad Koprulu, Osmanl| Devletinin KuruluZu, (Ankara: Turk TarihKurumu, 4th edn., 1991), 1012; Ocak, Kalenderler ve BektaZilik, 299300.

10 Kucuk Abdal, Otman Baba Vilayetnamesi (Milli Kutuphane, MikrofilmArZivi. No: A-4985, 1976), fos. 50ab, 54ab, 101b102a, 104a (= in Turkishscript, ed. Wevki Koca, Vilayetname-i Wahi: Gocek Abdal (BektaZi Kultur Dernegi,2002).


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them.11 According to Barkan, these shaykhs were different, both fromthe city-dwelling shaykhs engaged in zikr or other mystical practicesin their lodges and from the itinerant and mendicant shaykhs. Instead,these shaykhs lived together with their family members and relatives,establishing new villages as heads of community or tribe.12 In theirpreference for the countryside or border regions they may have beenmotivated by their priorities in their mystic life, such as providingguidance (irZad), taking part in holy war (gaza), and even theiradventurous spirit.13

There was a substantial Sufi presence in the cities where (as Barkanobserves) their shaykhs favoured a life-style rather different from that ofthe rural shaykhs. They too belonged to various Sufi orders and schools,but their preference was asceticism and God-wariness (taqva).14 Theiradoption of a more mystical or professional life was probably influentialin that preference. We see city-dwelling shaykhs following strict asceticlife-style in the struggle against the ego, engaging in zikr and otherdevotional exercises such as prayer (namaz), fasting and reciting theQur8:n. Many of them were aware of madrasa sciences as well as mysticones, and therefore represented a more elite class of Sufi. Many of theirshaykhs belonged to orthodox Sufi orders such as Kazeruniyya,Kubraviyya, Suhrawardiyya and Rifa6iyya.15 One of the most importantSufi figures, Mevlana Celalu8d-Dn Rum, and his followers, can also beincluded in this category. Rum had previously trained under theinfluence of the Kubraviyya, then fell under the influence of the ecstaticand love-filled nature of Wems-i Tabrz, but he and his followers did not

11 A. Y. Ocak, Turkiyede Tarihin Saptirilmasi Surecinde Turk SufligineBak|Zlar (Istanbul: IletiZim Yay|nlar|, 1996), 1589. There are data in thehagiographies that strengthen this probability. For example, see DerviZ Burhan,Velayetname-i Hac|m Sultan: eine turkische Heiligenlegende zum ersten Male(ed. and transl. Rudolf Tschudi; Berlin: Mayer & Muller, 1914) (DasVilayet-name des Hadschim Sultan), 37; Haydar Teberoglu, S. Kalender VeliVilayetnamesi, (Ankara: n. p., n. d.), 11112, 162.

12 Barkan, Osmanli Imparator lugunda . . .Kolonizator Turk DerviZleri, 295,333.

13 A. Y. Ocak, Les milieux soufis, 14951.14 Ibid, 150.15 A. Y. Ocak Selcuklular ve Beylikler Devrinde DuZunce, Turkler (Ankara:

Yeni Turkiye Yayinlari, 2002), vii. 4306 (Eng. transl., The Turks [eds. H. C.Guzel, K. Cicelc and S. Koca], ii. 6346); Ay, Tasavvufi Hayat ve Tarikatlar,4635.

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completely abandon ascetic practice despite their emphasis on love andecstasy.16

In the Anatolian cities, there were also other Sufi shaykhs who cameto prominence through their personal charisma rather than sectarianaffiliations, and gathered a wide circle of disciples. They left a deepimpact on Anatolian Sufism through their mystical teachings and thedisciples they trained. The best known of these shaykhs are: Evhadu8dnKirman, who resided in his own personal lodge, or zaviye, in Kayseriand who stayed for a short time in Malatya; Fah

ru8d-Dn Iraq, who lived

in a zaviye in Tokat built by Vezir Mu8inu8d-Dn Pervane and Sadru8d-Dn Konev in Konya. Both of these had a substantial community ofdisciples. In the same period, Ibn Arab and Wems-i Tabrz resided for awhile in Anatolia and, though they did not found any Sufi groups there,deeply influenced Anatolian Sufism through Sadru8d-Dn Konev andCelalu8d-Dn Rum respectively.17

3. RELATIONS, IMAGE AND SPIRITUALINFLUENCE

The Sufi shaykhs in Anatolia were not disconnected from the society atall but, to the contrary, well connected to people of various types andsocial ranks. They established their lodges in urban or rural areasaccording to their social and cultural attitudes, and within their lodgesmaintained their mystical life and evolved their esoteric teachings. At thesame time however, they also maintained an active role in various areasof social life. Among their most common activities were: providingguidance on religious issues, accommodation and hospitality services totravellers, public works such as the construction of bridges, fountainsand homes, and assistance in agriculture and animal husbandry.18

These voluntary services by the shaykhs were sufficient reason for thepeople to hold a positive image of them. On that image was based theirgrowing prestige among the people. However, in the popular perception

16 A. Golp|narl|, Mevlana Celaleddin: Hayat|, Felsefesi, Eserleri, EserlindenSecmeler (Istanbul: Ink|lap Yay|nlar|, 1999), 1723; Mevlanadan SonraMevlevlik (Istanbul: Ink|lap ve Aka, 2nd edn., 1983), 4202; OcakSelcuklular ve Beylikler, vii. 433 (The Turks, ii. 6367).

17 Koprulu, Ilk Mutasavv|flar, 195; Ahmed AteZ, art. Muhyid-Din ArabIslam Ansiklopedisi, viii (MEB Yay|nlar|, 1993), 5524; Ocak, Kalenderiler, 77,2024.

18 Barkan, Osmanli Imparator lugunda . . .Kolonizator Turk DerviZleri, 28494; Ocak and Faruk, Zaviye, 4716.


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of the shaykhs, the practical services they offered were less importantthan their image as holy men. Although perceptions of the figure of theshaykh varied among different segments of the populace depending ontheir social environment and exposure to Sufi teachings, it seems thatalmost all people saw their shaykhs as friends of God, and capableof doing miracles of some sort and endowed with supernatural powers.Accordingly, the shaykhs were accorded a great deal of trust andreverence, mixed with fear.There are many reasons for the formation of the holy man image.

To begin with, Islamic mysticism itself played an important role inconstructing this image. Both in its oral tradition and written records, theSufi way presents in some detail the various stations (makam) and states(haller) through which the Sufi aspirants must pass in their spiritualjourney. The Sufis had detailed doctrines about the insan-| kamil orperfect human who has completed the spiritural journey, and whoseembodiment is the Shaykh or head of the order.19 According to thisdoctrine, the insan-| kamil was related to God as veli or friend andbelieved to act by the will of God. As he had purified himself of his selfthe divinity in some form had replaced it. Some Sufis expressed this stateallegorically as being an instrument in the hand of Godlike a brush inthe hand of a painter or a saw in that of a carpenter. Therefore theactions of a Shaykh who was considered a veli were taken to be theeffects of Gods will.20 This made the words and actions of the shaykhsindisputable, particularly for their disciples or murids and the peoplewho believed in the doctrine.In many mystical works, notably Sufi poetry collections (divan), the

creation of the universe and the secrets hidden in it and in the humanbody are mentioned. Some Sufi poets strongly imply that they know thesesecrets. Even if no explicit claim to that effect is made, the idea insinuatesitself in the readers mind. There are many poems in the divan of Yunus

19 The life-story of Ruzbihan Baql gives a particularly clear idea about the Sufipractices and spiritual experiences. See Carl W. Ernst, R

Emre, Kaygusuz Abdal and others in this vein.21 The shaykhs disciplescontributed to the construction of the holy man sometimes attributingqualities and powers to the shaykhs that they really did not have. Theadage, the Shaykh doesnt fly, his disciples make him fly expresses thisrather neatly. The peoples own observation of the shaykhs activities onbehalf of others and their dedication to the service of man and God, aswell as their mystical states and the miracle motifs, reinforced the holyman image. The shaykhs enjoyed a degree of trust that helped cementthe theoretical image of the shaykhs in Sufi literature. Ancient popularbeliefs about holy men may well have contributed also by implicitlyassociating the ancient holy men with the new ones. Koprulu arguedthat the cult of ancient Central Asian shaman, kam and ozan stillretained its vitality in the memory of some Turkmens, at least in the earlyyears of their migration to Anatolia.22

Invested with such meanings, the shaykhs inevitably accrued strongspiritual authority over the populace. Many literally believed that,through their wisdom (feraset), the shaykhs could know the secrets in thehearts of others and heal just by looking at the sick.23 Many penitentstherefore called on them to secure release from their sins and the negativeinfluences of illicit desires.24 Similarly, those who suffered from bodilyillnesses or had other problems would contact the shaykhs in the belief

21 In a poem by Kaygusuz Abdal, who was a Sufi poet of thirteenth/fourteenthcentury Anatolia, the Sufis are characterized as knowing their own meanings,having attained the station of unity and observed the inner meanings; inanother, the Sufi can see all beings in his own body and know divineknowledge: Kaygusuz Abdal, DilguZa (ed. Abdurrahman Guzel; Ankara: Kulturve Turizm Bakanl|g| Yay|nlar|, 2nd edn., 1987), 27; for other examples, see: id.,Sarayname (ed. Abdurrahman Guzel; Ankara: Kultur Bakanl|g| Yay|nlar|, 1989),10; and A. Golp|narl|, Yunus Emre ve Tasavvuf (Istanbul: Ink|lap Kitabevi, 2ndedn., 1992), 328.

22 Koprulu, art. Abdal in Turk Halk Edebiyat| Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul:Burhaneddin, 1935), 37; Turk Edebiyat|nda Ilk Mutasavv|flar, 19.

23 Michael Gilsenan, Saint and Sufi in Modern Egypt: An Essay in theSociology of Religion (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 73; for the attribution ofa Aad;th stating that a shaykh as a friend of God (i.e velis/saints) will use theattributes of God, see Ebu Hafs Wihabuddn Omer Suhreverdi, TasavvufunEsaslar|: Avariful-Mearif Tercumesi (eds. H. Kamil Y|lmaz and Irfan Gunduz;Istanbul: Erkam Yay|nlar| 1990), 116; Suleyman Uludag, art. Firaset in TurkiyeDiyanet Vakf| Islam Ansiklopedisi, xiii, 1996, 1167.

24 See, for example, Shaykh Abul Vefa, Menak|b-| Weyh Ebul- Vefa Tercumesi(Suleymaniye (Murad Buhari) Kutuphanesi, No: 257), fo. 99b; for Otman Baba,see Kucuk Abdal, Otman Baba Vilayetnamesi, fo. 75b.


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that they might be cured or aided.25 For these reasons, it was veryimportant to win the shaykhs favour. People generally showed theirrespect by serving them, offering gifts, and kissing their hands. When theshaykhs travelled, they were welcomed by large crowds competing witheach other to show their reverence and receive blessings.26

The popular perception of the shaykhs in the major Islamic city centresdid not differ much from that. When a famous Rufa Shaykh calledSeyyid Taceddin Rufa (T:j al-D;n al-Rif:6;) came to Konya with a groupof his murids, the citys dignitaries received him amid much excitementand took him to a medrese. There the Sufis extraordinary rituals orshows called burhan aroused great interest.27 Indeed, some shaykhsfound the excessive attention a nuisance and preferred to avoid it. WhenEvhadu8d-Dn Kirman came to Tabriz, people met him with greatexcitement and hospitality, and frequent requests that he preach to them.Shown the same regard the next day he decided to leave the city.28 Someshaykhs actually preferred to travel incognito. It seems that travellingand its hardships were regarded by many Sufis as part of theirself-discipline and improving their dependence on Godintense publicattention was evidently a serious distraction from this purpose.There were of course also many who did not approve of the Sufis

or their shaykhseither because they totally rejected Sufism or becausethey suspected their sincerity and were put off by doctrinal differences.Especially in orthdox circles, some Sufi shaykhs nonconformistteachings, expressed sometimes in bizarre appearance, dress, andbehaviour, provoked negative reactions. Nevertheless, Sufi teachings,

25 Vilayet-name: menak|b-| Hunkar Hac| BektaZ-| Vel, (ed. AdbulbakiGolp|narl|; Istanbul: Ink|lap Kitabevi, 1958) 67; Suraiya Faroqhi, Osmanl|Kulturu ve Gundelik YaZam Ortacagdan Yirminci Yuzy|la (transl. Elif K|l|c;Istanbul: Tarih Vakf| Yurt Yay|nlar| (Turkiye Ekonomik ve Toplumsal TarihVakf|), 1998), 1823. The sentiment is well expressed in the lines of poetry byKaygusuz Abdalpatients also come to demand healing, all the living come tomy lord Abdal Musa: Kaygusuz Abdal (Alaeddin Gayb) Menak|bnamesi(Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1999), 130. For more details see Ay, AnadoludaDerviZ ve Toplum, 1504.

26 Kucuk Abdal, Otman Baba Vilayetnamesi, fos. 60b, 80ab, 81a; AhmedEflaki (Shams al-D;n AAmad Afl:k;), Ariflerin Menk|beleri (transl. Tahsin Yaz|c|;Istanbul: Milli Egitim Bakanl|g| Yayinlari, 2nd edn., 1995), ii. 299; Menak|b-|Weyh Ebul-Vefa Tercumesi, fos. 101b102b; Weyh Evhadu8d-din HamidEl-Kirman ve Menak|b-Namesi (ed. and transl. Mikail Bayram; Istanbul:Kardelen Yayinlari, 2005), 356 (cited hereafter as: Menak|b-| Evhadu8d-DnKirman); Menak|b-| Hac| BektaZ-| Veli, 234.

27 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 29930028 Menak|b-| Evhadu8d-Dn Kirman, 356.

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especially the version of them popularized in the hagiographies,emphasized the shaykhs special powers which inspired fearful reverence.Sayings like the breath of saints (eren/velis) is like a sword constituted awarning that harming the shaykhs could bring serious consequences.29

The hagiographies field many examples of the disasters that befellindividuals who had failed to show the proper respect due to the spiritualauthority of the shaykhs, with the clear implication that others had bestavoid making the same mistake.30

The meanings with which the populace invested the shaykhs madethem important actors in society. When the people of a city encountereda problem, they would apply to the shaykhs for help. For instance, whenthe Mongol armies were approaching Konya, people turned toCelalu8d-Dn Rum who attempted to prevent the invasion and possibledevastation of the city.31 A similar role was played by Emir Sultan inBursa during the Timurid invasion.32 Sometimes we see the shaykhsacting as mediators between the people and the state. As occurredfrequently in the case of Rum, when individuals or a group had an issuewith the administration, they sought the mediation of the shaykhs whoenjoyed a good reputation and credibility with the rulers.33 The shaykhswere even able significantly to influence the appointment of officials. Wehave many letters of Celalu8d-Dn Rum addressed to high officials forthese reasons.34 In rural areas far from the influence of central authority,

29 Menak|b-| Hac| BektaZ-| Veli, 67; Sultan Veled, Maarif, 240.30 Such warnings are also found in the hagiographies of shaykhs of other

regionsfor example, there are many stories about Khwaja Ahrar, Central Asianshaykh of the Timurid period, in which his rivals and enemies are punished. See,Gross, Authority and Miraculous Behavior, 1669.

31 Eflak, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, i. 453.32 Winasi Coruh, Emir Sultan (Istanbul: Tercuman Yay|nlar|,?1972), 185.33 Eflak, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, i. 4056; Abdulbaki Golp|narl| (ed.), Mevlana

Celaleddin Mektuplar (Istanbul: Ink|lap Yayinlari, [1963] 1999), 27, 49, 128.For the case of Ibrahim GulZeni, who lived during the time of Akkoyunlular, seeMuhy-yi GulZen, Menakib-i Ibrahm-i GulZen (ed. Tahsin Yaz|c|; Ankara: TurkTarih Kurumu, 1982), 334; Ocak Sufi Milieux, 167. The shaykhs role asmediators was in the second half of the fifteenth century in Central Asia. Peasantsor the poor would seek protection from Khwaja Ahrar, against the vicissitudes ofcontinually warring princes and to secure fiscal privileges; see Jurgen Paul,Forming a Faction: The Eim:yat System of Khwaja Ahrar, InternationalJournal of Middle East Studies, 23 (1991): 53440.

34 Golp|narl|, Mevlana Celaleddin Mektuplar, 1023, 11517, 1889; Ocak,Sufi Milieux, 171. In late fifteenth-century Central Asia where politicalauthority was weaker and the shaykhs were economically more independentand powerful, they were able to manipulate power struggles among the princes


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the role of the shaykhs was more important still. They served almostas a counterweight to local government officials or notables. Theywere responsive to conditions and grievances of the people, sufferingill-treatment at the hand of notables or officials. They would send lettersof complaint to the capital through the central tekke or its Shaykh andpolitely request that the problem be resolved.35

The shaykhs, together with their murids, also had at their disposal thepower of effective propaganda, which made them very influential inlegitimizing or challenging state authority. In the Eastern literarytradition, there was an established sentiment that a ruler was not safeon his throne without public support.36 The Sufi shaykhs contributedto the maintenance of peace and stability in the society by inspiringbrotherhood, but they had the potential also to do the opposite. Theycould oppose the policies of the sultans and threaten their power andauthority. The uprisings of the Babais and Bedreddinis can be viewed inthis context.37 Since sultans were aware of this potential of the shaykhs,they often presented them with opportunities and scope for their work inorder to keep them satisfied.38 The religious sentiments of the sultans

and secure the accession of their favoured candidate. For example, the sourcesmention that Khwaja Ahrar, as head of the Naqshbandi order, used his economicand spiritual authority to secure Abu Sads accession to the throne: see Jo-AnnGross, Multiple Roles and Perceptions of a Sufi Shaikh: Symbolic Statements ofPolitical and Religious Authority in Marc Gaborieau, Alexandre Popovic andThierry Zarcone (eds.), Naqshbandis: cheminements et situation actuelle dunordre mystique musulman (Istanbul/Paris: LInstitut Francais dEtudesAnatoliennes dIstanbul, Isis, 1990), 10921. Khwaja Ahrar used his consider-able wealth and influence to counterbalance that of the emirs, and assuredprotection and fiscal privileges for those who entered his himayat or protection.Paul, Forming a Faction, 53742.

35 For Ottoman and Akkoyunlu examples, see Faroqhi, Osmanl| Kulturu, 77;GulZen, Menakib-i Ibrahm-i GulZen, 334, 107.

36 Inalc|k, Dervish and Sultan, 267; Ocak, Sufi Milieux, 167.37 Ocak, Babaler Isyan|, 113; A. Y. Ocak, Osmanl| Toplumunda Z|nd|klar ve

Mulhidler (15.17. Yuzy|llar), (Istanbul: Takih Vakf| Yurt Yah|nlar| (TurkiyeEkonomik ve Toplumsal Tarih Vakf|, 1998), 136200; Michel Balivet, Islammystique et Revolution Armee, 7090 (= Weyh Bedreddin Tasavvuf ve Isyan, 7397).

38 Feridun b. Ahmed Sipehsalar, Mevlana ve Etraf|ndakiler, Risale (transl.Tahsin Yaz|c|; Istanbul: Tercuman, 1977), 189, 98; AZ|kpaZazade, Tevarih-i Al-IOsman8dan AZ|kpaZazade Tarihi (ed. Ali Beg; Istanbul: Matbaa-yi Amire, 1332[1914]), 67, 42, 467 (cited hereafter as AZ|kpaZazade); NeZr, Kitab-|Cihan-Numa NeZr Tarihi I (eds. F. R. Unat and M. A. Koymen; Ankara: TurkTarih Kurumu, 1987), 163, 171, 203; Zeki Gurel, Koyun Baba (Ankara: YorukTurkmen Vakf|, 2000), 49, 59.

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themselves, as well as the willingness of the shaykhs to assist the state,especially in rural areas, played an important role in fostering theaccommodating stance of the rulers. The shaykhs acted as a sort ofvolunteer bureaucracy for the state, taking on various duties like provid-ing education, accommodation for travellers, even the security of therural highways, that were really duties of the rulers.39 Especially in timesof political weakness, notably the second half of the thirteenth century,local leaders sought the support of the dervishes because of their greatinfluence with the local people and the Turkmen groups. No longer ableto rely on Seljuk allies, they sought alliances instead with the shaykhsof dervish groups in order to defend their cities from external threatsor potential revolts within.40 For these reasons, the rulers were verysympathetic to the shaykhs and donated land for the construction oftheir lodges and foundations (vakf ), met their routine expenses anddispensed alms (sadaka) and gifts to them.41

4. RIVALRY BETWEEN THE SHAYKHS

The prestige that the shaykhs enjoyed in the eyes of the rulers togetherwith their spiritual authority with the populace also gave rise tocompetition among themselves. They sought a direct impact on the widersociety; they derived their prestige, influence and, perhaps even moreimportantly, their livelihood from society. For at least some of them,their influence with the ruling elites was also of immense significance:those who enjoyed the support of the rulers could spread their teachingsand build up their orders more easily and quickly, which in turnincreased their legitimacy, respect and influence with the people. Therulers likewise sought to benefit by embracing the shaykhs, whosepopularity they could not ignore but could turn to advantage by using itas an instrument of governance

39 Barkan, Osmanli Imparator lugunda . . .Kolonizator Turk DerviZleri, 301;Ocak and Faruk, Zaviye, 472.

40 Wolper, Cities and Saints, 27.41 For particular examples of the relationships between the shaykhs and the

ruling elite, see the references in n. 30 above; also Ay, Anadoluda DerviZ veToplum, 1538; Wolper (Cities and Saints, 247) looks at the Sufi shaykhrulingelite relationship from a different angle. After the breakdown of centralized rulein Anatolia, by the second half of the thirteenth century, local rulers appeared asan independent landed aristocracy. They used the endowment of dervish lodgesor vakfs as a means to extend their control over newly acquired lands convertingthem into protected vakfs and retaining the revenues from them.


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The inevitable rivalry among the shaykhs was sometimes motivated byreligious and spiritual concernsto protect society and people fromreligious innovations and heretical ideas or the teachings of rivals.Indeed, rival shaykhs frequently accused each other of failings or sins ofthis nature. We will discuss below, through examples, the many reasonsfor this rivalry and its diverse manifestations. Before this, however, it isworthwhile to mention another aspect of this rivalry.It took place not only between the shaykhs themselves but also

between communities around them. Group loyalty and identity engen-dered a pervasive competiveness that exceeded the differences of schooland order. Even after the death of a shaykh the cult around himcontinued to inspire group identity,42 as is clear from the hagiographies.The Sufi epics (menkabe) circulating among the disciples strove to assertthe superiority of their own shaykhs or saints overs those of others. Theyplaced their own saints in the more elevated ranks of saintly hierarchy asmiracle workers or as the pole of the age (kutb), while demoting rivalsaints to a lower rank. We see just such an approach in the cult of PiriBaba, who is buried in AmsayaMerzifon. In his menak|bname, he isportrayed as refusing the gifts offered by the sultan, implying that he wasremote from worldliness, while Koyun Baba, the saint of the nearbytown of CorumOsmanc|k, is portrayed as asking the same sultan formoney, land, clothes, etc. for his dervishes. In this way, the menak|bnameattempts to create an image of a rival shaykh as spiritually inferior to itsown.43

Among other devices of this kind, the rival cult and saint might beaccused of not belonging to the Ehl-i Sunnet (i.e. Sunni Islam), andsimilar allegations. The disciples of saints sought in this way to gainlegitimacy for their group and to increase their standing through that oftheir shaykhs. This natural impulse to seek social advantages is found tooamong the shaykhs themselves. However, there were also other reasonsfor their competition and its various manifestations.

42 About the formation and nature of Muslim saint cults in Anatolia see A.YaZar Ocak, Kultur Tarihi Kaynag| Olarak Menak|bnameler (Metodolojik BirYaklaZ|m), (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1992), 109.

43 Menak|bname of Piri Baba (written by Hoca Ibrahim) Topkap| Saray|Muzesi Hazine Kitapl|g|, No: 1313, fos. 12a13a; Suraiyya Faroqhi, The LifeStory of an Urban Saint in the Ottoman Empire: Piri Baba of Merzifon, TarihDergisi, 32 (1979), 673. We noted above that state support of the shaykhs wasseen as source of prestige; here the refusal of it is presented as a sign ofsuperiority over rivals inasmuch as the shaykh is prestigious in the eye of the rulerbut, being unworldly, does not accept the rulers giftsas lesser rivals do.

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Attempts to show the saint of a rival cult as not belonging to the Ehl-iSunnet, and to humiliate them with other allegations, were among themethods applied. Of course, with these efforts the disciples or muridssought to gain legitimacy for their group identity and to increasetheir prestige through their saints. This desire, as a natural impulse, wasalso true for the competition between the shaykhs and its variousmanifestations.

5. OUTWARD MANIFESTATIONS OF RIVALRY

Rivalry among shakyhs often manifested as disputation, criticism andaccusation. Sometimes it was directly reflected in outward behaviour andeven developed into physical fighting. Of course, the particular schooland its teachings were an important factor in how the rivalry wasexpressed. One style or method of Sufi practice, or some variantinterpretation of a religious issue, could easily lead to contention. Forexamples, some concepts and practices adopted by Qalandari dervishesas a method of seyr-i suluk were sharply criticized by other shaykhs, aswere their mystical beliefs about reaching the Creator through Hiscreation of the seyr-i suluk-| afaki.44 Reportedly, when Shems-i Tabrzmet with Evhadu8d-Din Kirman he saw him staring at the water in abasin and asked what he was doing. Kirman replied that he waswatching the moons reflection in the water. Tabrz criticized hisunderstanding by telling him angrily Why dont you look at the moon bylifting your head, unless you have a boil on your neck?.45 As a variant ofthe same understanding, Evhadu8d-Din adopted the practice of lookingfor Gods face in the faces of beautiful boys. That is why he used to haveyoung boys or pretty-faced disciples in his sema ceremonies. But thispractice of his was also strongly criticized by other Sufis of the period.46

44 Mikail Bayram, Weyh Evhadud-Din Hamid el-Kirman ve Evhadiye Tarikat|(Konya: Omer Faruk Bayam, 1993), 66

45 Eflak, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 191; Abdurrahman Cam (J:m;),Nefehatul-Uns, Evliya Menk|beleri (transl. and commentary Lami Celebi; ed.S. Uludag and M. Kara; Istanbul: Marifet Yay|nlar|, 1995), 805.

46 Menak|b-| Evhadu8d-Din-| Kirman, 153; Ocak, Kalenderler, 756.Annemarie Schimmel (Mystical Dimensions of Islam [Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Carolina Press, 1975], 289) argued that some Sufis regardedhuman beauty as an object of mystical love because it reflected some part ofdivine beauty and glory. Comtemplating Absolute Beauty in human formoriginated in the Greek philosophical and Central Asian shamanist traditions; seeJulian Baldick, Mystical Islam: An Introduction to Sufism (London: I.B. Tauris,


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As far as can be gathered from his Makalat, Wems-i Tebrz also did nothesitate to enter into discussions with shaykhs he met on his journeys. Hefound their comments about verses of the Qur8:n very superficial andcriticized their failure to see their inner meaning. He was sometimesso sure that his colleagues could not understand him that he avoidedopenly sharing his perceptions of certain Qur8:nic verses with them andpreferred to talk with them only allusively.47

In some instances, the disputation between shaykhs constituted anattack on or defence of particular ideas and practices. For example, aQalandari community from Iran were guests in the tekke of Hace-i Cihanin Istanbul. In the face of criticism they laboured to offer a legitimatebasis for their teachings and the dress and behaviour that expressed them.Their shaykh went into considerable detail in his explanations, but hiscritics were unconvinced and presented their counter arguments. Quietlythe next day, the Qalandari shaykh and his community left the lodge.48

Ulu Arif Celebi and Otman Baba also generally did not hesitate toenter into disputations and discussions to promote the views and tech-niques they upheld. In one of his long journeys, Ulu Arif Celebi visitedthe country of Mesud Bey of MenteZeoglu. Here, during a sema ceremonyorganized in his honour, he was seen to enter into a controversy with apopular Turkmen shaykh.49 Otman Baba, similarly, often argued withthe shaykhs he met on his tours. Evidently, he was engaged in a strugglewith them for legitimacy and authority.50

This sort of disputation could also turn into fighting. Otman Baba inparticular evokes the image of a bullying sheikh (eli sopal|). His rivalrywith Bayezid Baba and his disciple Mumin DerviZ, sometimes drewthem into what looked like open fighting. His violence was directed atthose shaykhs who refused to accept his status as shaykh or his greatness.This violence (described in his menak|bname) took the form of hitting

1989), 201. This Sufi practice, i.e. gazing at young men met with greatobjections by their colleagues. Hujvr (d. ca. 1071) called the practice Aar:m(forbidden) and said that anyone who declares this to be allowable is anunbeliever: Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions, 290.

47 Wems-i Tebrz, MakalatKonuZmalar (transl. O.N. Gencosman; Istanbul,1974; [Milli Kutuphane: 1974 ad 4624]), 1278, 130.

48 Ahmet T. Karamustafa (ed.), V:hid;s Men:k|b-| H

voca-i Cih:n ve Net;ce-iC:n, Tenkidli Metin, Tahlil ve T|pk|bas|m (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UniversityPress, 1993; Sources of Oriental Languages and Literatures, 17; Turkish Sources,15.), fos. 28a40b; T. Yaz|c|, Hatib-i Farisi, Menakib-i Cemal al-Dn-i Sav(Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1999), Preface, ixxx.

49 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 4445.50 Kucuk Abdal, Otman Baba Vilayetnamesi, fos. 50ab, 54ab, 101b102a,

104a.

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rivals with a stick or, more frequently, of punishing them throughmiracles.51 When Ulu Arif Celebi visited Sivas (a city in centralAnatolia), he met a shaykh called Erzurumlu Hoca who was locallyvery famous and highly respected. However, probably because of thelatters Qalandari style, Ulu Arif Celebi treated him as a hypocrite andpuffed-up peacock, became angry with him and did not hesitate to slaphim.52 Interestingly, his father Sultan Veled greatly praised instead ofcondemning their behaviour.53

The most common of the accusations thrown at a rival shakyh wasover-fondness of ostentation, hypocrisy and opposition to the Ehl-iSunnet. For some Sufi shaykhs, another common criticism was to presentthe rival as ignorant of the secrets hidden in the creation. The point wasto bring the rivals legitimacy as a shaykh into question, therebydepriving him of the source of his influence and rendering him sociallyineffective. While such accusations were sometimes expressed directlyto the shaykh, circulating rumours within Sufi circles was the morefrequently used tactic to discredit a rival.Assuming that the authors of hagiographies, the disciples of the

shaykhs, were not being deliberately misleading, the shaykhs appear tohave been sceptical of the different mystical understandings and practicesof their fellow Sufis. For example, when Evhadu8d-Dn Kirman was inKayseri, he met a shaykh who lived in solitude. Kirman did not considerthe shaykh genuine and alleged that what he really desired was worldlyproperty. Kirman went on to assist this shaykh in realizing that desire.According to the author of the Menakib, Evhadu8d-Dn, by visiting thatshaykh, made him famous so that he was visited by the notables of thecity and many gifts came his way.54 Of course, some shaykhs were lesstolerant of disingenuous Sufis and, as seen in the example of Ulu ArifCelebi, could resort to violence.In fact, the shaykhs in Anatolia who adopted the path of love and

ecstasy and neglected outer aspects of Shar;6a provoked a strongreaction. They were seen by the orthodox Sufis and the ulema as Ehl-ibid8at and opponents of the Shar;6a. This critique, reflecting the normsprevalent in the medrese environment, was often leveled at famous Sufislike Hac| BektaZ, Yunus Emre, Kaygusuz Abdal and others. If we acceptas true what Eflaki tells us, the Mevlevis described Hac| BektaZ as the onewho did not adopt Shar;6a and did not pray.55 The Menakib of Hac|

51 Ibid, fos. 88a, 101ab, 189ab.52 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 4469.53 Ibid, 44950.54 Menak|b-| Evhadu8d-Dn-i Kirman, 73.55 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, i. 5978; ii. 5960.


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BektaZ appears to confirm (while also explaining) that this shaykh didnot pray or join the congregation of the mosque,56 and was for thisreason abused and portrayed as Ehl-i bid8at.57 Kaygusuz Abdal was alsoaccused of these failings, and he remonstrated with a preacher whocriticized him for his outward appearance and behaviour.58

Yunus Emre was more skillful in his rejoinders and used the powerof poetry to extol the virtues and achievements of his mystical way.For example, he wrote: Once you see the face of the Friend (i.e. God),polytheism is sackedfor this reason shar;6a is left at the door (Dostyuzin goricek Zirk yagmaland|, Anuncun kapuda kald| Zeriat). Heclaimed to have reached God (his maZuk or Beloved) so that thedistinction between Creator and creature (between I and He) haddisappeared and only He remained. For one such as himself, the Shar;6ahad become unnecessary. According to Yunus, Shar;6a is merely a tool forbringing people to God, while Yunus is with Him in every moment, notjust five times a day as in the practice of namaz.59 Yunus is really sure ofhimself, offering his scruffy, lunatic state as a sign of the conditionof possessing a divine mystery. According to him, to see the face of Godit is essential to be poor (miskn).60 He also argues, against thosewho claimed that the meaning was hidden, that I can disclose it (i.e. themeaning),61 and in another verse: my eyes do not see any object exceptfor God.62

Adopting themes in their poetry intended to show that they hadexperienced the mystery of unity in their poems, Yunus Emre, KaygusuzAbdal and other Sufis from the school of Khorasan were probably tryingto argue a case for their own superiority and to legitimize theirnon-Shar;6a practices. At the same time, they criticized their opponentsfor being unaware of the mysteries and for giving more importance to theexternal aspect of the Shar;6a and even being too ostentatious in thatregard. Ulu Arif Celebi characterized such Sufis (probably all Sufis exceptfor Mevlevis) as a community subject to ceremony and satisfied withappearance (torenlere tabi ve gorunuZe kani bir kavim) and he tooargued that they were ignorant of the mysteries.63 In the same way as

56 Menak|b-| Hac| BektaZ-| Veli, 8, 112, 56.57 Ibid, 578.58 Kaygusuz Abdal, 136, 13741.59 Mustafa Tatc|, Yunus Emre Dvan| II (Tenkitli Metin), (Istanbul: MEB

Yay|nlar|, 1997), 65.60 Ibid, 119.61 Ibid, 237. Ben onu (manay|) anadan dogmuZ gibi aypak eylerum.62 Ibid, 239. Bir zerrece Hakdan ayru gozum nesne gormez benim.63 Abdulbaki Golp|narl|, Mevlanadan Sonra Mevlevlik, 84.

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mentioned above, Wems-i Tebrz used to complain that some of theshaykhs he met could only give external (zahir) meanings to the verses ofthe Qur8:n and did not understand their internal (batin) meanings.64

5. ON THE REASONS

What were the reasons for the attitudes and behaviour of the shaykhstowards each other and for the competition among them? Of course, aswe have mentioned above, there were religious, spiritual reasonstoprevent the spread of teachings seen as undesirable, to eliminate harmfulactivities, and to promote their own teachings, believing them to besuperior. However, to explain the rivalry on the basis of only suchmotives is not satisfactorythe fact is that every group used argumentsof this nature to assert its own legitimacy and question or discredit thatof others. This was true even of Sufi communities belonging to similarschools that were nonetheless competing socially. Rather, we observethat competition developed on the basis of more worldly concerns andexpectationsstruggles for influence over rulers and society, moralweaknesses such as jealousy, and even the desire for economic benefits,were also striking elements of the rivalries among shaykhs.It was always an important goal for the shaykhs to spread their

teachings and extend their orders over large areas. For this purpose, theysent their educated disciples as their h

alifes or representatives to the

selected regions. However, it was not easy for them to establish theirsects in areas already previously entered by other shaykhs or sects. Insuch circumstances, some sort of power struggle inevitably ensued. Thedebates or disputes of Ulu Arif Celebi during his long-distance travelsundertaken for the purpose of spreading Mevlevi teachings, can be seenas efforts to make himself accepted in that environment. Especially in therural areas where the semi-nomadic Turkmen were dominant, heexperienced this difficulty to a greater degree. He had a hard time inthe province of Mesud Bey of MenteZe65 and in AkZehir, a provinceunder the control of the EZrefogullar|.66 His relationship with theKaramanogullar| was already poor.67 His quarrel with a very popularTurkmen shaykh in Sivas stands out as an example of this struggle.Moreover, Ulu Arif Celebi did not have a good opinion of the other

64 Wems-i Tebrz, Makalat, 1278.65 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 444566 Ibid, 504.67 Ibid, 5212.


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religious orders generally.68 Eflaki represents him as being in competitioneven with some shaykhs with whom he normally enjoyed good relations.For example, when he was in Amasya, a conversation between him and aRufai shaykh called Seyyid Ahmet Kucuk-i Rufa is reported to havepassed as follows: During the conversation, a group of Rufai dervishescame in and began to dance (sema) with great excitement, accompaniedby the kabak, a kind of musical instrument. As the Rufai shaykhprobably felt embarrassed, he apologized to Celebi and said: Our crazydervishes have been dancing for a long time to the sound of such akabak. To this, Celebi said: Very good. All the dervishes did isacceptable and beloved, yet, in this respect it was strange; your muridsdance to an empty kabak, while our friends do so to one that is full . . . ,there is a great difference between this sema and that sema.69 Thereaction of Celalu8d-Dn Rum to a special burhan ceremony held bysome Rufais, under the leadership of Seyyid Tace8d-Dn during a visit toKonya, was very interesting. It is apparent that Mevlana was disturbedby this visit, but it is not clear whether his discomfort owed to the factthat his wife had gone without permission to watch the ceremony withother women or that they attracted great attention from the people andnotables. However, it is known that he was very angry with his wife andpunished her.70

This sort of rivalry is also seen between Otman Baba and the Suficircles attached to the Bektashi lodges in the Balkans. The most commoncause of it was different Sufi groups operating in the same geographicalarea and social environment. As we learn from his Menakib, OtmanBaba tried to impose himself on the Sufis in some tekkes that he visitedduring his travels in the Balkans, and entered into harsh discussion withthose who denied his sainthood and fought with them, even resorting toharming them through the force of his keramat.71 A name prominent inconnection with the conflicts mentioned in his Menakib, is that ofMumin DerviZ. He was a h

alife of Beyazid Baba who belonged to the

Hac| BektaZ lodge. The main cause of their conflict appears to have beenthat Otman Baba was descended from the Akyazili Sultan line and notfrom the line of Hac| BektaZ. In an epic (menkibe), it is expressed thatOtman Baba tried to teach his tarika to a dervish group who turned outto be murids of Mumin DerviZ. Mumin DerviZ reacted harshly to this as

68 For more on Ulu Arif Celebs view of other religious orders, see Golp|narl|,Mevlanadan Sonra Mevlevlik, 836.

69 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 511.70 Ibid, 299300.71 Kucuk Abdal, Otman Baba Vilayetnamesi, fos. 88a, 101ab.

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the teachings imparted by Otman Baba differed from those of his owntarika.72

Otman Baba was again confronted by a few Bektashi dervishes aroundthe Hisar Kap|s|. Their shaykh was Mahmud Celebi. Otman Baba triedto impose his greatness on the dervishes there by asking who theHunkar was, referring probably to Hunkar Hac| BektaZ. At that time,Mahmud Celebi came over with his dervishes and argued with OtmanBaba. According to the Menakib, Otman Baba admonished him for notrenouncing arrogance, hypocrisy and worldly pleasures, and thenpunished him through his keramat.73

There was a strong economic dimensions to this rivalry betweenOtman Baba and the Bektashi dervishes, especially with MuminDerviZ.74 During their journeys, Otman Baba and Mu8min DerviZ triedto collect food, clothing and, more importantly, sacrificial animals, fromthe surrounding villages for their winter needs. The effort of winning thefavour of villagers would probably return to them in the form of manycharitable gifts and donations because, in this environment, it was veryimportant for the people to be in the presence of the shaykhs,75 whowere seen as the gate of blessing and of healing (Zifa kap|s|) for all kindsof afflictions and ailments. A poem by Kaygusuz Abdal is a goodexpression of this: the sick come to demand healingall the living cometo my master Abdal Musa (Hastalar da gelur derman isteyu/Saglar gelurprim (Sultan) Abdal Musa8ya).76 The need to secure the attention of thepeople in order to harvest their offerings early is one of the reasons forthe stiff competition between Otman Baba and Mu8min DerviZ.Important as it was for these Turkmen shaykhs to win the favour of

the people in rural areas, it was no less important for the urban shaykhsto obtain the favour of ruling elites and other notablestheir perman-ence in the cities depended upon it to a great extent. The gifts, gratuitiesand other financial support offered by their patrons were vital to thelivelihood of the shaykhs.77 More importantly, the prestige of associationwith the ruling elite was a factor in enabling them to grow in influence.Indeed, for some shaykhs, this support was the unique instrument for

72 Ibid, fos. 67a68b.73 Ibid, fos. 189ab.74 Ocak, Kalenderler, 179.75 Kucuk Abdal, Otman Baba Vilayetnamesi, fos. 59a60b, et passim.76 Kaygusuz Abdal, 130; for more examples see also: Kucuk Abdal, Otman

Baba Vilayetnamesi, fos. 75b, 80b; Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 536; WukruElcin Bir Weyh Wucauddin Baba Velayetnamesi, Turk Kulturu AraZt|rmalar| 22/12 (1984) (Prof. A. Necati Akder Armagan|), 201.

77 For an example, see Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 3701.


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maintaining their existence in that region. Some shaykhs, severelycriticized for their bizarre teachings and practices, were only able toretain their position through this support and would otherwise have hadto migrate elsewhere. For example, Fah

ru8d-Dn Iraq, supported by the

vizierMu8inu8d-Dn Pervane and staying in a zaviye built by him in Tokat,left the city after the death of his patron (1277) probably because no oneremained to safeguard him.78 The ceremonies and musical instruments ofMevlana and the Mevlevis were often the subject of complaint but eachtime, with the support of the ruling elites, these complaints would beineffective.79 Again, it is thanks to this support that theMevlevi order wasable to establish itself in the cities of the Seljuk empire.It was not so easy for Mevlana and his h

alifes to secure this position.

They had to struggle with some influential Ahis, shaykhs and theologiansin Konya. Mentioned in Eflakis Menakib, Ahi Ahmet is seen as apersistent, determined opponent of Mevlana. He was strongly opposed toa decision of Vezir Ziyau8d-Dn to give a tekke whose shaykh had died, toCelebi Husamu8d-Dn, Mevlanas disciple. By declaring, I dont acceptthis man as a shaykh in this district, he provoked a crisis and caused afight.80 But after a long time, that tekke was indeed given to CelebiHusamu8d-Dn during the time of Sultan Veled and after Ahi Ahmets son,Ahi Ali, had become a disciple of Sultan Veled.81 The same Ahi Ahmet oneday objected to the Mevlevi chanters (guyendes) chanting a lyric (gazel)before the funeral corte`ge of a notable, which greatly upset Sultan Veled.82

Shaykh Nasiru8d-Dn was another opponent of Mevlana. MikailBayram, professor of medieval history in Konya, has identified him withthe famous Ahi Evren, i.e. Shaykh Nasiru8d-Dn Mahmud.83 This shaykhused to criticize Mevlana at every opportunity and there was a conflictbetween them. Although Mevlevi sources accept that he had a deepknowledge of all kinds of sciences, it is said that he tried to rouse publicopinion against Mevlana and denied his greatness because of jealousyand envy. In the end, it is claimed that he received a spiritual blow from

78 Ocak, Kalenderler, 778.79 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, ii. 345.80 Ibid, 3412.81 Ibid, 346.82 Ibid, 415.83 Mikail Bayram, Tarihin IZ|g|nda Nasreddin Hoca ve Ahi Evren (Istanbul:

Bayrak Mat., 2001), 2138. Bayram attributes the famous exchange of lettersbetween Nasiru8d-Dn al-Tus and Konev to Ahi Evren and Konev, seeSadrudd-Din Konevi ile Ahi Evren Weyh Nasirud-Din MahmudunMektuplaZmas|, Selcuk Universitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fak. Edebiyat Dergisi, 2(1983): 5175.

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Mevlana and subsequently fell into a number of immoral habits.84 Thekinds of accusations leveled against him in Eflakis Menakibforexample he engaged in homosexualitygive an idea of how deep theanimosity went. Bayram speaks of the fatal outcome of this rivalry.According to him, Ahi Evren had a role in the assassination of Wems-iTabrz. That is why he had to leave Konya with Elau8d-Din, son ofMevlana, also thought to be involved in this assassination, and settled inK|rZehir, another city in Central Anatolia. Bayram ascribes a differentmeaning also to the murder of Ahi Evren by the governor of K|rZehir, asa result of a revolt, emphasizing the governors being a friend anddisciple of Mevlana.85

In such a harshly competitive environment, government support wascrucial. If the ruling elite favoured a rival, it was cause for concern.During his visit to Konya, Weyh Baba-y| Merendi, or Buzag| Baba, wasshown great respect by Sultan Elau8d-Din who had chosen him as hisspiritual father. Mevlana became very disturbed. He expressed thisdisturbance as follows: if he chose a father for himself, we will selectanother son for ourselves. The Menakib describes Mevlanas reaction asjealousy, and even claims that such jealousy was common among theshaykhs.86 In this case however, it is impossible to ignore the anxietyattached to the fear of falling into disfavour and, accordingly, theopportunities lost because disfavour carried the risk of a loss of generousgifts from the sultan and other elites or the risk of having to share withothers endowments such as lodges and income derived from pious trusts.Jealousy is a common motif in the competition between the neighbour-

ing shaykhs too. This is clearly expressed in the hagiographic materials.For example, in the legend of the coming of Haci BektaZ to Anatolia, welearn that the saints of Rum (i.e. Anatolia) tried to prevent him because:if he comes to Rum he will dominate the country and make the people

84 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, i. 3702.85 Mikail Bayram, Ahi Evrenin Oldurulmesi ve Olum Tarihinin Tespiti IX.

Turk Tarih Kongresi Ankara: 2125 Eylul 1981, Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler(Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1988), ii. 6234. Mikail Bayram attributes thisstruggle between Ahi Evren and Mevlana (and his followers) to intellectual,political and racial differences. According to him, Mevlana and his followerswith the support of government, especially the Mongols, tried to destroy theintellectual movement of Ahi Evren. Bayram also argues that that thiscontroversy is owed to the intellectual divergence between Wems-i Tabrz, thespiritual guide of Mevlana, and Evhadu8d-Dn Kirman, father-in-law of AhiEvren, and to the conflict between Bahau8d-Dn Veled, father of Mevlana andFah

ru8d-Dn Razi, teacher of Ahi Evren. Bayram, Sadru8d-Din Konevi, 725;

id., Ahi Evrenin, 62341.86 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, i. 3234.


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his subjects, we will not play any more in Rum. Then, they cut off thepath of Rum, miraculously, by standing wing to wing. But Haci BektaZ,with the power of his sainthood, transcended this barrier and came toSulucakaraoyuk in the form of a dove.87 There should be little objectionto understanding this account in the following terms: Haci BektaZ had toundergo a period of competition with the incumbent shaykhs in Anatoliabefore he was able to establish his credentials as a saint there. Asreflected in the legend, the loss of an acquired position was a significantcause of anxiety for the incumbent saints.We must take note of the fact that the rivalry was sometimes a struggle

for prestige, for a superior position in the hierarchy of shaykhs, or aneffort to hold on to a current position. One day,Mevlana was invited withother notables of the city to the the palace of PervaneMu8inu8d-Dn but hewas a little late and all the places on the corners of the sofa were occupied.Mevlana abruptly sat down at the entrance near where the people had lefttheir shoes. After this protest, many participants left their place on thesofa and sat down around him. In this way, Mevlana created his own topcorner, maintained and asserted his prestige before the others.88

In conclusion, we can say that the rivalry between the Sufi shaykhs wasclosely related to their spiritual influence over society. This, of course,does not mean that there were no other reasons for it. Differences indoctrine, temperament or personal vulnerability and several other factorsprobably also played a part in this rivalry. However, the tendency of theshaykhs to direct their spiritual influence over society and ruling elitestoward political, social and economic profit made rivalry among theminevitable. The institutionalization of Sufism on the basis of order,lodge (tekke) and charitable foundation (vakf) prepared a fertile groundfor this process. This development also spread the rivalry among thedisciples or communities subject to the authority of the shaykhs,whereas, earlier, it had been confined to the shaykhs themselves. Afterthe shaykhs, the Sufi communities and their followers continued thisrivalry as a means of sustaining, and an expression of, group identity andconsciousness. It took the form of attributing superior virtues to theirown shaykhs as against the shaykhs of other groups, becoming irritatedby the presence of a rival group in their sphere of influence, and giving astrong response to the appointment to their own tekke of a shaykh froma different tarika tradition.

87 Menak|b-| Hac| BektaZ-| Veli, 18.88 Eflaki, Ariflerin Menk|beleri, i. 2923; Sipehsalar also relates the same event

but in his work, those who organized that invitation were not Pervane, but SultanRuknu8d-Dn. See Ferdun bin Ahmed, Mevlana ve Etraf|ndakiler, Risale, 8990.

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Sufi Shaykhs And Society In Thirteenth And Fifteenth Century Anatolia Spiritual Influence And Rivalry.pdf