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7/29/2019 Study Guide - SC.pdf
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SECURITY COUNCIL (SC)
RBSMUN 2013
STUDY GUIDE
President: Komal Kunwar
Vice President: Ural Mishra
Moderator: Nishchal Shrestha
RBSMUN
2013
Rato Bangala School Model United Nations 2013
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CONTENTS
HISTORY OF THE COMMITTEE ............................................................................................... 3
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ............................................................................................. 4
HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM ............................................................................................................ 6
CURRENT SITUATION......................................................................................................................... 8
RELEVANT UN ACTIONS.................................................................................................................... 9
POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS..................................................................................................................... 11
QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION MUST ANSWER ........................................................................... 12
POSITION PAPER FORMAT ....................................................................................................13
REFERENCES .........................................................................................................................15
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HISTORY OF THE COMMITTEE
The Security Council is undoubtedly the most important functioning body of the United Nations.
Composed of 15 member states (5 permanent and 10 non-permanent), the committee plays an
important role in maintaining global peace and security. The 5 permanent members (France, China, UK,
USA and Russia) hold the power of Veto meaning that the objection (voting against) of any one of
these would result in the failure of any resolution put up for voting in the house. The 10 non-permanent
members are elected by the General Assembly, ensuring that equitable geopolitical representation is
achieved in the nomination of these states so as to better reflect universal views on matters discussed,
and each serves a two year term.
Under the United Nations Charter, the functions and powers of the Security Council are:
to maintain international peace and security in accordance with the principles and purposes of
the United Nations;
to investigate any dispute or situation which might lead to international friction;
to recommend methods of adjusting such disputes or the terms of settlement;
to formulate plans for the establishment of a system to regulate armaments; to determine the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression and to recommend what
action should be taken;
to call on Members to apply economic sanctions and other measures not involving the use of
force to prevent or stop aggression;
to take military action against an aggressor;
to recommend the admission of new Members;
to exercise the trusteeship functions of the United Nations in "strategic areas";
to recommend to the General Assembly the appointment of the Secretary-General and, togetherwith the Assembly, to elect the Judges of the International Court of Justice.
http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/http://www.un.org/en/ga/http://www.un.org/sg/http://www.icj-cij.org/http://www.icj-cij.org/http://www.un.org/sg/http://www.un.org/en/ga/http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/7/29/2019 Study Guide - SC.pdf
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STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Narco-terrorists and the international criminal organizations that thrive on the illegal drug trade now
threaten the national security of many nations. The nexus between transnational criminal organizations
and terrorist groups does not end with illegal drug trafficking. Their partnerships are complex, linking
illegal drugs, money, geography and politics.
As President Karzai has stated, The question of drugs is one that will determine Afghanistans future. If
we fail, we will fail as a state eventually, and we will fall back in the hands of terrorism.Afghanistan is a
riddle in the international community. While the standard of living in Afghanistan is extremely lowas
quantified by a human development index that is 174th lowest on a list totaling 178 membersthemoney made from exporting drugs is very high, standing at US $4 billion/year. Afghanistan is therefore
the largest exporter of illegal drugs on the planet. Nearly 10% of the Afghan population is involved in
transferring opium in one way, shape, or form. Opium production provides a very rewarding option for
farmers, and has grown increasingly popular as farmers options are limited by the scarcity of arable
land. The consequences of this have been severe, both for Afghan citizens and for the larger, global
community. The rate of domestic opium addiction has skyrocketed in recent years and heroin has
flowed in more abundant quantities to Europe through Turkey and Central Asia. In addition to the
negative health effects of substance abuse, the opium trade also creates revenues which fuels terrorist
organizations.
The loose relationship between terrorist organizations, violence, decentralized governance, and poverty
that existed prior to the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) in Afghanistan, has coalesced into a truly
narco-terrorism-driven system. The implications of this are severe to both Afghanistans and Americas
long-term goals. Corruption, lawlessness, instability, violence, and human suffering all contribute to, and
result from, the precipitous increase in opium cultivation and narcotics production and trafficking.
Moreover, the deteriorating security situation brought on by NATO and the United States deposing the
Taliban regime and thus placing them at the vanguard of the insurgency has served to reinvigorate the
opium economy in the wake of the 2000 Taliban opium ban. Furthermore, the creation of a common
enemy the Karzai government and Western military forces has led to a marriage of convenience
between the drug lords and the insurgency leaders. Nevertheless, in working with the Afghani
government, NATO and the United States are continuing to fight two separate wars: the war on drugs,
and the war on terror. While NATO fights the insurgency (but lacks any mandate to directly aid in
interdiction), and the Afghan, British, and U.S. governments work to implement a multifaceted
counternarcotics policy, the insurgents and drug lords are working together to undermine the Karzai
government and fund their respective operations through the opium trade.
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The current strategic conceptualization of two wars in Afghanistan belies the fact that the country is
steadily becoming a narco-terrorist state. The linkage between the insurgency and the opium industry
is widely evidenced. Over 62 percent of coalition fatalities have occurred in the southern Helmand
province, which is also the primary opium producing province in Afghanistan. Further, the Taliban
receives nearly 70 percent of its income from protection money and the sale of opium (much of this
income comes from taxes imposed upon opium farmers). Additionally, the Taliban is receiving arms and
money from traffickers and drug lords in return for protection. Also contributing to the insurgency is a
disproportionate reliance upon crop eradication policies, which has created an increasingly large
recruitment pool of disaffected farmers and other peasants.
In the same way that the failings of the state economically have served to legitimize the drug industry,
the failings of the state politically and in terms of providing security (exacerbated by the drug industry),
have served to legitimize the insurgency. Both in the political and security realms the drug lords and
insurgents are entirely reliant upon a steady supply of able Afghanis. As noted earlier, the drug
interdiction and eradication policies that have ignored the elements political, economic, historical, andsocietal that drive farmers to produce opium, are serving to drive them towards the insurgency for
support and protection. Further, many farmers have little choice regarding what to grow, as groups such
as the Taliban directly coerce farmers to plant. Therefore, it is apparent that, given the striking degree to
which the insurgency and the drug industry have come to benefit from each other, any policy which
aims to combat one element must also consider the other.
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HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM
The advent of war in Afghanistan predates Western civilization. Having historically served as a strategic
entry point into India, and more recently as an arena for the ideological wars against both communism
and terrorism, Afghanistan is a country with a culture and society that have been significantly shaped by
war. Throughout its history, Afghanistan has struggled to establish stable and centralized governance.
Afghanistan, founded in 1847, was placed under the rule of the British Empire from 1826 until the end of
World War I. Following this period of foreign control, Afghanistan was ruled by various autocrats with
power frequently changing hands, generally through military coups, the last of which installed a
communist regime under the Soviet Union. Unfortunately, the enduring state of violence brought on by
the Soviet invasion dashed any chances of a strong Afghan state coming to fruition. Over two decades,domination by insurgency, civil strife, and draconian autocracy, has had a severe and deleterious effect
upon the nations ability to provide for security, infrastructure, and general economic well-being. During
this period of time, Afghanistans overall status has alternated between collapsed and failed statehood.
Warlords, militias, drug lords and corrupt provincial administrators were able to lay claim to huge
swaths of Afghanistans periphery. Consequently, Afghanistan became the perfect environment for the
establishment and maintenance of a robust illicit economy based on the cultivation of opium.
Violence and the lack of a stable self governance has led to virtual anarchy in Afghanistan, making opium
cultivation, production and trafficking a way of life for many people. Even though poppy has existed in
Afghanistan, since the time of Alexander the great, Afghanistans narco-economy is a modern dayphenomenon. The success of the war on drugs in the golden triangle has been a major contributing
factor in this phenomenon. According to the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the rise
of opium cultivation in Afghanistan has occurred parallel to an 87 percent decline in poppy cultivation in
Southeast Asias golden triangle (Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam, and Thailand) over the last decade. Similar
successes in eliminating cultivation also occurred within neighboring Iran and Pakistan beginning in the
1970s. The result follows a basic market principle: a decline in overall supply relative to a stable or
increasing demand leads to either price increases or the market finding a new means of supply. Thus,
given the preexisting conditions of widespread violence and the lack of a stable, centralized
government, Afghanistan was the perfect candidate to fill the void in the global opium production
market. It was only in recent times, however, with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, thatwarfare and opium began to form a symbiotic relationship. The need for capital to purchase weaponry
that would be effective against Soviet gunships and troops prompted the mujahidin insurgency to resort
to opium cultivation and trafficking. Many of the mujahidin leaders and warlords, the future political
actors of a post-Soviet Afghanistan, thus became narco-leaders.
With the fall of the Soviet Union in 1992, civil war between the various mujahidin groups erupted,
causing widespread destabilization. From 1996-1999, the Taliban controlled 96% of Afghanistan's poppy
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fields and made opium its largest source of taxation. Taxes on opium exports became one of the
mainstays of Taliban income and their war economy. The Taliban had no annual budget but they
appeared to spend US$ 300 million a year, nearly all of it on war. The hard-line, Islamic-based, Pakistani
sponsored Taliban gained control of the country.
By 2000, Afghanistan accounted for an estimated 75% of the world's supply and in 2000 grew an
estimated 3276 tonnes of opium from poppy cultivation on 82,171 hectares. At this juncture, a decree
was passed banning the cultivation of opium, and production dropped to an estimated 74 metric tonnes
from poppy cultivation on 1,685 hectares. Many observers say the ban - which came in a bid for
international recognition at the United Nations - was only issued in order to raise opium prices and
increase profit from the sale of large existing stockpiles. In September 2001 - before the 11 September
attacks against the U.S. the Taliban allegedly authorized Afghan peasants to sow opium again. Despite
having an ideological abhorrence towards drug use, the Taliban allowed, and even encouraged,
continued opium cultivation as a means of financially propping up their regime until imposing an opium
ban in 2000 using a strict religious rhetoric. As a result, opium cultivation steadily increased from 1990to 2000.
Since the 2001 invasion and the lifting of the Taliban opium ban, opium production in Afghanistan has
increased from 70 percent of the overall global illicit opium production to 92 percent today. By 2005,
Afghanistan had regained its position as the worlds No. 1 opium producer and was producing 90% of
the worlds opium, most of which is processed into heroin and sold in Europe and Russia.
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CURRENT SITUATION
The challenges for peace and stability in a country inflicted with disorders for more than three
decades continue and the efforts made are commendable. However, as time passes, more problems
arise and efforts to guarantee amity and security become harder. After years of intervention,
Afghanistan lies on the brink of war, insurgent groups resilient, the government broken and the
international community bushed. After years of refusing to negotiate, the U.S. government in early
2011 began to openly pursue a negotiated solution. While these talks have so far yielded few clear
results, the international community and the Afghan government have continued to implement the
transition plan agreed to in 2010, according to which Afghan security forces will be in the lead across
the country by the end of 2014, allowing the gradual drawdown of the 140,000 international military
forces from 40 countries fighting under an alliance led by NATO. The next major hurdle to be faced
will be presidential elections in 2014. President Karzai is barred by the Constitution from running
again, and the most recent Afghan elections in 2009 and 2010 revealed significant flaws in
Afghanistans democratic institutions. Ensuring a credible election and an effective change of power
in 2014 will be crucial for Afghanistans future stability, regardless of progress on reconciliation or on
training of Afghan security forces.
USIP is actively addressing these issues through three interrelated objectives:
Informing United States, Afghan and international policy and practice;
Strengthening governance and the rule of law;
Building understanding of and capacity in conflict prevention, mitigation and resolution for
Afghan individuals and institutions.
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RELEVANT UN ACTIONS
General Assembly resolutions on Afghanistan prior to 2001
Resolutions on the Situation in Afghanistan and its Implications for International Peace and Security:
Resolution ES-6/2 of January 1980
Resolution 35/37 of 20 November 1980
Resolution 36/34 of 18 November 1981
Resolution 37/37 of 29 November 1982
Resolution 38/29 or 23 November 1983
Resolution 39/13 of 15 November 1984
Resolution 40/12 of 13 November 1985
Resolution 41/33 of 5 November 1986 Resolution 42/15 of 10 November 1987
Resolution 43/20 of 3 November 1988
Resolution 44/15 of 1 November 1989
Resolution 45/12 of 7 November 1990
Resolution 46/23 of 5 December 1991
Resolutions on Emergency International Assistance for the Reconstruction of War-Stricken Afghanistan:
Resolution 47/119 of 18 December 1992
Resolution 48/208 of 21 December 1993
Resolution 49/140 of 20 December 1994
Two-part Resolutions on the Situation in Afghanistan and its Implications for Peace and Security and
Emergency International Assistance for the Reconstruction of War-Stricken Afghanistan:
Resolution 51/195 of 17 December 1996
Resolution 52/211 of 19 December 1997
Resolution 53/203 of 18 December 1998
Resolution 54/189 of 17 December 1999
Resolution 55/174 of 19 December 2000
Resolution on destruction of cultural property:
Resolution 55/243 of 9 March 2001
Resolutions on Human Rights in Afghanistan:
Resolution 40/137 of 13 December 1985
Resolution 41/158 of 4 December 1986
Resolution 42/135 of 7 December 1987
Resolution 43/139 of 8 December 1988
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Resolution 43/139 of 8 December 1988
Resolution 44/161 of 15 December 1989
Resolution 45/174 of 18 December 1990
Resolution 46/136 of 17 December 1991
Resolution 47/141 of 18 December 1992 Resolution 48/152 of 20 December 1993
Resolution 49/207 of 23 December 1994
Resolution 50/189 of 22 December 1995
Resolution 51/108 of 12 December 1996
Resolution 52/145 of 12 December 1997
Resolution 53/165 of 9 December 1998
Resolution 54/185 of 17 December 1999
Resolution 55/119 of 4 December 2000
Security Council Resolutions
Resolution 8 (1946) of 29 August - admission as Member of United Nations. Resolution 622 (1988) of 31 October - authorizes UNGOMAP deployment.
Resolution 647 (1990) of 11 January - extends UNGOMAP for a final two months.
Resolution 1076 (1996) of 22 October - calls for an end to hostilities, outside interference
and supply of arms to the parties to the conflict; denounces discrimination against women and
girls in Afghanistan.
Resolution 1193 (1998) of 28 August - demands an end to hostilities and an investigation into the
killing of two UN staff members and the military adviser to the UN Special Mission to Afghanistan.
Resolution 1214 (1998) of 8 December - repeats demands of resolution 1193 and reaffirms
support for the United Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan.
Resolution 1267 (1999) of 15 October - demands the Taliban turn over Usama bin Laden, forbids
aircraft to take-of or land in Taliban-controlled territory without approval and freezes assets ofthe Taliban.
Resolution 1333 (2000) of 19 December - repeats demand that the Taliban turn over bin Laden
and imposes further measures on their territory pending concurrence with the demand.
Resolution 1363 (2001) of 30 July - establishes a monitoring mechanism for the measures
imposed under the previous two resolutions.
Resolution 1386 (2001) of 20 December - authorizes the deployment for six months of an
International Security Force For Afghanistan.
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POSSIBLE SOLUTIONSPrivate Military Companies (PMCs)
Although this idea has not been fully explored, the result of foreign intervention in Afghanistan has had
a number of negative effects on the socio-economic as well as political situation. With the introduction
of PMCs the political influence can be removed, which could possibly help lead Afghanistan to political
and economic prosperity. As PMCs do not serve any country, they could be hired by the UN to help
guide Afghanistan through a period of transition as well as help curb opium, hashish and marijuana
production. The fight against the Taliban is crucial to Afghanistans future with the pull out of US and
allied troops fast approaching, the hiring of PMCs could benefit the Afghani people. However, PMCs
can be easily corrupted and turn be turned against the people that hired them if a larger offer comes in
from and enemy group; they do not serve any country and as a result do not have a sense of pridetowards the groups they protect.
Aggressive Anti-Drug Production Strategies
Afghanistan has long been affected by wide spread opium production, it has a strong grip hold on the
economy, with many local farmers using the drug as a major cash crop. During the Taliban rule, harsh
anti-drug production strategies curbed opium production by about 99% in Taliban controlled areas, and
an estimated 35% reduction in poppy production and 65% reduction in potential heroin supply;
however, these strategies consisted of threats, public punishment and forced eradication. These
methods were while viewed as inhumane, however, were remarkably effective.
Legalization of Opium Production
The legalization of opium production in Afghanistan has been proposed by many INGOs including the
International Council on Security and Development. They argue that with its legalization regulation of its
production can be made easier, with permits being handed out to opium farmers. Opium is a major
constituent of medicines such as morphine, which is a legal painkiller; economic analysts say that if
opium production is legalized, the cost of medicines around the world would significantly decrease,
making them more easily accessible and help stabilize Afghanistans economy.
Non-Withdrawal of Foreign Troops
The eminent withdrawal of most US troops in particular by 2014 poses an immediate threat to
Afghanistans security, despite the fact that afghan troops have been trained by US forces, many feel
that the Taliban and other insurgent groups would get a stronger hold on the country after the
withdrawal of troops. However US Secretary of State John Kerry has stated that not all troops will be
withdrawn, special forces and counterterrorism forces will remain but to a lesser extent. All other
security measures are solely in the hands of Afghan forces.
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QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION MUST
ANSWER
1) What measures need to be taken by the UN to stop the Taliban from influencing Afghanistans
economic, social and political situation?
2) Is there a need for a transitional government to help Afghanistan move away from Taliban
influence?
3) Do sanctions need to be implemented against countries supporting the Taliban and other
extremist groups?
4) How can the rights of minority groups be protected in Afghanistan?
5) Is the use of Private Military Companies a viable option to bring peace to Afghanistan?
6) How can the illicit opium production be curbed?
7) With the withdrawal of US forces and allied troops from Afghani soil what should be done to
ensure the smooth transition in the nation?
8) How to deal with neighboring countries which can directly influence the situation in
Afghanistan.
9) How can religious freedom be ensured to the people of Afghanistan?
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POSITION PAPER FORMAT
Committee: Security Council
Country:
Delegate:
Topic:
Introduction to the Topic
In your countrys view, what are the main elements of the problem?
What are the roots of these problems and give a brief history concerning the topic and
committee?
Current Situation
What are your national interests in the situation and briefly explain the stance on the topic?
What is your country doing to support or condemn the topic?
What past resolutions or treaties have the country supported regarding the topic?
Solution
What does your nation believe needs to be done to solve the problem?
What would your country want to be included in the committees resolution?
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CLOSING REMARKS
As the delegates of the Security Council, you are expected to maintain utter diplomacy and adapt to
situations accordingly. Remember, you are representing your country, not yourself. Your foreign
policy is your holy grail- stick to it at all costs. The dais expects a high level of debate in the house,
alongside proactive delegates and resolutions of the standard of the actual UNSC. Talking the most in
committee does not make you the best delegate: the maturity in your speech, the quality of your
debate, your outlook on the situation, level of contribution to the discussion, lobbying, ability to
stand firm on your grounds yet compromise is what makes you a strong delegate and is what the dais
is looking for. Make sure that you thoroughly understand the topic and if you have any problem at all,
do not hesitate to approach the dais. Let the MUNning begin!
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REFERENCES
http://www.globalresearch.ca/syria-a-historical-perspective-on-the-current-crisis/24568
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-14703995
http://carnegie-mec.org/publications/?fa=48516
http://sites.mgkworld.net/thessis08/files/communique_writing.pdf
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-14703856
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/19/world/middleeast/un-reports-increased-number-of-displaced-
people.html?_r=0
http://gulfnews.com/news/gulf/uae/emergencies/un-relief-supplies-depart-dubai-for-syria-1.1220716
https://www.facebook.com/syriaohr
http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/ca9cbebc-0420-11e3-8aab-
00144feab7de,Authorised=false.html?_i_location=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ft.com%2Fcms%2Fs%2F0%2Fc
a9cbebc-0420-11e3-8aab-00144feab7de.html&_i_referer=#axzz2cQohLQWE
http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e486a76.html
http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/crises/crisis-in-syria
http://www.un.org/apps/news/infocusRel.asp?infocusID=146&Body=Syria&Body1=
http://ww3.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21578443-russia-and-america-try-bit-jaw-jaw-
how-about-diplomacy
http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2013/05/13/Syria-opposition-to-consult-allies-over-
U-S-Russia-peace-initiative-.html
http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/story/2012-01-05/syria-political-prisoners/52387422/1
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5iOopJQLs2bnTmk3TRzytK_NIKcXg?docId=CNG.
0fe739f1f49df34b937ed993417cb269.721
http://www.haaretz.com/news/middle-east/arab-league-observer-assad-committing-genocide-in-syria-
1.403756
http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/01/22/189842.html
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