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Cultural Narratives
Running Head: CULTURAL NARRATIVES
The Cultural Narratives of Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers: Using an Historical
Perspective to Explore the Relationship between Relative Deprivation and Collective Well-
Being
Evelyne Bougie
Esther Usborne
Roxane de la Sablonnière
Donald M. Taylor
Word Count : 9358
Authors’ Notes
Evelyne Bougie, Statistics Canada, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada; Esther Usborne and Roxane de
la Sablonnière, Department of Psychology, Université de Montréal, Montréal, Québec,
Canada; Donald M. Taylor, Department of Psychology, McGill University, Montréal,
Québec, Canada
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Cultural Narratives
Abstract
Responding to calls to contextualize social psychological variables in history (e.g., Gergen,
1973; Liu & Hilton, 2005), the present research examines the relationship between relative
deprivation and collective well-being using an historical perspective. We hypothesized that
during historical periods of high intergroup threat, collective identity clarity might be a
mechanism that accounts for a positive relationship between relative deprivation and
collective well-being. In Study 1, cultural narrative interviews were conducted with
Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers in order to pinpoint key historical chapters for these
groups and to determine which of the chapters represent important intergroup threats. In
Study 2, using the rich information obtained from these narratives, relative deprivation and
collective identity clarity were explored across the groups’ histories and related to collective
well-being. During historical periods of high intergroup threat, the relationship between
relative deprivation and collective well-being was positive for both Anglophone and
Francophone Quebecers. This relationship was mediated by collective identity clarity. In a
period of high intergroup threat, relative deprivation might serve to clarify collective identity,
which in turn is associated with greater collective well-being.
Key Words: Narrative; Relative Deprivation; Collective Well-Being; Culture
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The Cultural Narratives of Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers: Using an Historical
Perspective to Explore the Relationship between Relative Deprivation and Collective Well-
Being
Shared representations of history are central to the creation and maintenance of a
group’s identity (Gergen, 1973; Hammack, 2008, 2009; Liu & Hilton, 2005; Okazaki, David,
& Abelman, 2008). A group member’s collective or cultural identity is thus shaped, at least in
part, by his or her group’s historical narrative (Hammack, 2008). Among social psychologists
exploring issues of collective identity and collective well-being, there is an increasing
recognition that a group’s history plays a key role in determining group members’
experiences and evaluations of their collective identities (see Gjerde, 2004; Hammack, 2008,
Okazaki, David, & Abelmann, 2008). However, research that sets out to empirically explore
predictors of collective identity and well-being most often measures these variables in a
decontextualized manner, divorced from any historical context. In order to truly understand
how group members understand and evaluate their collective identities, a social psychological
analysis must take history into account.
Collective well-being refers to the extent to which one perceives one’s collective
identity as having worth, respect, and value (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Taylor,
1997, 2002). One social psychological variable that has been found to be predictive of
collective well-being is social relative deprivation. It was originally theorized that relative
deprivation, the subjective feeling of threat that arises when group members perceive their
group to be receiving less than what they feel they deserve, negatively affects collective well-
being (Walker, 1999). Indeed, it makes intuitive sense that feeling deprived, a subjectively
negative affective state, would be related to poor well-being. However, when measured
empirically, primarily using methods that do not take a group’s history into account, relative
deprivation has actually been found to have inconsistent links with collective well-being. As
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was initially predicted, the relationship between relative deprivation and well-being has often
been found to be negative (e.g., de la Sablonnière, Tougas, & Lortie-Lussier, 2009; Zagefka
& Brown, 2005). However, some studies have found no link between relative deprivation and
collective well-being (e.g., Tougas & Veilleux, 1988; Walker, 1999) and numerous others
have even found a positive relationship between these variables (de la Sablonnière & Tougas,
2008; de la Sablonnière, Tougas, & Lortie-Lussier, 2009; Petta & Walker, 1992), whereby
feeling relatively deprived actually predicted greater feelings of collective well-being. This
positive relationship is particularly surprising given that it is directly opposite to the original
theorizing pertaining to relative deprivation. In the present paper, we explore what might be
the mechanism that accounts for the presence of a positive relationship. We ask when and
why feelings of social relative deprivation would be positively associated with perceiving
one’s group to have worth, respect and value.
In order to more thoroughly understand the relationship between relative deprivation
and collective well-being, recent research has implied that the historical context in which
feelings of relative deprivation are measured must be taken into account (de la Sablonnière,
2008; de la Sablonnière, et al., 2009). Such research has demonstrated that the relationship
between relative deprivation and well-being might be affected by the nature of the historical
period in which participants base their judgments of deprivation; however, this assumption
was never systematically tested. In the present research, we therefore explore feelings of
relative deprivation measured across a group’s history and systematically examine their
relationships with collective well-being. Furthermore, we seek to understand what the
historically contextualized mechanism might be that is responsible for a positive relationship
between relative deprivation and collective well-being.
We propose that the clarity of a group’s collective identity acts as such a mechanism.
We posit that, at key, particularly threatening points in a group’s history, feelings of relative
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deprivation might actually clarify one’s collective identity, which in turn would be linked
with greater collective well-being. For a real-world example of these relationships, we might
consider an individual who has a Jewish identity. World War II represents an important
period of intense threat to the Jewish people. This historical period may be perceived as
particularly influential in defining the individual’s Jewish identity. Therefore, relative
deprivation reported to be experienced during World War II might actually serve to clarify or
define the individual’s Jewish identity, thereby leading this person to have a more positive
evaluation of this identity. A positive relationship between relative deprivation experienced
during World War II and collective well-being might then be explained by collective identity
clarity.
In order to test our hypothesis that collective identity clarity is responsible for a
positive relationship between relative deprivation and well-being, we explore the cultural
narratives of two groups with histories characterized by intergroup threat—Anglophones and
Francophones living in the Canadian province of Quebec. We begin by reviewing the
literature exploring the relationship between relative deprivation and collective well-being
and argue that, in order to more thoroughly understand this relationship, a group’s history
must be taken into account. We introduce the concept of collective identity clarity measured
across a group’s history and propose that it may be a mechanism responsible for a positive
relationship between feelings of relative deprivation and collective well-being. In Study 1, we
conduct cultural narrative interviews with Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers in order
to gain a knowledge and appreciation of the history of their respective groups, and to pinpoint
the historical periods that are perceived by group members as the most threatening. In Study
2, using the rich information obtained from these narratives, we develop a methodology by
which feelings of relative deprivation and collective identity clarity can be explored across a
group’s history and related to feelings of collective well-being.
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Relative Deprivation and Collective Well-Being
Group-based or social relative deprivation refers to an overall, subjective feeling of
threat that arises when group members engage in social comparison, and perceive their group
to be receiving less than what they believe they are entitled to (Walker & Pettigrew, 1984).
Relative deprivation theory rests on two main assumptions. The first is that feelings of
relative deprivation are subjectively and not objectively determined. It is not a group’s
objective reality that determines whether or not an individual will feel deprived. Instead, it is
the extent to which group members compare themselves to other groups and perceive their
group to be receiving less than what they feel it deserves. The second assumption is that
feelings of relative deprivation are very much dependent upon the social or cultural context in
which this social comparison is made (Stouffer, Suchman, De Vinney, Star, & Williams,
1949). Compared to the assumption of subjectivity, the assumption that feelings of relative
deprivation are context dependent has received much less research attention. Since Stouffer
and his colleagues originally discussed the contextualized nature of relative deprivation,
empirical research has largely ignored this assumption, and explored relative deprivation in a
decontextualized fashion (see de la Sablonnière, Tougas, & Perenlei, in press). In contrast, the
present research seeks to explore feelings of relative deprivation in the context of a group’s
history. We examine the relationship between historically contextualized feelings of relative
deprivation and collective well-being.
Originally, it was theorized that relative deprivation and well-being would be
negatively related (see Crosby, 1976; Walker, 1999). Perceiving one’s group as relatively
deprived, as worse off than other groups, was assumed to result in a more negative evaluation
of one’s group in terms of its worth, respect and value. A number of empirical studies
confirmed this negative relationship (e.g., de la Sablonnière, Tougas, & Lortie-Lussier, 2009;
Zagefka & Brown, 2005). For example, Zagefka & Brown showed that greater relative
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deprivation was associated with lower levels of collective esteem. However, in other research,
the negative relationship between social relative deprivation and collective well-being has not
been obtained. Some empirical studies have failed to find a significant relationship between
these variables (e.g., Tougas & Veilleux, 1988; Walker, 1999), and others have actually
demonstrated a positive relationship between social relative deprivation and collective well-
being (de la Sablonnière & Tougas, 2008; de la Sablonnière, Tougas, & Lortie-Lussier, 2009;
Petta & Walker, 1992). For example, de la Sablonnière and Tougas found that greater social
relative deprivation among nurses was associated with higher reported collective esteem.
Furthermore, de la Sablonnière, Tougas, and Lortie-Lussier demonstrated a positive
relationship between social relative deprivation and collective esteem among Mongolian
participants. In order to attempt to explain these positive relationships between relative
deprivation and collective well-being, the researchers looked to the context in which the
groups under investigation found themselves. Although the researchers did not directly assess
historically contextualized variables, they speculated that the social context in which
participants were basing their judgments of relative deprivation might actually have an impact
on the relationship between relative deprivation and well-being. This speculation is in line
with the assumption that assessments of relative deprivation must be contextualized.
Recent research has more specifically explored relative deprivation, measured across a
group’s history, and related it to collective well-being. Researchers have found that
considering the historical context in which a group finds itself is particularly important when
exploring the relationship between relative deprivation and collective well-being (de la
Sablonnière, 2008; de la Sablonnière, et al., 2009). Specifically, this research has
demonstrated that: 1) it is important to use more than one past or future point of social
comparison when predicting collective esteem using relative deprivation, and 2) to have an
impact on collective esteem, the selected point of social comparison has to be perceived as an
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important historical event for group members. That is, instead of an overall impression of a
group’s history, it is certain important events in the past that are the group’s primary reference
points against which their experience of well-being is assessed. Again, such findings point to
the necessity of contextualizing one’s investigation of the relationship between relative
deprivation and collective well-being in a group’s rich history. They highlight the impact that
certain, key historical events might have in shaping a group’s experience of relative
deprivation and collective well-being.
Collective Identity Clarity
What has not been explored in past research linking relative deprivation to collective
well-being is what makes a specific historical context conducive to a positive relationship
between these variables. The present research seeks to explore the historically contextualized
mechanism that might be responsible for a positive relationship between relative deprivation
and collective well-being. We propose that collective identity clarity might act as such a
mechanism.
The clarity of an individual’s collective identity, the extent to which one has clear and
confident beliefs about one’s collective identity, has been theoretically linked to collective
well-being (Taylor, 1997, 2002). Specifically, Taylor posits that without a clear understanding
of one’s collective identity, it would be impossible for an individual to engage in any process
of evaluation pertaining to this identity. Determining if one’s collective identity has worth,
respect, and value, first necessitates a clear understanding of this identity (Taylor). Such
theorizing is in line with classic and current social psychological theorists who posit that a
key factor linked to personal well-being is personal identity clarity (e.g., Baumgardner, 1990;
Campbell, 1990; Erikson, 1968). Researchers have empirically tested the association between
personal identity clarity and well-being and found that people who have a well-articulated
sense of who they are have more positive self-esteem and well-being (Baumgardner, 1990;
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Campbell, 1990; Campbell et al., 1996). Furthermore, Usborne and Taylor (2009)
demonstrated an empirical link between having a clear cultural identity and greater personal
well-being. The clarity of one’s collective identity is thought to be similarly associated with
collective well-being (Taylor, 1997, 2002).
Based on such theorizing, we argue that, at particular points in a group’s history,
feelings of relative deprivation might serve to clarify collective identity, which in turn, would
be associated with greater feelings of collective well-being. Specifically, we make two
theoretical propositions: 1) Based on Taylor’s (1997, 2002) theory, we propose that collective
identity clarity will act as a mechanism that explains a positive relationship between relative
deprivation and collective well-being. 2) Based on the work of de la Sablonnière and her
colleagues (2009), we propose that the predicted relationships among relative deprivation,
collective identity clarity and collective well-being will be obtained only during certain,
important historical periods. We posit that a period in a group’s history that is considered by
group members as an important intergroup threat might be particularly influential in defining
a group’s identity, and by extension, their experience of collective well-being. Indeed, a
theme that arises when examining the historical narratives of many groups is their perceived
stance compared to another group (Hammack, 2008). The Jewish Israeli identity, for example,
is very much shaped by “historical persecution and victimization”, “vulnerability”, “threat”,
and “existential insecurity” (Hammack, 2009, p. 51). This group has, at least in part, defined
itself based upon themes of extreme intergroup threat.
We therefore hypothesize that, at a point in history that considered by group members
as particularly threatening, the clarity of a group’s collective identity would mediate the
relationship between relative deprivation and current feelings of collective well-being. At
important, threatening points in a group’s history, feelings of relative deprivation would
actually lead to more certainty or clarity about one’s collective identity, that is, it would serve
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to define one’s collective identity, which in turn would predict greater collective well-being in
the present. Specifically, a historical period characterized by an important intergroup threat
might be particularly influential in defining the Francophone Quebecer identity. Relative
deprivation that is perceived to have been experienced during this time might thus serve to
clarify the Francophone identity and be linked to positive collective well-being. For the
context of the present study, we propose that this mediational relationship among relative
deprivation, collective identity clarity, and collective well-being will be obtained for both
Francophones and Anglophones if the historical period in question represents a threatening
period for the members of each group.
Research Context
The Canadian province of Quebec revolves around a struggle between the Anglophone
and Francophone communities. The majority Francophones can be viewed as the more
historically disenfranchised group, for they have faced economic disadvantages and threats to
their language and culture due to their minority status in English-dominated North America.
Anglophones, on the other hand, have, at least in the past, enjoyed the privilege of being an
elite minority in Quebec despite living in a predominantly French province where
approximately 80% of the residents are Francophone (Statistics Canada, 2006). The growth of
Francophone nationalism in the 1960s, however, has to some extent reversed the intergroup
power distribution in Quebec, leaving Anglophone Quebecers feeling increasingly threatened
(Bourhis, 1994; Caldwell, 1984; Lepicq & Bourhis, 1995). There have been two emotionally
charged referendums on Quebec sovereignty where French Quebecers voted on whether or
not they wanted to secede from the rest of Anglophone Canada. In addition, there has been
hotly contested legislation designed to protect the French language in Quebec (Bill 101 and
Bill 178).
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The Anglophone and Francophone identities have undoubtedly been shaped by their
complex intergroup history. Exploring the psychology of these groups without taking into
account this history would limit our understanding of who they are and how they feel in
today’s world. We therefore seek to predict Anglophone’s and Francophone’s feelings of
collective well-being arising from their experience of history. In Study 1, we examine the
cultural narratives of Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers in order to gain a
comprehensive understanding of this history. Study 1 is necessary to Study 2 in that it will
help us to determine the historical periods that are perceived by participants to be important
intergroup threats. In Study 2, we explore the relationships among participants’ feelings of
relative deprivation and collective identity clarity, measured across their history, and their
feelings of collective well-being. We examine if collective identity clarity might be a
mechanism that explains a positive relationship between relative deprivation and collective
well-being during historical periods that are perceived to be particularly threatening.
Study 1
In order to explore these psychological variables using an historical perspective, a
methodology was required that would allow us to situate relative deprivation and collective
identity clarity in a group’s history. A methodology from which we were able to draw was
McAdams’ (1996, 2001) seminal narrative approach to the study of personal identity. This
approach rests on the assumption that a unified description of one’s identity can be construed
through a story, a spontaneous measure of identity. According to McAdams, individuals
confer unity and meaning to their sense of self by constructing a coherent story that provides
the individual with a purposeful self-history. McAdams (1996, 2001) has developed, and
extensively used the Life Story Interview as a method of accessing people’s representations of
their personal identity. The Life Story Interview is a structured sequence of open-ended
questions in which participants are first asked to divide their life into chapters and to then
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briefly describe the content of each chapter. Participants are also required to describe specific
critical events, such as a nadir experience, an event representing a particularly low point in an
individual’s story.
In Study 1, a Cultural Narrative Interview, modeled on McAdams (1996, 2001) Life
Story Interview, was developed. In order to fully account for the complexities of participants’
collective identities, this spontaneous and contextualized method was employed. One of the
foundations of a collective identity is the knowledge of a shared history (Ashmore, Deaux, &
McLaughlin-Volpe, 2004; Hammack, 2008; Taylor, 1997, 2002). Accordingly, each
individual in the present study was asked to “tell the story of your group”, an internally
represented narrative of the particular cultural group of which he/she is a member (Ashmore
et al., 2004). He or she was asked to divide the story into chapters and then to briefly describe
the content of each chapter.
Study 1 had two goals. The first goal was to pinpoint the key narrative chapters for
both Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers. Because the narratives do not represent an
objective history, but rather a history interpreted through the lens of the participant, we
expected that this methodology would allow both groups of participants to describe the
chapters that they perceived to make up their group’s history. These chapters could then be
used in Study 2 as time points in which participants could situate their responses to the
psychological variables of interest. The second goal was to determine which narrative
chapters were perceived by participants as representing important intergroup threats. We
predicted that both Anglophone and Francophone participants would spontaneously describe
events that were particularly threatening for their respective groups. These events, which
would likely be different for both Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers, could then be
used in Study 2 as time points in which our meditational hypothesis could be tested.
Method
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Participants
Twenty Francophone (ten men and ten women) and twenty Anglophone (ten men and
ten women) Quebecers participated in Study 1. This relatively small sample size was
necessary given the labor-intensive nature of the Cultural Narrative Interview. The narratives
of two Anglophone participants were eliminated because one chose to tell a cultural narrative
related to his Asian-Canadian background and one focused on her personal narrative. A total
of eighteen Anglophone Quebecers (nine women and nine men) were retained for analysis.
The mean age for Anglophone participants was 20.2 years, ranging from 19-23 years old. The
mean age of Francophone participants was 21.5 years, ranging from 18-25. All Anglophone
participants reported speaking English as their maternal language and sixteen reported having
lived in Quebec since they were born. Two Anglophone participants were born in another
Canadian province and had been living in Quebec since the age of five and six years old. All
twenty Francophone participants reported speaking French as their maternal language, as well
as having lived in Quebec since they were born.
Materials and Procedure
The Cultural Narrative Interview was a structured sequence of open-ended questions
that asked participants to construct and narrate their group’s collective story. One male and
one female who were native speakers of English each interviewed five male and five female
Anglophone participants. Similarly, one male and one female who were native speakers of
French each interviewed five male and five female Francophone participants. Participants
took between 40-60 minutes to complete the Cultural Narrative Interview. All interviews
were tape-recorded and later transcribed.
Following McAdams’ (1995) protocol, the Cultural Narrative required participants to
outline their group’s story organized into chapters, and briefly describe the overall content,
key themes, and events of each chapter. In the second part of the interview, participants were
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asked to concentrate on a few key events that, according to them, stood out in the story of
their group as particularly important. A key event was described as a specific happening, a
critical incident, or a significant episode in their people’s past. One specific request was for
participants to report a “nadir” experience, an experience that they considered to be a low
point in their group’s history, characterized by extremely negative emotions, such as despair,
disillusionment, terror, or guilt.
Results and Discussion
The first goal of Study 1 was to pinpoint the key narrative chapters for both
Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers. In order to address this first goal, we analyzed the
content of the cultural narratives of Francophone and Anglophone participants, and describe
the significant chapters for both groups. The second goal of Study 1 was to determine which
narrative chapters were perceived by participants as representing important intergroup threats.
In order to accomplish this second goal we analyzed the extent to which participants
spontaneously described events that represented times of intergroup threat and pinpointed the
historical period to which these feelings of threat corresponded.
The Key Narrative Chapters
Francophone participants spontaneously generated an average of 5.6 chapters as
constituting their group’s story. One-hundred percent of Francophone participants described
the arrival of French colonizers in North America as constituting their first chapter. All of the
Francophone participants clearly perceived their cultural narrative beginning as early as the
1500’s, with the discovery of the new world. Next, 95% of Francophone participants
described one or more chapters having to do with early conflicts between French and English
colonizers in new France, namely the 1754-1760 Conquest War, which resulted in Great
Britain taking over New France, and or the Patriot’s Rebellions, also resulting in a defeat for
the French at the hands of the English. Finally, 80% of Francophone participants described
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events related to the theme of Francophone Quebecer nationalism as constituting one or more
chapters in their people’s story. The era when Maurice Duplessis was Quebec’s Prime
Minister (1936-1939, 1944-1959), the Quiet Revolution in the 1960s, the creation of the
separatist party “Parti Québébecois” in 1968, the election of René Levesque as Quebec’s
Premier, and/or the general theme of political independence of Quebec from Canada appear to
be important narrative building blocks for Francophone participants. Events that Francophone
Quebecers reported as being particularly important were most often the 1837-1838 Patriots
rebellion and the 1754-1760 British Conquest where the French fought and were defeated by
the English.
Compared to Francophone participants, Anglophone participants spontaneously
generated a smaller number of chapters, describing an average of 3.8 chapters as constituting
their group’s story. For eighty-one percent of Anglophone participants, Chapter 1 involved
the description of European colonizers’ arrival in North America, and/or the early interactions
and conflicts between French and English colonizers in the New World. The next important
narrative building block for Anglophones was events related to the theme of growing
Francophone nationalism from the 1960s on (the period of the Quiet Revolution), and the
consequent feelings of threat within the Anglophone Quebecer community. Seventy-eight
percent of Anglophone participants described the Francophone Quebecer separatist movement
generally, the 1980 and 1995 referendums, and the introduction of education and language
laws in the 1970s as constituting one or more chapters in their people’s history. Events that
Anglophone Quebecers reported as being particularly important were events related to
Francophone nationalism including the two referendums for Quebec sovereignty and the
introduction of Bill 101 where Francophone Quebecers threatened the advantaged status of
Anglophones.
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Overall, most Francophones and Anglophones reported similar historical events in the
stories of their respective groups. A large number of participants, regardless of their group,
reported events associated with the five following historical periods: The New World era, The
Conquest era, the Duplessis era, The Quiet Revolution era, and finally the Present Time.
Thus, both groups expressed noticeable areas of consensus regarding the basic outlines of
their respective group stories. Although attributing different degrees of attention to significant
events in their histories, both Anglophones and Francophones pointed to similar periods as
making up their cultural narrative. This allowed us to, in Study 2, use these key periods to ask
participants about their perceptions of relative deprivation and collective identity clarity
during each of these periods and to examine the relationships between these perceptions and
collective well-being.
Perceptions of Threat
Even though similar events emerged in the narratives of both Francophone and
Anglophone Quebecers, the attention given to the reported key historical events differed
between the two cultural groups. In fact, both the Francophone and Anglophone narratives
were heavily focused on periods that represented important intergroup threats for their
respective groups. Francophone participants spent more time than Anglophones on the early
conflicts between Anglophones and Francophones (the Conquest era) in which the French
fought and were defeated by the English. In contrast, Anglophones accorded relatively greater
attention to more contemporary historical events, such as the Quiet Revolution era in which
the high status of Anglophone Quebecers was threatened by growing Francophone
nationalism. This is evidenced by, as we reported in the previous section, the fact that
Francophones provided an outline of their people’s story that contained significantly more
chapters than did Anglophones. Anglophone participants generated an average of 3.8 chapters
when telling their people’s story, significantly fewer than their Francophone counterparts (M
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= 5.6; t(34) = -4.60, p < .001). This difference is linked to the fact that Francophones provided
a more detailed account of the colonial historical period. Indeed, for more than half (53%) of
our Anglophone participants, Chapter 2 was situated in the second half of the 1900s.
However, Chapter 2 focused on events that took place before 1838 for all of our Francophone
participants (100%), namely, the settling of the French people in Nouvelle-France and the
inter-colonial conflicts. In short, Anglophone Quebecers’ narratives mostly took place after
the 1960s-1970s (the Quiet Revolution era); whereas, several important narrative building
blocks for Francophones refer to events that go back to the period ranging from the early
1500s to 1867 (The Conquest era).
Therefore, for each group, different historical periods, characterized by the experience
of group-level threat, appeared to shape and heavily influence the cultural narratives, and by
extension their cultural identities. We found that the early years of the Conquest Era, during
which the French were defeated by the English, played a key role in shaping the cultural
narrative of Francophone Quebecer participants. In contrast, the Anglophone Quebecer
participants described a cultural narrative that was primarily shaped by the growing threat
from Francophone Quebecers from the era of the Quiet Revolution on.
Further evidence for the perceived threat experienced during these historical periods
comes from an analysis of participants’ reported “nadir” experiences. A “nadir” experience
was defined as a low point in the participant’s cultural narrative. Such a narrative nadir
occurred between the years 1754 and 1838 for almost half of Francophones (45%), compared
to six percent of the Anglophones. In fact, for Anglophones, their main narrative nadir
occurred much more recently: in the 1970s for a third (33%) of them (compared with fifteen
percent of Francophones), and between the years 1990 to 2002 for another third (33%) of
them (compared with 10% of Francophones).
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The most threatening period for Francophone Quebecers thus appeared to be the
struggle between Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers (The Conquest era). For
Anglophones, the most threatening period appeared to be the time of the Quiet Revolution.
We therefore predicted that relative deprivation experienced during the Conquest Era for
Francophones and during the Quiet Revolution era for Anglophones would be the most
impactful in terms of shaping or clarifying the group’s collective identity perceived to be
experienced at that time. This clarity of identity would in turn be associated with feelings of
collective well-being. Indeed, initial support for this hypothesis comes from our analyses of
participants’ cultural narratives. Events characterized by intergroup threat appeared to heavily
shape the cultural narratives of both Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers. The relatively
high degree of attention accorded to such threatening events hints at the identity-defining
effect that such events might have. Relative deprivation experienced during these key events
might serve to clarify or define a group’s identity, which in turn would be associated with
greater feelings of collective well-being. This hypothesis will be more systematically tested in
Study 2.
Study 2
In Study 2, we examined perceptions of relative deprivation and collective identity
clarity at different key periods of a group’s history. Based on the narratives of both
Anglophones and Francophones obtained in Study 1, we created a measure that allowed a
new group of Anglophone and Francophone participants in Study 2 to rate their group’s
experiences of relative deprivation and collective identity clarity at these key times. We thus
measured perceived relative deprivation and collective identity clarity at each of these key
periods and examined their inter-relationships and their associations with current feelings of
collective well-being.
Method
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Participants
A group of Francophone and Anglophone students who had been living in Quebec
since they were born participated in Study 2. Participants were recruited by verbal
announcements made in classrooms, and by means of posters placed in one major
Anglophone university as well as two major Francophone universities in Montreal, Quebec,
Canada. Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers, between 18 and 27 years of age and of
European descent, interested in completing a “History and Well-Being” questionnaire were
asked to contact the principal investigator to schedule an appointment.
A total of 61 Anglophone Quebecers (24 males and 37 females) and 61 Francophones
Quebecers (18 males and 43 females) completed the questionnaire. All Anglophone
participants reported English as their maternal and dominant language, and all Francophones
reported French as their maternal and dominant language. The mean age for Anglophones was
20.9 years old (ranging from 18 to 27), and the mean age for Francophones was 21.5 years old
(ranging from 18 to 27).
Measures
Study 2 was devised in a more structured manner than Study 1. In Study 1,
participants spontaneously narrated their own perception of their group’s story. In Study 2,
the key narrative chapters of the Anglophone and the Francophone Quebecer cultural
narratives that were generated in Study 1 were integrated into a single summary of the
narratives’ shared points and then presented to both Anglophone and Francophone
participants. Moreover, while the methodology in Study 1 precluded the use of a large sample
size, Study 2 used a questionnaire format, which allowed for the testing of a greater number
of Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers. Finally, Study 2 utilized self-report measures in
order to assess the constructs of collective identity clarity, relative deprivation, and collective
well-being.
19
Cultural Narratives
In the first part of the questionnaire, participants were asked to read the summary of
Quebec’s history. Based on the cultural narrative interviews that were conducted with
Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers in Study 1, the history of Quebec was divided into
five chapters: The New World era (Chapter 1), The Conquest era (Chapter 2), the Duplessis
era (Chapter 3), and The Quiet Revolution era (Chapter 4) and a chapter about the present
(Chapter 5). Each chapter was described as objectively and neutrally as possible by respecting
facts and refraining from editorial comments. Following is a brief description of each
chapter.1
Chapter 1, ‘The New World Era’ ranged from the late 1400s through to 1754 and
described the various European people who reached “The New World”. Chapter 2, ‘The
Conquest Era’ which ranged from 1754 to 1867, described the struggles between French and
English colonies in the New World, which resulted in the domination of Britain over the
French colonies in Quebec. Chapter 3, ‘The Duplessis Era’ ranged from the Canadian
Confederation in 1867 through to the death of Premier Maurice Duplessis in 1959. Chapter
4,‘The Quiet Revolution Era’ which ranged from 1960 to 1995, described the period of
Quebec modernization and empowerment and discussed the arrival of the separatist party
“Parti Québécois” onto Quebec’s political scene, the introduction of language laws aimed at
making French the predominant language in Quebec, and the two referendums on Quebec
sovereignty. Finally, Chapter 5, ‘The Present’ alluded to the main issues faced by Quebecers
today including Quebec’s growing ethnic diversity; and the globalization phenomenon.
For each chapter, participants were first asked to read the short description of the
chapter and then to answer questions pertaining to how they perceived what happened to their
own group during this chapter. These questions assessed relative deprivation and collective
identity clarity experienced during the historical period in question. This exercise was
completed for all five chapters. Following is a detailed description of how we assessed
1 A detailed description of the questionnaire is available upon request to the second author.
20
Cultural Narratives
relative deprivation and collective identity clarity for each chapter, and how we measured
collective well-being.
Relative deprivation. Measures of relative deprivation used for chapters 1 to 5 were
adapted from previous studies that assessed both the cognitive and the evaluative components
of social relative deprivation (Dambrun et al., 2006; de la Sablonnière & Tougas, 2008). The
cognitive component of social relative deprivation was assessed by asking participants to
indicate “the extent to which English/French Quebecers were advantaged or disadvantaged
compared to French/English Quebecers in terms of… a) social rights, b) political leverage, c)
economic prosperity and d) language and culture”. The scale for these questions ranged from -
5 (definitely disadvantaged), to 0 (Equal), to +5 (definitely advantaged). The following two
questions evaluated the affective component of relative deprivation: “To what extent are you
satisfied with regards to the general situation for English/French Quebecers during this
chapter.”(recoded); “To what extent are you frustrated/angry with regards to the general
situation for English/French Quebecers during this chapter.” The scale for these questions
ranged from 0 (totally satisfied/not at all frustrated), to 5 (moderately), to 10 (not at all
satisfied/totally frustrated). For these two last items, responses were recoded such that the
scale ranged from -5 to 5 to be consistent with the cognitive component of social relative
deprivation. Responses from the 4 cognitive items were reverse-coded, and the 6 items of
social relative deprivation were then added and averaged to form a composite score so that 5
indicated high relative deprivation. The Cronbach’s alpha values for Anglophones’ and
Francophones’ perceived social relative deprivation were .79 for Chapter 1, .95 for Chapter 2,
.89 for Chapter 3, .94 for Chapter 4 and .84 for Chapter 5.
Collective identity clarity. Collective identity clarity was assessed by asking
participants to rate how confident or sure they felt about their overall ratings of what
happened to their group during each chapter of Quebec history. The scale for these questions
21
Cultural Narratives
ranged from 0 (not at all sure) to 10 (totally sure). This format for evaluating collective
identity clarity has been used successfully by de la Sablonnière and colleagues (2009). In this
previous study, collective identity clarity at the present time was moderately related to
collective esteem (r = .25, p < .001), suggesting that although collective identity clarity and
collective esteem constitute two distinct concepts, they are indeed related.
Collective well-being. This concept was assessed using 6 items from Luhtanen and
Crocker’s Collective Self-Esteem Scale (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992). Collective self-esteem
is often used as an indicator of collective well-being. The membership component and the
private component of collective self-esteem were assessed because both refer to the evaluative
dimension of collective esteem. Membership esteem involves individuals’ judgments of how
good or worthy they are as members of their social ingroup. Private collective self-esteem
assesses one’s personal judgments of how good one’s social ingroup is (for a discussion see
also Roccas et al., 2008). Three statements assessed the membership component of collective
self-esteem: “I am a worthy member of the English (or French) Quebecer community”; “I feel
I don’t have much to offer to the English (or French) Quebecer community” (recoded) and “I
often feel that I am useless member of the English (or French) Quebecer community”
(recoded). Three questions evaluated the private component of collective self-esteem: “I often
regret that I belong to the English (or French) Quebecer community” (recoded); “In general, I
am glad to be a member of the English (or French) Quebecer community”; “I feel good about
the English (or French) Quebecer community”. All ratings were made using 11-point Likert
scales, where 0 = strongly disagree, 5 = neither agree nor disagree, and 10 = strongly agree.
Responses from the 6 items of collective esteem were added and averaged to form a
composite score. Appropriate items were reverse-scored such that a high score on this
variable indicated positive collective esteem. The Cronbach’s alpha for the collective esteem
scale was .79.
22
Cultural Narratives
Results and Discussion
Preliminary analysis
All the scores were normally distributed. All skewness and kurtosis values fell within
an acceptable range of -1.59 to 1.31 (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001). No outliers were identified
in the sample based on the criterion that no one deviated by more than 3 standard deviations
from the variable mean, and also showed a Mahanalobis distance greater than the exclusion
criterion set at p < .001. One-hundred-and-twenty-two participants were thus retained for the
analyses. Considering that no variable possessed more than 5% of missing data (Tabachnick
& Fidell, 2001), no variable was excluded.
Descriptive Analysis
In this section, we first present descriptive analyses for all variables. Second, using
group-based trajectory modeling (Jones & Nagin, 2007; Jones, Nagin & Roeder, 2001; Nagin,
1999), we explore each cultural group’s trajectory of perceptions of intergroup threat over
time. This was done in order to determine if group members’ experiences of threat was
consistent with what we would predict based on our analysis of participants’ cultural
narratives in Study 1. This analysis helped us determine if the Conquest Era for Francophone
Quebecers and the Quiet Revolution Era for Anglophone Quebecers, are indeed perceived by
members of these groups as periods in which their group experienced high levels of
intergroup threat.
Descriptive analyses of all variables are depicted in Table 1. These data revealed that
Anglophones reported the highest levels of relative deprivation during Chapter 4, the Quiet
Revolution Era (M =1.9, SD = 1.7) compared to their reported levels of relative deprivation
for the other chapters. In contrast, Francophones reported the highest levels of relative
deprivation during Chapter 2, the Conquest Era (M =3, SD = 1.6). Both Anglophones and
Francophones reported moderate levels of collective identity clarity for Chapter 1, but
23
Cultural Narratives
relatively high levels of collective identity clarity for Chapters 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, as scores were
situated above the scale’s midpoint. Additionally, the means for collective esteem indicated
relatively high levels of collective well-being among both Anglophones and Francophones, as
scores for both groups were situated above the scale’s midpoint. An ANOVA comparing
Anglophones and Francophones revealed a significant difference on collective esteem (F (1,
120) = 13.7, p < .001), such that Francophone Quebecers had a higher level of overall
collective esteem (M = 8.2, SD = 1.4) than did Anglophone Quebecers (M = 7.4, SD = 1.1).
<Insert Table 1 here>
In order to identify Anglophones’ and Francophones’ perceptions of threat over time,
group-based trajectory modeling of participants’ relative deprivation scores (Jones & Nagin,
2007; Jones, Nagin & Roeder, 2001; Nagin, 1999) was conducted. This analysis has been
successfully used in the domain of social psychology (see de la Sablonnière, Taylor, Perozzo,
& Sadykova, 2009), and allowed us to test which historical period was judged to be the most
threatening for Francophones and Anglophones.
Group-based trajectory modeling provides a flexible method for identifying distinctive
clusters of individual trajectories within a population. The statistical model underlying group-
based trajectories uses finite mixtures of specified probability distributions to determine, by
maximum likelihood, the parameter estimates describing the model that best fits the data
(Jones & Nagin, 2007; Nagin, 1999, 2005). In order to estimate the optimal model, the
number and shape (linear or U-shaped for example) of trajectories is a key step in model
selection. Consistent with the recommendations of D’Unger, Land, McCall, and Nagin (1998)
and Nagin (2005), the Bayesian Information criterion (BIC) was used to select the optimal
model. The BIC provides an index of how well the model selected fits the data, in addition to
favouring parsimony. In general, the BIC closest to zero denotes the most appropriate model.
As all the variables explored in the present study were measured using Likert-type scales, the
24
Cultural Narratives
censored normal distribution (CNORM) was used to estimate trajectories and group
memberships (Jones & Nagin, 2007; Jones et al., 2001; Nagin, 1999, 2005). The program
used to perform group-based trajectory modeling is a customized SAS-based procedure
(PROC TRAJ; Jones et al., 2001). An important output of the model is the posterior
probabilities of group membership. These probabilities estimate the probabilities of belonging
to each group for each individual. Consequently, each participant in the sample is assigned to
the group with the largest posterior probabilities of group membership.
Table 2 reports BIC scores for different models tested. A model with two trajectories,
model 4, was found to be the best fitting model as revealed by the BIC. Figure 1 shows the
estimated trajectories associated with relative deprivation perceived by Anglophones and
Francophones over time. These trajectories represent the historical pattern of a group’s
perceived relative deprivation.
<Insert Table 2 here>
Inspection of Figure 1 shows that the optimal model includes two different trajectories
of relative deprivation for Francophones and Anglophones. Indeed, each trajectory is directly
linked to the particular history of each group. Specifically, all Francophones, that is 100 % or
61 persons, follow the typical trajectory of Francophones. Ninety-eight point four percent or
60 Anglophones followed the Anglophone’s typical pattern; whereas, 1.6 % of the
Anglophones, that is one Anglophone, followed the Francophone’s typical pattern. This case
was removed from further analysis because it differed significantly from other members of
the group and thus, was considered an outlier.
<Insert Figure 1 here>
From Figure 1, we see that Francophones perceived their level of relative deprivation to
increase from the New World (Chapter 1) to the struggle between Anglophone and
25
Cultural Narratives
Francophone Quebecers (Chapter 2; the Conquest era), to then decrease in the transition
between the Conquest Era and the Quiet Revolution periods (Chapter 4). Finally, their level of
relative deprivation increases at a slightly slower pace until the time of our study (Chapter 5).
The struggle between Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers (Chapter 2, the Conquest Era)
appears to represent a major threat for Francophones.
For Anglophones, the expected trajectory shows quite a different pattern of relative
deprivation, such that their level of relative deprivation greatly decreased from the New
World (Chapter 1) to the struggle between Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers (Chapter
2; the Conquest Era), to then increase until the Quiet revolution (Chapter 4). However,
Anglophones felt less relative deprivation in the present (Chapter 5) than during the Quiet
Revolution. Accordingly, the Quiet Revolution (Chapter 4) constituted the most major threat
for Anglophone Quebecers.
Intercorrelations and Mediation Analysis
Once we were certain that these two periods (the Conquest era for Francophones and
the Quiet Revolution era for Anglophones) constituted the most threatening periods for the
two groups involved, we tested our hypothesis that collective identity clarity acts as a
psychological mechanism that mediates the relationship between group-based relative
deprivation and collective esteem for these periods. However, we first examined the
intercorrelations among relative deprivation, collective identity clarity and collective esteem
across all chapters in order to examine if these correlations might offer preliminary support
for our hypothesis. For Francophones we then tested the hypothesized mediational
relationship for the Conquest Era, and for Anglophones, we tested the mediational
relationship for the era of the Quiet Revolution.
First, the intercorrelations among relative deprivation, collective identity clarity and
collective esteem were examined across all chapters for both Francophone and Anglophone
26
Cultural Narratives
Quebecers (See Table 3). These intercorrelations provided preliminary evidence in support of
our hypothesis. For Francophones, the link between relative deprivation and collective esteem
was positive (r =.47, p < .01) only for Chapter 2, the Conquest Era. For all other periods, this
relationship was non-significant (Chapters 1, 4, and 5) or marginally significant (Chapter 3).
Furthermore, for Chapter 2, the Conquest Era, collective identity clarity was positively
associated with both relative deprivation and collective esteem. These results indicate, that
during a historical period of high intergroup threat, relative deprivation, collective identity
clarity and collective esteem are all positively related.
Similarly, for Anglophones, the link between relative deprivation and collective
esteem was positive (r = .27, p < .05 ) only for Chapter 4, the time of the Quiet Revolution.
For all other periods, this relationship was non-significant (Chapters 1-3) or marginally
significant (Chapter 5). Furthermore, for Chapter 4, the time of the Quiet Revolution,
collective identity clarity was significantly positively associated with both relative deprivation
and collective esteem. Again, these results indicate that, for Anglophone Quebecers, during a
historical period of high intergroup threat, relative deprivation, collective identity clarity, and
collective esteem are all positively related.
<Insert Table 3 here>
In order to specifically test the hypothesis that collective identity clarity mediates the
relationship between relative deprivation and collective esteem, the ratings provided by
Francophones for the Conquest Era were subjected to multiple regressions (Barron & Kenny,
1986; see Figure 2). Standardized coefficients (βs) are reported. In support of our hypothesis,
we found that group-based relative deprivation significantly predicted collective identity
clarity (a = .48, p <.001) and collective esteem (d = .47, p < .001) when it was the only
predictor. When collective identity clarity was introduced to the model, the direct effect of
relative deprivation on collective esteem dropped (c = .33, p < .05), and collective identity
27
Cultural Narratives
clarity significantly predicted collective esteem, b = .28, p < .05. The Sobel test indicated that
the indirect effect of relative deprivation on collective esteem via collective identity clarity
was significant, z = 1.97, p = .05, providing evidence for partial mediation. As predicted,
collective identity clarity partially mediated the relationship between relative deprivation and
collective esteem for Francophone Quebecers during the Conquest Era.
<Insert Figure 2 here>
The ratings provided by Anglophones for the era of the Quiet Revolution were also
analyzed using multiple regressions (see Figure 3). We found that relative deprivation
significantly predicted collective identity clarity (a = .35, p < .05) and collective esteem (d
= .27, p < .05) when it was the only predictor. When collective identity clarity was introduced
to the model, the direct effect of relative deprivation on collective esteem completely
disappeared (b = . 19, n.s.), and collective identity clarity was a marginally significant
predictor of collective esteem, c = .24, p = .08. The Sobel test indicated that the indirect effect
of relative deprivation on collective esteem via collective identity clarity approached
significance, z = 1.53, p = .13. Collective identity clarity mediated the relationship between
relative deprivation and collective esteem at a level that approached significance for
Anglophone Quebecers during the era of the Quiet Revolution.
<Insert Figure 3 here>
At a time of threat to the group, be it the Conquest era for Francophones, or the Quiet
Revolution era for Anglophones, the relationship between relative deprivation and collective
esteem was positive. For Francophone Quebecers, this relationship was partially mediated by
collective identity clarity. A threatening event might serve to clarify a group’s identity, which
in turn is associated with greater collective esteem. For Anglophone Quebecers, the
relationship between relative deprivation and collective esteem was mediated by collective
identity clarity at a level that only approached significance.
28
Cultural Narratives
It is not surprising that we found stronger support for our hypothesis among
Francophone Quebecers than among Anglophones. If we examine the broader context in
which the Anglophone and Francophone Quebecer communities co-exist, it is evident that
Francophones are a relatively small minority group in a largely Anglophone North America.
Indeed, Francophones constitute only 22% of the Canadian population (Statistics Canada,
2006) and less than one percent of the American population (Shin & Bruno, 2003). Although
Anglophones are a minority in the province of Quebec, they are by far the majority in North
America. Thus, the Francophone experience of group level threat may be, in general, much
more influential in defining or clarifying the Francophone Quebecer identity. In contrast, the
experience of intergroup threat may be much less a part of the Anglophone Quebecer identity.
Historical intergroup threat might then be perceived as playing less of a role in clarifying the
Anglophone Quebecer identity, making collective identity clarity less likely to mediate the
relationship between relative deprivation and collective esteem. Nonetheless, even among
Anglophone Quebecers, a group for whom intergroup threat is not an integral component of
their current identity, we found results that offer preliminary support for our hypothesis.
Collective identity clarity mediated the relationship between relative deprivation and
collective esteem at a level that approached significance during a historical period of high
intergroup threat.
General Discussion
For the first time, the relationship between relative deprivation and collective esteem
was explored using an historical perspective. We used an analyses rooted in a group’s history
in order to understand a positive relationship between relative deprivation and collective well-
being. Study 1 asked Anglophone and Francophone participants to construct cultural
narratives by recounting the story of their respective groups. From these cultural narratives,
we were able to gain rich information pertaining to the collective identities of both
29
Cultural Narratives
Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers. The narratives pointed to the significant chapters
for both Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers, allowing us to develop a methodology in
Study 2 that was contextualized in the group’s history. Furthermore, in Study 1, participants
spontaneously emphasized events that were particularly threatening for their group, events
that appeared to be very influential in terms of defining their group’s identity.
Study 2 was conducted in order to predict collective well-being for both Anglophone
and Francophone Quebecers based on their perceptions of group-based relative deprivation
and collective identity clarity, measured at different periods or chapters in a group’s history.
We sought to explore if collective identity clarity might be a historically contextualized
mechanism that explains a positive relationship between relative deprivation and collective
well-being. We predicted that collective identity clarity would mediate a positive relationship
between relative deprivation and collective esteem at important, threatening, and thus defining
events in a group’s history. Our prediction was supported when Francophone Quebecers were
asked about the Conquest era. This prediction was supported, at a level that approached
significance, when Anglophone Quebecers were asked about the era of the Quiet Revolution.
Theoretical Contributions
Consistent with theorists and researchers who call for a more historically
contextualized social psychology (e.g., Gergen, 1973; Gjerde, 2004; Liu & Hilton,
2005;Okazaki, David, & Abelman, 2008), our studies provide empirical evidence pointing to
the importance of exploring social psychological variables using an historical perspective.
Indeed, the relationships among our variables of interest differed depending on the historical
period in question. Specifically, for both Anglophone and Francophone Quebecers, relative
deprivation was positively associated with collective well-being only when it was examined at
key historical periods that represented a time of maximum intergroup threat. At times that
were perceived to be the most threatening to the group, relative deprivation was positively
30
Cultural Narratives
associated with collective identity clarity, which in turn was associated with collective well-
being. In future research then, it is important to avoid examining relative deprivation and
collective identity clarity in a decontextualized manner, solely at the present time, or as an
overall feeling of a group’s history. Such an analysis would gloss over important and
meaningful nuances in their relationships with collective well-being.
Our work also reinforces current theorizing in relative deprivation research (see de la
Sablonnière, 2008; de la Sablonnière, et al., 2009) in that it emphasizes the importance of
taking key historical events into consideration when evaluating relative deprivation and its
relationship with collective esteem. The present studies sought to understand what the
historically contextualized mechanism might be that accounts for a positive relationship
between relative deprivation and collective well-being. We found that when individuals think
of times of great intergroup threat, feelings of relative deprivation might actually serve to
define a group’s identity, thus leading group members to have a more positive evaluation of
this group. Although no causal relationships can be established here, our research points to the
potential importance of threatening periods in a group’s history for defining that group’s
identity and thus creating higher levels of collective well-being. Interestingly, it was not the
most positive or the most recent events that were the most influential for collective well-being
here. Instead, it was those that were the most threatening.
However, the results of our study also suggest that further research needs to be
conducted exploring the relationship between relative deprivation and collective esteem using
an historical perspective. Our findings showed a positive relationship between relative
deprivation and collective esteem during particularly threatening historical periods and non-
significant relationships between these variables when participants were referring to other
points in their group’s history. The original assumption that relative deprivation is negatively
related to collective esteem (see Walker, 1999) was not supported here. Some recent research
31
Cultural Narratives
that takes a group’s history into account has actually found a negative relationship between
relative deprivation measured at important historical periods and collective esteem (see de la
Sablonnière et al., 2009); however these periods represented positive events for the group and
not threatening ones. Future research might shed more light on the inconsistent relationships
between relative deprivation and collective esteem by further exploring the nature of the key
historical period in question combined with the eventual outcome of this period. The extent to
which the period represents an eventual gain or loss for the group might influence the
relationship between relative deprivation and esteem. Again, we point to the importance of
contextualizing one’s examination of group level well-being in this group’s rich and varied
history.
Methodological Contributions
Both of the present studies employed an underused, but promising methodology—the
Cultural Narrative. Hammack (2008) along with Ashmore et al. (2004) argue for the use of
such a methodology when studying identity issues. Hammack (2008) posits that the use of
narratives is an interdisciplinary and comprehensive approach to studying identity, while
Ashmore et al. (2004), argue that a group’s shared story is an important component of their
collective identity. Inspired by McAdams Life Story Interview (1996, 2001), we employed a
narrative methodology and found that it had considerable benefits. It provided us with a
nuanced understanding of each group’s history, an understanding that was more complete
than what we might have gleaned from a more traditional approach to the study of collective
identity. Specifically, we were able to understand the differential impact of particular
historical periods on participants’ experience of collective well-being, and to pinpoint periods
that represented times of important intergroup threat. Future research examining collective
identity and related concepts would undoubtedly benefit from such a comprehensive
methodology. By situating social psychological variables in a group’s history a more
32
Cultural Narratives
comprehensive understanding of these variables and their impact on the individual might
emerge.
Applied Contributions
From the present research it appears that reflecting on a historical period that
represents an important threat for one’s group might serve to define one’s collective identity,
which would in turn be associated with greater feelings of collective well-being. This finding
points to the potential importance of recounting and referring to a group’s history, particularly
to times of historical threat. For example, for Jewish people, recounting the extremely
threatening events of World War II, although representing a dark and distressing historical
period, might be extremely important for defining the identity of a modern Jewish person.
Having a clearly defined Jewish identity might in turn be linked with positive feelings about
this identity. For groups faced with cultural identity challenges, for example, immigrants to a
new culture, or groups struggling with a history of colonization, articulating and defining an
especially threatening historical event, perhaps one that the group has collectively overcome,
might actually result in a clarification of their collective identity, which in turn might lead to
feelings of collective well-being. An intervention constructed around a group’s history might
be more effective than simply boosting group pride or psychological well-being on a case-by-
case basis, and would instead be a contextualized method of building the foundation of
collective identity, and by extension, collective well-being.
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Table 1.
Means and Standard Deviations for Independent and Dependent Variables
Anglophones (n=61) Francophones (n=61)
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M SD M SD
Relative deprivation (-5 low; 5 high)
Chapter 1: New World -0.7 1.0 -0.8 1.7
Chapter 2 : Conquest -2.5 1.3 3.0 1.6
Chapter 3 : Duplessis -1.6 1.3 1.6 1.5
Chapter 4: Quiet Rev. 1.9 1.7 -1.8 1.6
Chapter 5: Now 0.8 1.7 -0.8 1.3
Collective identity clarity(min. 0; max. 10)
Chapter 1: New World 4.8 2.4 5.1 2.2
Chapter 2 : Conquest 6.5 2.1 6.9 1.8
Chapter 3 : Duplessis 6.3 2.1 6.3 1.8
Chapter 4: Quiet Rev. 7.5 1.9 7.4 1.5
Chapter 5: Now 7.5 1.7 7.3 1.8
Collective esteem(min. 0; max. 10)
7.4 1.4 8.2 1.1
Table 2.
Bayesian information criterion (BIC) by model type
Model K Order BIC
1 1 2 -1368.93
2 2 2, 2 -1358.50
3 3 2, 2, 2 -1368.11
4 2 3, 3 -1213.37
Note. K, the number of groups. The order indicates
whether the trajectory was fit using a constant (0), a
linear (1), a quadratic (2), or a cubic (3) function.
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Table 3.
Correlations among relative deprivation (RD), collective identity clarity (CIC) and
collective esteem (CE) per chapter.
Anglophones (n = 61) Francophones (n = 61)
RD-CIC CIC-CE RD-CE RD-CIC CIC-CE RD-CE
Chapter 1: New World -.07 .00 -.08 -.34** .09 -.16
Chapter 2 : Conquest -.14 .01 -.19 .48** .44** .47**
Chapter 3 : Duplessis -.06 .13 -.03 .11 .33** .24 t
Chapter 4: Quiet Rev. .36** .30* .27* -.17 .26* .13
Chapter 5: Now .37** .25 t .25 t .008 .36** .09
Note. t p ≤ .10, * p ≤ .05, ** p ≤ .01 (2-tailed).
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Figure 1. The expected trajectories of Francophone and Anglophone participants’ feelings of
relative deprivation across chapters.
Figure 2. Relationships among relative deprivation, collective identity clarity and collective
esteem for Francophone Quebecers during the Conquest era.
Figure 3. Relationships among relative deprivation, collective identity clarity and collective
esteem for Anglophone Quebecers during the Quiet Revolution era.
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Figure 1.
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Figure 2.
Note. ** p < .001, * p < .05. a,b,c,d = standardized coefficients.
Figure 3.
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Relative Deprivation
Collective Esteemd = .47**
Collective Esteem
Collective Identity Clarity
Relative Deprivation
a = .48** c = .28*
b = .33*
Relative Deprivation
Collective Esteemd = .27*
Collective Esteem
Collective Identity Clarity
Relative Deprivation
a = .36* c = .24†
b = .19 n.s.
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Note. * p < .05, † p < .10 . a,b,c,d = standardized coefficients.
45
