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North Carolina A&T State University
Greensboro
Striking for Independence: The Solidarity Movement’s fight against Communism in the
1980s
By
Jonathan Jackson
Course: HIST 599- Senior Seminar
Section: 01
Instructor: Dr. James Wood
Semester: Fall 2015
I. Introduction
The Solidarity movement came into existence in Poland in 1980 as a result of price increases
and the resulting protests of the 1970s. Solidarity was the first labor union to be formed that was
not associated with the Communist party. It was the product of different labor unions coming
together for better working conditions in Poland that blossomed into a movement with much
higher political aspirations. The Solidarity movement used the general strike and the threat of the
discontinuation of work as a tactic to bring the Communist regime in Poland to the negotiating
table. The Solidarity movement challenged the proposition that Marxist-Leninist Communism
protected the rights of the workers. Initially, the Communist party of Poland attempted to quiet
down the unrest that was growing in the community. The employed strike breaking tactics to
push the strikers to revolt or use violence giving them the legality to use force against the
protestors. Yet, the organization and dedication of Solidarity held true to their philosophy and
ideals of non-violence. The leadership of Solidarity, combined with the unifying factor of the
Polish Pope, John Paul II, was essential to the success of the nonviolent tactics that Solidarity
employed to have their voices heard all around the world. More important, its voice was heard all
the way into the Soviet Union. This paper will argue that the Gdansk worker strikes in the
1980sthat were led by Solidarity began a pathway towards Polish independence from the Soviet
Union’s repressive tactics during the Cold War was effective because of the general strike.
II. Historical Background
The History of Poland is a long process of partition and unification of over four times where
it was invaded by Napoleon, the Russian Empire, Hitler, and the Communists occupied and
subjugated to larger and more stronger neighboring countries. Poland’s partitions had
demonstrated how countries in the neighboring area fought over the occupation of Poland and its
strategic importance. At one point, Poland had disappeared of the map. The Polish sense of
nationalism was born from the desire to unify Poland after decades of being jostled from the
grips of occupying countries. The Soviet occupation of Poland after the defeat of Nazi Germany
was reinforced as a means of creating a buffer zone between Russia and Western Europe because
of Russia historically being invaded by armies of the West through Poland. The fight for Polish
independence towards the end of the 1960s following Poland’s economic downturn that would
lead to the development of an organization that would evolve in a number of ways to change the
way the course of history. After the student revolt of 1968 and the Baltic strikes late in 1970,
Edward Gierek replaced Wladislaw Gomulka as leader of the Polish United Party on December
20th, 1970. December 1970 was the first occasion in Eastern or Western Europe since the Second
World War when spontaneous action by workers had dislodged an incumbent ruler.1 The
spontaneous action by workers and the concessions that the Gierek regime made to them proved
that workers of Poland could act on their own independent of the intelligentsia. The workers in
Poland had shown that they had the political muscle to influence the Communist regime in
Poland, and could use that political muscle to strike back at the regime should they have to use it.
When Gierek was placed in charge, he showed that he had a different style of leading that
was more open and relaxed. In January 1970 Gierek went to the Baltic ports to negotiate directly
with strikers, placating them with promises of greater involvement in future decision-making.
Gierek hoped that by floating hard-currency loans from the West, Poland would be able to create
the infrastructure necessary to get its economy moving. The loans that Poland received from
Western banks were mishandled and the Gierek regime simply gave the loans to workers as a
means of raising the standard of living. Wages increased while the prices of goods and other
necessities remained artificially low. In June 1976, Gierek attempted to fix the situation by 1 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.360
raising food prices. Workers in Radom and other places in Poland protested, forcing Gierek to
pull back on food price raises, but he also harshly repressed the strikers. Gierek’s economic
strategy to rely on the western markets and western credit was a huge miscalculation as the oil
hikes of 1973 created a recession at spread across the world. During the second half of the 1970s
Poland’s economy went from bad to worse to apparently irredeemable.2
The economic conditions in Poland from 1970-1980 laid the foundation for the Solidarity
movement to develop. Poland was facing severe economic dislocation and to offset the pressure,
the Polish government increased food prices upon the Polish citizens. The food price increases to
the country being outraged because the price increases came just before Christmas festivities,
December 12th, 1970. Two days later on December 14th workers in the Lenin shipyard of Gdansk
went on strike and begun marching towards the center of the city. The disgruntled workers
moved on the Communist party headquarters and a clash between the strikers and police resulted
in seventy-five strikers were killed and many others were wounded in the aftermath of the strike.3
The Polish intelligentsia joined the cause of the worker discontent in the late 1970s. The prime
reason for this was the Committee for Workers’ Defense, or KOR, which was originally formed
to collect funds for and to give legal assistance to the workers who had been arrested after the
strikes and demonstrations of 1976.4
The opportunity of having a civil organization posing as a defender of the rights of workers’
was a major advantage against the Communists, who was founded on the principle of the rights
of the workers.5 In 1977 KOR transformed into the Committee for Social Self-Defense, or
KSS/KOR. This transition focused less on the individual and more on the working class as a
2 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.3613 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.3594 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.3645 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.360
whole. At the same time the formation of KSS/KOR also marked a shift from passive to active
defense of working class rights, from defensive to an aggressive posture.6 While Polish workers
had one focus on the organizing abilities of KOR and KSS/KOR, they also had a focus on
reaching others through the strength and power of the Roman Catholic Church. Karol Wojtyla, a
professor at the Catholic University of Lublin and later archbishop of Cracow, was elected Pope
on October 16, 1978. Karol Wojtyla, now Pope John Paul II, was seen as a new national leader
that the Poles saw as someone who was not beholden to the influences of a foreign occupier.
Pope John Paul II’s visit to Poland in June of 1979 drew huge crowds of people eager to hear the
central figure of the Catholic religion speak to his masses without ideological-laden dialogue in
the native Polish dialect. The visit of Pope John Paul II in June of 1979 demonstrated the power
and influence that the Roman Catholic Church that would later prove to be a major ally for the
Solidarity movement.
III. The Formation of Solidarity
Price increases during the 1970s was a major cause of popular upheaval in communist
Poland. The failures of Gierek’s regime to tackle the deterioration of Poland’s economy added
with the belief that other solutions to those problems were present, created the conditions for an
epic confrontation between the strikers at the Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk and the government
after a series of strikes during the summer of 1980. The main characteristic of the workers’
movement in the earlier cycles of struggle was the workers repeatedly placed their confidence in
specific political party leaders, who in the end had been unable to fulfill their aspirations.7 The
negotiations between the government and the strikers was the climax of the years of frustrations
6 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.3647 Amrita Chhachhi, Ravi Arvind Palat, and Paul Kurian. 1982. “Movement Towards Workers' Democracy: Solidarity in Poland”. Economic and Political Weekly 17 (26). Economic and Political Weekly: p.1073. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/4371073.
that the Polish people had with the Communist Party of Poland and the tension was at its highest.
Ultimately, the government capitulated to the demands of the workers that may have seemed
manageable and focused solely on the job-related benefits, but the repercussions of giving into
the demands of the workers would have irrevocable political blowback for not only the
Communist Party of Poland, but on the communist ideology and the Soviet Union. The Gdansk
strikers were different from previous strikers in the past. They were more disciplined,
uncompromising, politically savvy, and advised by members of the intelligentsia.8 They were not
going to be bought off by the government until their twenty-one demands were satisfied. The
Gdansk strikers were joined by the Inter-Factory Strike Committees (the IFSCs), which were
founded to coordinate action and maintain disciple and order. The IFSC influenced the Gdansk
workers to want to create free trade unions that were not beholden to the Communist Party or
ideology. Discipline and order was key for the strike and IFSC to get what they wanted because
the regime searched for any sign of weakness within the groups. Cohesion between the two
groups was paramount to get the necessary concessions from the Gierek regime. Divide and rule
no longer worked; the workers refused to be divided.9 R.J. Crampton wrote that, “In September
of 1980, a meeting of IFSC representatives from all over Poland convened in Gdansk and set up
a national coordinating committee. This was the ruling party of the new force which dominated
Poland: Solidarity.”10 The Solidarity movement, an expression of nationalist, democratic, and
economic aspirations, spread rapidly to all parts of the nation and enlisted more than 9 million
people, including approximately one-third of the members of the Polish Communist Party (called
the Polish United Workers’ Party).11
8 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.3679 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.36810 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.36811 DeFronzo, James. “Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements.” 2nd ed. (United States: Westview press), (2006): p.54.
The creation of Solidarity was the culmination of a group of labor committees coming
together and organizing themselves into one cohesive force to be able to strike back against the
Polish government. Lech Walesa became the leader of Solidarity because of his drive to get
recognition for the martyrs in 1970. Lech Walesa had even been part of a Solidarity delegation
that met with the Polish Pope, John Paul II. They even went as far as to create a congress for
themselves with an executive and legislative branches in between September and October 1980,
where they fashioned the labor union fashioned itself into a “self-governing republic.” It was at
the point where Solidarity was beginning its transformation from a trade union to a social and
ultimately, a revolutionary movement.
Solidarity had become something that Eastern Europe had never seen before. It was a mass
trade union movement, because one of the key demands that was for workers to be able to
establish free trade unions. Solidarity was a social movement, the majority of it were the people
mobilizing whole groups of Polish individuals to organize, protest, go on strike, and demand
their rights as workers and citizens of Poland to be recognized and respected. It was also a
political movement because it was to some extent a movement to have the sovereignty of Poland
recognized as the Polish people, who they said had no say in the way that their country was
being run. This dissatisfaction with the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) allowed for the
people to unify behind that dissatisfaction and allowed the embers of nationalism, self-
determination, and democracy to give birth to a new flame of burning passion. Poland could not
be an open democratic society as long as the country was under the control of the Soviet Union.12
IV. The Gdansk Agreement
12 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.368
In August 1980, thousands of striking workers at the Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk issued their
list of twenty-one demands to the Communist party-dominated government. In the twenty-one
demands, Solidarity called for getting rid of the appointment of economic administrators on the
basis of party membership and loyalty.13 The elimination of such government corruption, they
believed, would greatly improve the economic institutions in Poland and place qualified people
in positions to create economic policies that would be more efficient and productive for the
Polish people. The first point of the Gdansk agreement states, “The activity of the trade union of
People’s Poland has not lived up to the hopes and aspirations of the workers. We thus consider
that it will be beneficial to create new union organizations, which will run themselves, and which
will be authentic expressions of the working class.”14 The demands for more political democracy
were some of the first demands to be made. Things like the right to form labor unions
independent of the government or the Communist party, legalization of the right to strike, and
the granting of the various forms of freedom of information, expression, and communication
topped the list.15 The demands for more political democracy were issued with some amount of
caution as the Soviet Union believed wholeheartedly in the one-party system and any demand for
an immediate totally democratic, multiparty political system would force the Red Army to
invade Poland to crush the Solidarity movement and put down the ‘rebellion”. The second point
of the Gdansk agreement stated that, “the right to strike will be guaranteed by the new trade
union law. The law will have to define the circumstances in which strikes can be called and
13 DeFronzo, James. “Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements.” 2nd ed. (United States: Westview press), (2006): p.60.14 Stokes, Gale, ed. “From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe since 1945.” New York: Oxford University Press, USA, 1991: p.205 15 DeFronzo, James. “Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements.” 2nd ed. (United States: Westview press), (2006): p.60.
organized, the ways in which conflicts can be resolved, and the penalties for infringements of the
law.”16
The Gdansk agreement was taken to be the launching point for the manifesto of Solidarity,
yet when the Polish government made concessions it in turn legitimized Solidarity as a powerful
political entity that could effect change in Poland. The signing of the Gdansk agreements proved
that the non-violence resistance campaign and mass strike tactics that Solidarity used worked so
long because they were unified and disciplined. Stefan Kawalec wrote that, “For the Authorities,
the signing of these agreements were, above all, ways of stopping the strikes.”17 The reason why
the Polish authorities were so desperate to stop the strikes was because they would adversely
affect the Polish economy and the more economic deterioration that occurred the more
dissatisfied with the government the Poles would become, and so it would enable more and more
people to join the cause of Solidarity.
V. Solidarity’s Non-violent tactics
Solidarity was a means of which to allow the other institutions to develop their own
independent ideas and programs without having to be told from the top what they can say or do
as long as it followed the Marxist-Leninist principles. The chance to develop independent of
state authorities was what attracted various institutions, including those from within the
communist party, to Solidarity. Overthrowing the states monopoly of power over every aspect of
their lives and creating a freer society was fundamental to creating change in Poland during the
1980s. This project for change of the system was realized ‘from below’ through mass strike
16 Stokes, Gale, ed. “From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe since 1945.” New York: Oxford University Press, USA, 1991: p.20617 Kawalec, Stefan. 1982. “The Political Conditions for Realization of the Agreements”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.174. http://www.jstor.org/stable/423388.
action without any use of violence.18 For Solidarity, the use of nonviolence was a major tactic
that they employed to air their grievances with the Polish government. Non-violence was the
means by which Solidarity felt that they could effect change in Poland, because the Soviet Union
had a history of using force to put down violent uprisings in Postwar Eastern Europe.
Using non-violent resistance, Solidarity created the image that the Soviets and their Polish
puppet government would be seen as the aggressors and oppressors, if they chose to march
paramilitary police forces on peacefully protesting Polish citizens calling for better working
conditions and a larger voice in the decision-making of their country. The use of that tactic was
used to create international sympathy for the Polish people, who were living under the
oppressive fist of the communists. Non-violence for Solidarity, such as sit-in strikes, were direct
actions that relied not on coercion to bring about social, economic, and political change in
Poland. The strikes, in which millions of workers took part, proceeded in total peace and order
without any cases of violence or aggression.19 The Polish authorities, while compromising with
Solidarity, did what they could to maintain some kind of hold on existing power in Poland.
Throughout the five months since the signing of the agreements the Polish authorities were
reluctant to give in to the demands that Solidarity had issued and no matter the intermediate
methods of reaching a middle-ground with the authorities through talks, summons, appeals, or
collective protests fell on deaf ears. The only way that Solidarity was able to bring the authorities
to the table was through striking.20
18 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: 107. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383. 19 Kawalec, Stefan. 1982. “The Political Conditions for Realization of the Agreements”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.173. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423388. 20 Kawalec, Stefan. “The Political Conditions for Realization of the Agreements”. 1982: p.174.
Strikes had been Solidarity’s weapon of choice to use against the authorities because they hit
the authorities right where it hurt the most, in the wallet. Solidarity was well aware of the fact
that the Polish government had problems dealing with the economy and multiple strikes all
across Poland during a time of severe economic problems spelled disaster for the Communist-led
government of Poland. The authorities were only forced to come to the table of concessions
when the use of a general strike was used. In addition, The Roman Catholic Church had come
out exercising its own power supporting Solidarity’s reliance on restraint and moderation.
Solidarity, under Lech Walesa, was meant to consolidate all the gains the organization achieved
while keeping violence to a low or non-existence. The shadow of the Soviet Union was cast over
Poland and the worry of the Red Army coming in to take control of the situation was a
possibility that Walesa and Solidarity could do without. At the end of January 1981, Solidarity
had another success where they were able to secure the signing of the Warsaw Agreement, which
allowed Solidarity greater access to the media and provided for three non-working Saturdays per
month.21 Pinkowski, who had signed the Warsaw Agreement was replaced that following month
with Wojciech Jaruzelski.
VI. The General Strike
The crisis of Rural Solidarity began in early February 1981 when a labor union of Polish
farmers, who had come together in support of the rights of farmers, which the Communists
refused to recognize. Rural Solidarity was strongly backed by the Roman Catholic Church and
they had claimed to have had a membership of about half of the 3.2 million smallholders. The
Farmers went on widespread strikes in protest of the government’s reluctance to adhere to their
demands. The issue with rural solidarity was that the courts had ruled that Rural Solidarity could
21 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.371
register as an association group not a labor union which would fall under the right to strike
clause of the Gdansk agreement, and so Rural Solidarity staged a massive sit-in in Bydgoszcz.
When members of Solidarity staged an event in Bydgoszcz on March 19, 1981 to have a debate
about the ideological issues of Rural Solidarity, the police was called in claiming that the debate
was illegal and Jan Rulewski, the regional Solidarity leader, was beaten by police for showing
the constitution to prove that they had the right to debate. On March 31, 1981 a general strike,
with almost twelve million people, was called in response to the Bydgoszcz incident.
The strike that followed the Bydgoszcz incident led to the biggest strike in the history of the
Eastern bloc and forced the government to investigate the beatings that occurred in Bydgoszcz.
Members of the Solidarity congress divided on how to approach the interaction with the
government, but Jerzy J. Wiatr wrote that, “Two days before the deadline of a general strike, the
Central Committee meeting once more opted for negotiations and compromise.”22 The promise
of investigations into the beatings at Bydgoszcz and Lech Walesa’s agreement to stem any
further strikes de-escalated the situation and the tension that was developing in Poland. The
compromise resulted in blowback on both sides of the table as Lech Walesa was criticized by the
radicals in his own organization, while Moscow and organizations of the PUWP saw the
government’s accommodations towards Solidarity as a sign of governmental weakness. Rural
Solidarity was not legalized as an organization until May 12, 1981. Solidarity saw the climax of
its power in March of 1981 as the movement fought to be recognized as a major political force
within Poland. The threat of the general strike was a crucial factor in Solidarity flexing it
political might against the government with resorting to violence.
22 Wiatr, Jerzy J. 1981. “Poland's Party Politics: The Extraordinary Congress of 1981”. Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne De Science Politique 14 (4). Canadian Political Science Association: p.815. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3229778.
VII. Martial Law in Poland
Following the Gdansk agreement, the Soviet Union was putting pressure on the Polish
Government to maintain its control over the growing unrest and opposition. It seemed like the
possibility that the Red Army would march into Poland was growing more and more serious.
Stanislaw Kania was seen as too independent and he was effectively replaced in favor of General
Wojciech Jaruzelski as Prime Minister of Poland. On October 8, 1981 Solidarity was been
banned as an organization in Poland. Wojciech Jaruzelski had always been suspicious of
Solidarity and he was known for his hard stance against any sort of political opposition. He
began a harsh crackdown on Solidarity on December 13, 1981. Martial law was declared in
Poland and leading members of Solidarity that had gathered at Gdansk were arrested and sent to
a secret detention facilities. Lech Walesa was effectively held under house arrest, despite
continuing to negotiate with the martial law authorities.
To Jaruzelski, Solidarity were nothing more than a bunch of extremists, creating chaos and
disorder within Poland. It was his job to root them out and reinstitute law and order in Poland.
One of their first actions was to take over Solidarity’s national headquarters in Warsaw.23
Overnight thousands of Solidarity supporters were arrested, censorship was imposed and Polish
military forces and the ZOMO, or the riot police, patrolled the streets. The crackdown also
changed the dynamics of how the government, under Jaruzelski, responded to strikes. The
response that the government gave in the face of organized strikes was now given in the form of
overwhelming force as the ZOMO broke up hundreds of strikes at the plants and several Silesian
coal mines. On December 13, 1981 members of the ZOMO, the riot police, sealed Poland’s
borders, isolated towns and rounded up strikers and leading Solidarity activists that they could
23 “Martial Law in Action”. “Martial Law in Action”. Economic and Political Weekly 16 (52). Economic and Political Weekly (1981): 2111–11. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4370510.
get their hands on.24 On December 28th, 1981 the number strikes in Poland decreased in
proportion to the increase of the Jaruzelski regime’s zero tolerance of civil disobedience. Yet, the
intended effect of fracturing Solidarity as an organization actually had the opposite effect. As
Jaruzelski’s violent crackdown on Solidarity increased, the collapse of government-sponsored
official trade unions and the flocking of Polish workers to the side of Solidarity happened almost
immediately. The harsh crackdown that Jaruzelski imposed only served in pushing the Polish
people towards Solidarity as they were seen as the peaceful non-aggressors fighting for basic
inalienable rights that they were guaranteed to citizens of Poland through their constitution.
VIII. Solidarity Underground
Immediately after Solidarity had been outlawed and its leadership was arrested, underground
networks were formed to carry on the fight for the rights of Polish workers and citizens. Radio
Solidarity was formed in April 12th, 1981. Zbigniew Bujak, Bogdan Lis, Wladyslaw Frasyniuk
and Wladyslaw Hardek created an Interim Coordinating Commission to serve as an underground
leadership for Solidarity. Many other underground structures formed to continue where the
original Solidarity left off. The organizations continued to perform strikes, sit-ins, protests, and
demonstrations despite the government and Polish secret services’ killing demonstrators in one-
sided clashes throughout 1981 and until on November 4 of 1982, when Lech Walesa was
released. Solidarity even created an unofficial stamping system to tell the history of Poland from
the perspective of the Poles and not from the prospective of the communists.25
The international backlash that came as a result of the crackdowns upon Poland and more
importantly Solidarity, won it many allies in the international community. The American 24 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.37525 Evans, Kristi S. “The Argument of Images: Historical Representation in Solidarity Underground Postage, 1981-87”. American Ethnologist 19 (4). Wiley (1992): p.749. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/644917.
President, Ronald Regan, who imposed economic sanctions upon Poland because of Jaruzelski’s
harsh tactics against the protestors, and British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, as well as
many others pledged support for Solidarity and condemned the Polish government and the Soviet
Union. The CIA as well as the Catholic Church and other western trade union allocated funds,
equipment, and intelligence to Solidarity.
Then on July 22nd, 1983 martial law in Poland was lifted and Solidarity was allowed to once
again operate as an organization in Poland. Amnesty had even been granted to those who had
been arrested. On October 5th Lech Walesa was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, yet his wife had
to accept the award on his behalf because the Polish government refused to issue him a
passport... In October 19, 1984 Jerzy Popiełuszko, a popular Polish priest, was pro-Solidarity
who was murdered by members of the Polish police and revered by many members of the
Solidarity and the Poles as a martyr for Solidarity and Polish civil rights.
IX. Solidarity going Political
When Mikhail Gorbachev assumed power in the Soviet Union on March 11th, 1985 the
economic conditions in the Eastern bloc was in a very precarious situation and new economic as
well as political reforms were needed. Gorbachev’s policy of glasnost (openness) and
perestroika (restructuring) were his ideas for reforming the entire Eastern bloc. The new reforms
in the Soviet Union and the decline in Poland’s economy during 1985 reinforced the need for
change to occur in Poland. In 1986 Solidarity had over six underground newspapers and Radio
Solidarity was widely disseminated.26 Solidarity, while still underground as an organization, was
a major driving force behind Political life in Poland, and drove home the point that the Polish
government, as it currently operated, was ineffective and incompetent when it came to running
26 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.380
the economy in Poland. When the Polish government called for a referendum on the new
economic restraints linked to political concessions, Solidarity called for a boycott of the vote
damaging the government’s prospects of getting a popular support for their economic policy.27
Lech Walesa was elected President of Poland in December 1990. The years of protests and
strikes would ultimately culminate in a successful, non-violent transition of power towards
democracy and independence. While the success of the Solidarity movement brought
independence to Poland, the rise of ethnic nationalism and internal conflicts with Solidarity led
to movement losing its popularity and to this day, Solidarity remains one of the largest trade
unions in Poland, fielding presidential and parliamentary candidates in the political elections of
the Polish government. Lech Walesa would serve as President until 1995 and both Solidarity and
Lech Walesa would go on to be acknowledged as important figures in Polish and world history.
X. In-depth section
The use of the general strike was an effective tactic in the repertoire of collective action of
social movements. The general strike tactic enabled the Solidarity movement to air its grievances
with the Communist regime of Poland non-violently. The Bydgoszcz events was an incident that
involved a leading Solidarity activist being the beaten by the authorities in Bydgoszcz on March
16, 1981 and that would lead to Solidarity flexed its muscles on March 24, 1981 by organizing a
four-hour warning strike which brought the country to a standstill, and threatened to follow it
four days late with a general strike of indefinite duration.28 Solidarity’s use of the four hour strike
to bring Poland to a complete stop and then threaten to carry out a much longer strike for an
indefinite amount of time was a perfect example of political maneuvering. Although peaceful
27 Crampton, RJ. “Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century.” London: Routledge, 1994: p.38028 Mastny, Vojtech. 1999. “The Soviet Non-invasion of Poland in 1980-1981 and the End of the Cold War”. Europe-asia Studies 51 (2). Taylor & Francis, Ltd.: p.199. Accessed December 10, 2015 http://www.jstor.org/stable/153609.
strikes had also taken place earlier, this was the first time the conflict not only did not lead to
disturbances and violence, but also resulted in a constructive attempt at reforming the system.29
The object of the strikes were to make use of the economic slump that Poland was going through
during the 1980s. The legality of going on Strike in Poland was a complex issue, and thus
workers had to carry out their protest actions spontaneously without the need of organization or
tactical preparation in lieu of being arrested by the authorities. A strike, or a march, was thus at
the same time a way for the workers to organize and a way of choosing tactics.30
The use of nonviolence as their philosophy was a perfect means of gain the moral high-
ground so that the Communist regime would be perceived as the aggressor against innocent
protestors desiring democracy. Direct non-violent action demand discipline, organization,
preparation, supervision and leadership.31 The strict adherence to non-violence when
demonstrating gained them sympathy and support for the international community and those
countries in turn would place economic and political pressure upon the Soviet Union and the
Polish government. Workers’ protests in the form of direct actions, and in particular strikes,
constitute a common phenomenon in industrialized societies.32 For industrialized societies, one
of the more effective means of fighting for the rights of workers would be to go on strike because
it creates work stoppage that affects the revenue of a business or the economy of an entire nation
when enacted on a national scale. The first of the patterns of protest included the discontinuation
29 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.107. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.30 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.108. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.31 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.108. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.32 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.109. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.
of work (strike), mass meetings at the places of work, and an announcement of demands.33 The
second included scuffles with militia units, especially those trying to disperse a march or a mass
meeting, as well as attacks on government buildings, including arson.34 The government’s refusal
to negotiate brought about acts of violence because it refused to hear the plights of the workers
resulting in them acting out in a way that would force a reaction of the government officials. The
general strike was something that incorporated a mass following of workers to rally with
Solidarity to make the Communist regime come to the table in hopes of hearing their demands.
On June 25, 1976, a strike was initiated by workers of the General Walter Metal Works in
Radom, and later, around 10 a.m., several thousand people gathered in front of the building of
the KZ PZPR.35 Since the masses did not obtain any reply to their demands (the withdrawal of
the price rise) by the deadline they set, they entered the building, which appears to have been
evacuated by the Party functionaries.36 The building was destroyed and set on fire, then shortly
after that a small group of people looted stores requiring a special motorized militia united being
called to respond. The waves of protests in the 1980 developed peacefully and nowhere did they
turn into riots.37 The strike movement culminated in great sit-in strikes at the coast, in which the
most important demand was for the formation of free trade unions and for stopping repression
against independent activists and the independent publishing movement.
33 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.109. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.34 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.109. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.35 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.113. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.36 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.113. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.37 Modzelewski, Wojciech. 1982. “Non-violence and the Strike Movements in Poland”. Journal of Peace Research 19 (2). Sage Publications, Ltd.: p.114. Accessed November 24, 2015. http://www.jstor.org.ncat.idm.oclc.org/stable/423383.
XI. Conclusion
This paper will argue that the Gdansk worker strikes in the 1980sthat were led by Solidarity
began a pathway towards Polish independence from the Soviet Union’s repressive tactics during
the Cold War was effective because of the general strike. The general strike did play an
important role in Poland achieving its independence from the Soviet Union and establish free
trade unions, democracy and the ability for workers to go on strike. The Solidarity movement
proved to be successful in gaining rights for Polish people that they were entitled to by their
constitution. The general strike allowed for Solidarity to become the voice of the Polish people
and strive to have a say in the running of their nation’s economy. The desire to become
independent and express pride in their own country’s history was a major factor that pushed
them to persevere and endure the retaliation of the Communist regime. Solidarity remains the
largest trade union in Poland and they continue to participate in politic elections. Like other
social movements, Solidarity faced internal conflicts within itself that led to it losing popularity
and but Lech Walesa would eventually only serve one term as president of the Poland.
The legacy of Solidarity was that they helped contributed to the downfall of Communism
and the Soviet Union. The started a domino effect of Eastern bloc nations protesting for
regaining control of their countries back and the growing desires for ethnic nationalism,
independence, and the right to vote in free election for their choice of government. Solidarity
came at a time when the economic dislocation of Poland created the necessary conditions for
Solidarity’s general strike tactic to work and have such a devastating effect on the ruling power.
The general strike serves as an example for the repertoire of collective action that was explained
by Charles Tilly. The creation of their radio broadcast, the newspaper, the sit-in strikes, the threat
of strikes—all were tools that Solidarity used in their own repertoire of collective action against
the Communist regime.
They were all effective tools to achieve their goals and many social movement could
learn to utilize their methods as well as the organizational structure to be effective as
organization. Solidarity held to a much disciplined command structure that enforced strict
discipline in its members to adhere to the non-violent philosophy. The exemplary leadership of
Lech Walesa and the brilliant tactical planning enabled Solidarity to be successful as an
organization. Solidarity, from its founding, underwent a transformation from a free trade
organization to a social movement to a revolutionary movement and ultimately, a political
movement. The success of Solidarity created a ripple effect around the world and brought a
change to the Cold War era. For a social movement, like Solidarity, to make such an impactful
mark upon human history is remarkable and the ability of a social movement to have such
talented people goes to show the strength of the people’s ability to organize themselves to fight
for rights that others cannot take away from them. The Solidarity movement was a social
movement that impacted the world and changed the way that the political landscape of the world.
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