Stefan Zimmer, Indo-Celtic Connections: Ethic, Magic, and Linguistic, JIES 29 2002

Volume 29, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2001

Indo-Celtic Connections:Ethic, Magic, and Linguistic

Stefan ZimmerRheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitt Bonn

The intimate connections which link the Celtic and Indo-Aryan world are well known among scholars, but rarely studiednowadays, as specialization progresses at an ever growing pace.The sheer mass of publications produced every day precludescultivation of general or comprehensive knowledge in largerfields, let alone comparative studies. This was different twogenerations ago when Celtic scholars such as Myles Dillon tookSanskrit classes as an indispensable element of their education.1His various lectures (e.g., Dillon 1947, Dillon 1973, and last hisbook Celts and Aryans. Survival of Indo-European Society, Simla1975, are proof of the fruitfulness of such broaderperspectives.2 The common traits of the Celtic and Vediclanguages and literatures, and the similarities of many culturalfeatures3 in India and the Celtic lands has been observed rightfrom the beginning of IE Studies. Great scholars like Ernst

1Cf. his letters (ed. Fischer-Dillon 1999). In one of them, dated 20 May 1924,he refers to his duty to `trace roots in Kielhorn (no. 125 of the collection, p.190). The passage is grotesquely misunderstood by the editors who comment(footnote 153): `Kielhorn is a part of Heidelberg [which is nonsense, by theway] instead of referring to Kielhorns well-known Sanskrit grammar.2Dillon 1975 includes a short history of research, and a vast array of parallelsin need of further study. Other collections are to be found in Vendryes(1918), Meid (1968), Kretschmer (1970: 125-145), Polom (1988), Watkins(1990), Kdderitzsch (1998). More is hidden in various IE literatures; cf.Schleraths discussion of AV 4,12 in his article on the Merseburg charms(1962) which is important for the interpretation of Cath Maige Tuired (ed.Gray 1982) 33. Binchy (1938: 78; 1970) gives precious hints; Knochscomparisons (1943) are limited to the content though formal parallelismsmay well exist in his materials. Campanile (1977) points to wider-rangingconnections within the IE tradition.3Cf. OIr banchomarba - OInd putrik - Greek 7pklhroV `heiress, moreprecisely the `Erbtochter, i.e., the only or eldest daughter who has nobrothers: She inherits as if she were the only or eldest son. This is clearly apan-Indo-European institution preserved in OIr law.

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The Journal of Indo-European Studies

Windisch and Heinrich F. Zimmer were Sanskritists andCelticists alike, and many Indo-Europeanists were able toconnect words, grammatical items, and literary phenomenaobserved at both ends of the IE world. General linguistics,based on the results of Romance dialect studies, haveconfirmed a general rule of thumb, viz. that in the developmentof large linguistic communities, lateral zones are most likely toretain earlier fashions when innovations arise, the latter ratheremerging from central regions.

Several generations of scholars have assembled a vast arrayof lexical, grammatical, phraseological and cultural itemsshared exclusively or prominently among Celtic and Indo-Aryan. The interpretation of that bulk of material is not alwaysstraightforward, and the discussion, especially in Ireland,sometimes seems to have taken ideological aspects. There maywell have been tendencies to overestimate the IE heritage inIrelands traditions, but there are still tendencies tounderestimate it as well.4 This cannot be discussed here. Theaim of the present article is to publish a few recent findingswhich might further enrich the older collections.Unfortunately, there is no comprehensive comparative study ofCeltic and Old Indian literatures where one could easily findthe relevant references to the appropriate scholarlypublications. For the poetic formulas, Rdiger Schmitts famousbook Indogermanische Dichtersprache (Schmitt 1967) assemblesthe great majority of parallels; but after nearly 35 years, it needsupdating, especially as Schmitt seems to have paid relativelylittle attention to Celtic in general.

Ethics: A special fashion of princely hospitalityPresumably in all civilizations, one of the virtues of a great

personality is his or her generosity. Though potlatch does notbelong to IE ethnological categories,5 the enormous

4Cf. the deliberately provocativeand therefore quite usefulbook by KimMcCone (1991).5At least according to modern ethnological understanding, as shown, forexample, by the (anonymous) definition given in the 1994-1998 EncyclopaediaBritannica: `ceremonial distribution of property and gifts to affirm or reaffirmsocial status, as uniquely institutionalized by the American Indians of theNorthwest Pacific coast. This was seen differently by earlier scholars, cf. e.g.,Mauss (1925) and Hubert (1925). The former explicitly speaks of potlatch inOld Celtic times, and `en Trace, chez les Germains et dans lInde antique,referring to his earlier publications.

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importance of hospitality is well attested in IE languages6 andliteratures. A very interesting case seems to be that a kingprovides food and drink in abundance for everybody. Thisspecial form of generosity is attested both in Vedic India andamong the ancient Celts. The near identity of the details makesit a striking ethic parallel.

Poseidonios of Apameia (XXIII frg. 18, transmitted inAthenaios, Deipnosophistai 4.37, printed, e.g., by Zwicker 1934:14-15), tells the following story:

Posidonius again, describing the wealth of Lovernius, father of Bituis,who was deposed by the Romans, says that to win the favour of the mobhe rode in a chariot through the fields scattering gold and silver amongthe myriads of Celts which followed him; he also made an enclosuretwelve stades square, in which he set up vats filled with expensive wine,and prepared a quantity of food so great that for several days all whowished might enter and enjoy what was set before them, being servedcontinuously. After he had finally set a limit to the feast, one of thenative poets arrived too late; and meeting the chief, he sang his praisesin a hymn extolling his greatness and lamenting his own lot in havingcome late. And the chief, delighted with this, called for a bag of goldand tossed it to the bard as he ran beside him. He picked it up andagain sang in his honour, saying that the wheel-tracks made by thechariot on the ground on which he drove bore golden benefits to men.7

That this was not a unique event, due to the whim orpolitical propaganda of Lovernios, is made clear by a report ofPhylarchos (middle of the 3rd c. BC) about the richest manamong the Galatians, Ariamnes, which is also preserved inAthenaeus Deipnosophistae (IV 150 d, printed by Zwicker I 5-6without the first sentence). His generosity is unlikely to havecome to the knowledge of Lovernios in Gaul, living twohundred years later. Rather, we see a strong cultural traditionfollowed in both instances.

Among8 the Celts, says Phylarchos in the sixth book [=F.H.G. I336], many loaves of bread are broken up and served lavishly on thetables, as well as pieces of meat taken from the cauldrons; no one tastesthese without looking first to see whether the king has touched what is set

6Cf. the etymologies of E lord and lady, and the family of Latin hostis/hospes.7This is Gulicks translation (1928: 195).8This again is the translation by Gulick (1928: 187).

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before him. Again in book three [ibid. 334], the same Phylarchos saysthat Ariamnes, who was a very rich Celt, publicly promised to entertainall Celts for a year, and he fulfilled this promise by the followingmethod. At various points in their country he set stations along the mostconvenient highways, where he erected booths of vine-props and poles ofreed and osiers, each booth holding four hundred men and even more,according to the space demanded in each station for the reception of thecrowds which were expected to stream in from towns and villages. Herehe set up large cauldrons, containing all kinds of meat, which he hadcaused to be forged the year before he intended to give the entertainment,sending for metal-workers from other cities. Many victims wereslaughtered dailybulls, hogs, sheep, and other cattlecasks of winewere made ready, and a large quantity of barley-meal ready mixed.Phylarchos continues: `Not merely the Celts who came from the villagesand towns profited by this, but even passing strangers were not allowedto depart by the slaves who served, until they had had a share of the foodwhich had been prepared.

There is no need to try to prove that generosity is one ofthe most important qualities of any leader, chief or king, allover humanity. What is, however, characteristic in our storieshere is the neat parallel in the way these large carousals areoffered to the public. Here are some examples from Old Indianliterature:

Chandogya-Upaniad 4.1.1 (cf. Jamison 1996: 178):Jnarutir ha pautraynah radddevo (Ms. -deyo) bahud ybahupkya sa / sa ha sarvata vasathn mpaym cakre sarvata evame tsyantti

Jnaruti Pautrayna had radd (lit. `vow, here apersonification of hospitality) as his deity, was giving much, wascooking much. He had lodgings (-vas-ath-) constructed (m-caus., periphr.perf.) everywhere, [saying] From everywherethey will [come to] eat my [food].

The Upaniad, unfortunately for us, does not tell the story,but is preoccupied with philosophical speculations.

Another neat parallel, especially to Ariamnes detailedmasterplan, is contained in Emperor Aokas measures toimprove travel facilities throughout his empire, depicted by



himself in his inscriptions (middle of 3rd c. BC). In the 7thpillar inscription (Topra version), we read:

devnampiye piyadassi lj hevam h:maggesu pi me niggoh ni loppitni chyopagni hossantipasumunissnam ambvaiky loppit. [$$$] akakosikyni pi meudupnnni khnppitni nissidiy ca klpit. p nni mebahukni tatta tatta klpitni pabhogye pasumunissnam.9

`The Beloved of the gods, the Friendly-looking King spokethus:And on the roads, I had [an unknown species of] trees planted:they will provide shade for animals (lit. cattle) and men(humans); I had planted mango-orchards. $$$ And every halfmile [2 km; or: every eight miles 32 km? this would be oneyojana, the standard marching distance per day for an armedforce], I had sunk wells [or: water tanks?], and resting-placesconstructed. Many watering-stations [or: taverns, cf. palipnm id.] had I constructed there and there (= all over,throughout the country) for the benefit of animals and men.

From the context it is clear that in the passage marked $$$we have to understand another pabhogye pasumunissnam forthe benefit of animals and men or some such formulaicexpression; the mango fruit is also meant to provide food andrefreshment for the travelers. The Emperor goes on to explainwhy he did all this: for love of mankind, of goodness, out ofrespect for the Law (i.e., the teachings of the Buddha).

The motif of the all-giving king is very popular throughoutIndian literature, especially among Buddhists. They are oftentermed sarva-dt- `All-giver. There are many stories aboutkings giving away even their wife and children, or their ownflesh and blood to nourish animals and demons.10 One of themis mentioned below.

The common traits in the passages cited here are muchmore characteristic than just the usual exaggerations ofhospitality and generosity: the king or prince orders the

9Text from Bloch (1950: 169-70). The following translation is mine.10Jamison 1996: 153ff. gives a number of examples from the sphere of(over-)generous hospitality (one of them is referred to here). A fine casestudy is Meissig (1995).

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construction of special eating establishments, and offers food toeverybody over a certain period, or in Aokas case, forever, buton a smaller scale: just water and fruit are free.

Phylarchos, by the way, does not even attempt to give anexplanation for Ariamnes generosity; did he find it natural?Poseidonios, for his part, interprets the anecdote aboutLovernios from a political point of view; furthermore, he givesprecise historical indications. Lovernious is the father of thehero being deposed by the Romans, so the story must havetaken place some time during the early 1st century BC. We aresafe to assume that Poseidonios heard the story during hisethnological expeditions in Gaul, probably southern Gaul.

The theme of generosity, of course, often recurs in IrishWisdom literature, e.g., Audacht Morainn 55f,g: Apair fris ... badeslabar, bad garte `Tell him, let him be ... generous, hospitable,11but never with such detail.

A peculiar development is to be seen in Ireland12 wherethe virtue of boundless generosity has been institutionalized ina societal rank termed briugu `hospitaller.13 The Law Texts,with their characteristic zeal for details, give minimumrequirements for several grades of briugu. It is perhaps safer tokeep to current maxims, to entries in annals, and to literatureto get a glimpse of what a briugu really was.14 It is clear that hemust have been very rich (the Laws speak of his `hundredfoldwealth: one of his epithets is ctach `he of hundred, a word likeour `millionaire). He cannot refuse hospitality to anybodyifhe does, he loses his status:

brugaid [MidIr form] cch co eitech `A man is a briugu untilrefusal (Tecosca Cormaic 31.9, ed. Meyer 1909). He musthave

caire ainsic, arus for tuathset, fo cen fria cach nguisa never-dry cauldron, a dwelling on a public road, anda welcome [lit. under the head or under his head]15to every face (Bretha Nemed Tosech, Corpus Iuris Hibernici2220.8-9).

11Kelly (1976: 16-17); Ahlqvist (1984: 160-1) counts the passage as no. 17fg.12There is no such institution in Wales.13This word is of unknown etymology, according to Vendryes, LEIA.14The following passage is based on Kelly (1988: 36-38); all translations hereare his.15Not listed in DIL; given as idiom by Strachan (1944: 52).



Wealth, combined with such hospitality, offers a possibilityfor social advancement: if he has twice the land and property ofa lord (flaith), he attains equal rank with him. An ollam briugad,a `chief hospitaller has equal rank with the lowest grade of kingor with a chief poet.

It seems as if the office survived for many centuries. TheAnnals of Innisfallen record s.a. 1108 the death of C enaighua Mil Guirm, flaithbriugu, `noble briugu, of eastern Munster,and the Annals of Loch C s.a. 1403 that of Muircheartach ghua hilidhi, brugaid c adach conich, `rich briugu ofhundredfold wealth. Fergus Kelly, in his Introduction to EarlyIrish Law, equates the briugu with what is called fer tige oged`guest-house owner or battach `provider of food; these termsare used more often in the annals, and sometimes such peopleare recorded as having had other professions as well. The lastone cited by Kelly is an dochtir Mac Eogain Duinnshlibe(Annals of Loch C s.a. 1527), `a guest-house owner and anexpert in medicine and most other arts. I can hardly followKelly so farthese persons seem to have been ratherinnkeepers, publicans, hoteliers, or surgeons with a privateclinic.

An anecdote preserved in the `Annals of Ireland(ODonovan 1860: 70-71) relates a case where extraordinarygenerosity was extraordinarily rewarded. The hero, KingFnnachta Fledach (`the Festive) was not a briugu.Nevertheless, he earns considerable rise in rank by hisexemplary behavior: An Fionnachta tra ba daidhbhirdochonigh ar ts. Ro baoi tc 7 bn aige. N raibhe imurro doseilbh aige aucht aoun damh 7 aon bh. This Finnachta was atfirst poor and indigent. He had a house and a wife, but he hadno property but one ox and one cow. One night, the king ofFera Ros travelling in the region asked for boarding in hishouse. Fnnachta entertained him as well as he could,slaughtering his ox and his cow, thus preparing a royal dinnerfor the king and his retinue. Afterwards, the king gave him ingratitude ln mr b 7 muca iomdha 7 caoirigh co nambuachaillibh, a large herd of cows, and many pigs and sheep,with their herdsmen, and the kings wife gave the sameamount to Fnnachtas wife. Though the story may sound

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slightly Biblical,16 the basic message is genuinely Celtic andIndo-European. Generosity is, however, a basic human virtue,and highly appraised everywhere in the world.

There is no trace of professional generosity in Britain, butof course, British kings and princes had to display that virtue aswell. Some of them obviously did it in a most remarkable way,thereby earning the epithet Hael `the Generous.17 It is wellattested for a number of historical persons (and also otherswhose historical existence cannot be proven). They arementioned very often in the older literature, and figureprominently in collections like the Triads [TYP] (Bromwich1978, q.v.). The oldest are Rhydderch Hael ap Tudwal Tudclyd, king of Strathclyde, +614 (see TYP) - (OW Riderc, L Rederch, Rodercus), one of theThree Generous men of Britain, according to triad 2 of TYP(cf. Bartrum 1993: 567-568); Nudd Hael ap Senyllt, a prince in North Britain (cf. LatinNodus [or: Nudus] Liberalis1 8). He was a first cousin toRhydderch Hael and Mordaf Hael, and like these two, is calledone of the Three Generous men of Britain. Was an exceptionaldegree of generosity hereditary in that family, or was the triadin question fixed at a court of one of the familys members?Ithel Hael ap Hywel ap Emyr Llydaw (this Llydaw probably isa place in south-east Wales, not Brittany), a legendary ancestorof many saints, figuring in a genealogy of the 14th c. (Bartrum1993: 392); Mordaf Hael ap Serwan, a contemporary of Rhydderchmentioned above, another one of the Three Generous men ofBritain (Bartrum 1993: 483); Rh(i)ain Hael of Rhieinwg, legendary grandfather of St Asaor Asaph (c. 500);19 Senyllt Hael ap Dingad, (OW Senilth), a prince in the North(Galloway?), c. 460, once called `the Third Generous one of the

16Cf. the fattened calf slaughtered by Abraham for his guests (Gen 18,7), thecalf prepared for the exhausted Saul by the witch of Endor (1 Sam 28,24), orthe poor widow giving her last two mites [pennies] (Luk 21,2).17This is not to be confounded with Breton Hoel, the name of several kings ofBrittany, corresponding to W Hywel.18This person is mentioned on the Yarrow Stone, dated early sixth c.,therefore most probably referring to an ancestor of the same name andepithet (see Bartrum 1993: 509).19Bartrum (1993: 552). Rh(i)ain seems to be a W form of L Reginus.



North, but not included in the common triad mentionedabove.Sadyrnfyw Hael, bishop of Mynyw (OW Saturnbiu HailMiniu), + 831 according to the Annales Cambriae. His sonCuhelin (= OIr CChulainn) is mentioned as a witness in Chad5 (LL xlvi) (Bartrum 1993: 573).

An explanatory story for the epithet is preserved only forthe first person in this short list, viz. Rhydderch. We are toldthat he never refused his sword to anyone who asked for it, butwhen its propertiesif actually drawn from its scabbard, itwould burst into flamewere appreciated, it would be returnedto him.20 This seems to be late romantic fiction.21 Nearer to thetruth, and to tradition, comes another story summarized in TYP54:22

Teir Drut Heirua Ynys Brydein:Vn o nadunt ...Yr eil ...Ar trydydd Drut (Heirua) pan ddeuth Aydan Vradawc hyt yn Alclut ylys Rydderch Hael, ac nyt adewis na bvyt na llyn na llvdwn yn vyw.

`Three Unrestrained Ravagings of the Island of Britain:The first of them ....The second ...And the third Unrestrained Ravaging (occurred) when Aeddanthe Wily came to the court of Rhydderch the Generous atAlclud (= Dumbarton); he left neither food nor drink nor beastalive.

The title, drud heirfa, is literally `expensive prodigaldestruction, `teure Verschwendung in G. This, together withthe context excludes any possible misunderstandingAeddandid not steal or rob Rhydderchs court: he was immoderate ineating and drinking, comparable to the sinner in the firstinstance given in the Triad, where we read:

Vn o nadunt, pan doeth Medravt y lys Arthur yg Kelliwig yg Kerniv;

20Cf. Rowlands (1959) and Bartrum (1963: 462).21Bromwich (1978: cxxxi n.1) speaks of a `cynical explanation. See ibid. 505 areference to another anecdote of Rhydderchs generosity in the L Life ofKentigern by Jocelyn of Furness.22Text and transl. cited from Bromwich 1978.

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nyt edewis na bvyt na diavt yn y llys nys (treulei), a thynu Gvenhvyuarheuyt oe chadeir vrenhiniaeth. Ac yna y trewis baluavt arnei [ModWpalf-od].

`The first of them (occurred) when Medrawd came to Arthurscourt at Celliwig in Cornwall; he left neither food nor drink inthe courts that he did not consume. And he draggedGwenhwyfar from her royal chair, and then he struck a blowupon her.

This is enough to understand the true and deeply rootedsense of Hael: a prince so called cannot refuse anything, justlike Ariamnes insisted that everybody, including passingstrangers, had to partake in the feast, just like Lovernios whocould not send back the belated bard, and gave him goldinstead.

And there is still more in the story: what is said aboutMedrawd and Gwenhwyfar in the triad, is a euphemism forwhat really happened, as we know from other sources. TheHistoria Regum Britanniae X,13 bluntly relates: ReginamqueGanhumaram violato iure priorum nuptiarum eidem nefando venerecopulatam fuisse. Medrawd, after usurping his uncles throne,also claims, and subsequently takes by force, his uncles queenfor himself. The British tradition depicts Arthur as a weak oldking, a rex otiosus, who has to suffer all that. But behind theseunderstandable explanations, or better: later rationalizations,age-old princely virtues are hidden. Arthur, the Ideal King ofBritain, cannot but cede to all claims, as bold and indecent theymight be:23 just like the fabulous Indian kings who, confrontedwith still more exuberant claims, could not but give awaywoman, children, and, finally, their own body.

23This confirmed by RBB 229,24-9 (= Brut in RB, ed. Rhys-Evans 1887), citedin TYP 148: Nachaf genadeu o ynys prydein yn menegi y arthur ry daruot yvedravt y nei uab y chvaer goresgyn ynys prydein a gvisgav coron y teyrnas ... athynu gvenhvyfar vrenhines oe riein gadeir a ry gysgy genti gan lygru kyfreithdvywavl y neithoreu `Behold, messengers from Britain relating to Arthur(what) has happened to Medrawd his nephew, the son of his sister:conquering Britain and putting on the crown of the kingdom ... and draggingGwenhwyfar the queen from her royal chair, and having slept with her,thereby breaking (contaminating, soiling) the divine law of marriages. Byinserting `divine, the Christian author, probably unwittingly, made clear thedifference between traditional Celtic customs (such as the usurpers marrying,even by force, the wife of the deposed king) and Christian moral ideas.



Magic pots and cauldronsMagic, i.e., the art of controlling supernatural powers,

must have played an important rle in many old IE cultures.Due to their very nature, magic practices are, as a rule, keptsecret, are not confined to literature, and are therefore ratherrarely attested. Exceptions to this rule of thumb can beexpected only at the fringes, where magic touches ritual,warfare, or medicine. I think that our term `magic is not veryhelpful in describing peoples practices in those day. Anyattempt to distinguish strictly between `rational and `irrationalwould have been incomprehensible to everybody before thetime of the Greek philosophers, and to most people before theAge of Enlightenment. It is still rather difficult in our ownday.24

Anyhow, in stories about events we would classify as ofsupernatural or magic origin, certain implements occur moreoften than others. Among those, various vessels, oftencauldrons are mentioned, their powers described.25 Here, theuse of magic cauldrons for medical purposes is discussed.

Indian mythology knows `a number of heroes whoseoriginal births were mismanaged [and who] undergo secondgestations in pots (Jamison 1996: 63, referring to Jamison 1991:228-242).26

The atapatha-Brhmana (K nva 2.4.2.14-15 =Mdhyamdina 1.4.5.12-13) tells about the birth of Atri, a rathermysterious person with many mythical and ritual connections.

24As a student, I used to listen to a Jewish philosopher who enjoyeddemonstrating elegantly that modern techniques are essentially nothing morethan just a different kind of magic...25 It is impossible to list all such items attested in the various Indo-Europeanliteratures. They may of course be found in non-Indo-European literaturesalso. The Ossetic Among (also: Uac-among, Nart-among), the `revealing (or`[true] news revealing and `[true] Nart-revealing) might be worthmentioning here, nevertheless. It is a drinking vessel whose function is toprove or disprove the adventures told by the hero to his family, the Nartes. Ifthe story told is true, the vessel raises up to his mouth (or the drink containedstarts to stir, or even to overflow, depending on the version); sometimes, it isalso described as inexhaustible. The most accessible translations of therelevant texts are those of Georges Dumzil (cf. Dumzil 1930: 137-138, 1960:44-46, 1965: 207-208; and Dumzil 1968: 439-575, with many references, alsoto the textual editions).26The following textual passages are cited from Jamison 1991: 213-239. Mytranslations only deviate in some minor details from Jamisons.

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Manas (Mind) and Vc (Speech) are in dispute about who isbetter of the two. They go to Prajpati who decides in favour ofManas.

s ha prokt vg vsimiye tsy grbhah papta ... td u hedmdev rtah siktm crmani v kumbhym v babhrus. td dha smapcchanty traiv t3d ty traivti. tt trih smbabhva.

`She, then, contradicted, Speech, was astonished. Her embryofell [down] (or: flew [away]) [i.e., she miscarried] ... The godsthen carried [together, away?] this poured-out seed in a skin ora pot. Then they asked: Is that here? Here indeed.Afterwards, it became Atri.

Unfortunately, we are not told how this happened. Was thepot an incubator? In the RV, the Avins (once also Agni, thegod Fire) are credited with rescuing Atri from a hot, dark andnarrow container called variously gharm- `hot or bsa- `hotcleft in the earth. It seems as if the container was too hot, for intwo verses, the Avins put snow on it (8,73,3) or make it cool(10,39,9). The actual breaking of the vessel, or pulling out ofthe captive, remains unmentioned, but can be presumed on thebasis of similar stories, e.g., a miraculous healing of a feverishboy in the Jaiminiya-Brhmana (1.151) by putting him into a hotcleft in the earth, and rescuing him later with the help of Agni.

There are other cases in Vedic literature, most probably tobe linked with the same mythological event, but too complex tobe discussed here. Clear parallels are found in later epic lore.The Mahbhrata `presents a number of remarkably similarstories in which pots or other womblike enclosures are used toincubate not-yet-viable embryos (Jamison 1991: 237).Unfortunately, these funny tall tales cannot be told here, and asober list must suffice for the present purpose:

In Mbh 1,14,13, the mythical snake sisters Kadr and Vinatlay eggs which are put in sopasvedeu bhneu, in sweating potsfor 500 years; afterwards, a thousand sons are born fromKadrs eggs, but when Vinat breaks one of her two eggs, sheonly finds a half-formed creature.27

27In primordial times, Kadr and Vinata are daughters of Prajpati Daka andwives of Prajpati Kyapa. They are not humans, but ngas, snakes. In the



In Mbh 1.57,89, the famous warrior Drona is called afterthe dron-, the trough or bucket in which his fathers spilledseed was kept.

In Mbh 1,107,11-22, Gndhr, the wife of Dhtarara, ispregnant for two years, but no child is born. In desperation, sheaborts herself, and carries forth a lump of flesh like a congealedglobule of blood. The seer Vysa `who had promised her onehundred sons, tells her to prepare one hundred pots filled withghee [clarified liquid butter] and to sprinkle the aborted fleshwith cold water. The ball then divides into one hundred tinyembryos, which are kept in pots. After a certain time, thesepots are to be broken, and in fact, one hundred sons and onedaughter (sic) are finally born.

In Mbh 3,104,18-21, Vaidarbh, wife of king Sagara, bearshim a `bottle-gourd embryo (kind of pumpkin); when thefurious king wants to throw the nasty thing off, a voice fromheaven orders him `to remove the seeds from the gourd and tokeep each in a sweating pot full of ghee. After due time, 60,000sons are born from these installations!

In Celtic tradition, the motif is split into at least two parts.The pots function of restoring life is taken over by thecauldron, one of the most important objects of Celtic culture,well attested by archeological finds28 and literary occurrences.With regard to the great familiarity of these stories, only a fewpoints need to be recalled here in order to show the parallels.

Among the many cauldrons in Celtic lore,29 miraculous

Mahbhrata and in the Purnapacalakana (vama III), Kadr is the ancestorof the ngas. For the oldest version of their myth, see Kath Samhit 23,10,and the Suparndhyya (there, Vinat lays three eggs, from which Vidyut, thelightning, Arula, the charioteer of the Sungod, and Garua/Suparna, the birdwho brings Soma from heaven, are born; therefore, Vinat is also namedSuparn). Cf. Jacobi (1903). Many thanks to R. Shnen-Thieme, SOAS; G. vonSimson, Oslo; M. Witzel, Harvard, for friendly advice in epic matters.28Imported (Greek) cauldrons in princely graves (Vix, Hochdorf, etc.) mustbe kept separate. Genuine Celtic cauldrons are only seldom found intact, e.g.,that of Dux/Duchcov, found 1882 in a hot-spring, dated c. 350-300 BC. Seefurther Jacobi (1974), Hachmann (1971: 649-657), Gerloff (in press). I amobliged to Sabine Gerloff and Norbert Baum (archeologists at Erlangen) forthese references.29The peir penn annwvyn, the `cauldron of the Head of the Otherworld is onlybriefly alluded to in the Old Welsh poem Preiddeu Annwvyn `The Spoils ofAnnwfn: Neu peir annwfyn pwy y vynut / gwrym am yoror amererit / ny beirw bwytllwfyr ny rytyghit `It was the cauldron of the Chief of the Unworld that was

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ones play important rles [note possible links here to the HolyGrail]; one of those fabulous objects is the peir dadeni, `thecauldron of re-birth, depicted in three scenes of the SecondBranch of the MW Mabinogi, the story of Branwen uerch Lyr(PKM 34, 18-21: Bendigeidvran offers the cauldron toMatholwch; 35-36: Where the cauldron came from, and how itwas brought from Ireland to Wales; 44, 9-21: The cauldron inaction, reviving slain Irish warriors, and its destruction byEfnissyen who feigns to be a dead Irishman, is thrown in, andbreaks it by stretching his arms and feet).30

It may be fitting to cite at least one extract of the last, andmost important passage, for there some details are indicated:

Ac yna y dechrewis y Gwydyl kynneu tan dan y peir dadeni. Ac ynabyrywyt y kalaned yn y peir, yny uei yn llawn, ac y kyuodyn tranoeth ybore yn wyr ymlad kystal a chynt, eithyr na ellynt dywedut.

`And then the Irish started to kindle fire under the cauldron of

soughta ridge of pearls around its brim. It does not boil a cowards food; itwas not destined (to do so). (Book of Taliesin, poem no. 54, l. 15-18; textcited from Loomis 1956: 133-136; Kochs translation, in Koch-Carey 1995: 290;for older discussions, see the notes and references in Loomis). The poemgives no explicit answer to the question if Arthur did succeed to take it offfrom Caer Sidi.30The other famous type of cauldron is the cauldron of plenty: OIr coire file(also used as epithet for a man, Fingal Rnin 472), originally belonging to theDagda (coiri an Dagdai, CMT 6), from which is said that n tgedh dmdimdanach adh `No company ever went away from it unsatisfied. Cf. furtherthe enormous onethirty cows would go into itowned by C Ro in AidedCon Roi, called the `calf of three famous cows who fill it every day with theirmilk (cf. Thurneysen 1913: 211-2; 1921: 433-4); and the one conquered byArthur from the Otherworld in Preiddeu Annwvyn (lines 618-20), gwrym am yoror a mererit, `niello (?) and pearls around his rim (line 16, cf. Haycock 1984:60, 70). A rather similar object is the mwys Gwydneu Garanhir in Culhwch acOlwen, mentioned also in the Triads (TYP 240): either everybody finds thefood of his wish in it (C&O) or it increases a hundredfold all food put into it(TYP). I refrain from tracking possible Biblical reminiscences, or furtherfolklore parallels. [The meaning `basket given by GPC and copied by Birkhan(II, 59, 232) is to be doubted: W mwys, Ir mias (cf. the newly found MiasTighernin in the National Museum at Dublin), etc. are loans from VLat msa`table; therefore, they denote various types of tables, trays, platters, flatdishes, but hardly deep hollow containers such as baskets.] Ordinary cookingcauldrons are, of course, also attested, e.g., with the giant Diwrnach inCulhwch ac Olwen. Haycocks suggestions (ibid.) of identifying several of thesecauldrons cannot be substantiated from the scanty tradition. Furtherreferences to magic cauldrons may be found in Loomis (1956: 156-8).



rebirth. And then one threw the dead bodies in the cauldrontill it was full; and the next morning, they rose as fighting menas good as before, except that they could not speak.

From this rather dry statement, it has to be inferred thatthe dead bodies were heated, perhaps even cooked, in order tobring them back to life again.31 This second life is ratherstrange, and we are never told another word about any of thesezombies. The contexts suggest that they perish together with allother Irishmen, and all British fighters as well, except thewounded Bendigeidvran and his last seven followers.

The second part of the Indian motif, supplementarygestation, is also found in the Mabinogi, but the incubator hereis not a pot, but a cist, a box (not a chest, as it is called llawgist`hand-box). One might have a slight suspicion that this `boxcould be due to Biblical influence: is it the casket of Moses(cawell in the Welsh Bible)? Anyhow, we find it in the W versionof the story of the birth of Lleu Llaw Gyffes, most probably thecounterpart of the Irish pagan god Lug Lmhfhada.32 Thetheme of that Celtic gods career through the various traditionscannot be discussed here,33 only the story of his wonderful birthconcerning here. In the Fourth Branch of the Mabinogi, theMabinogi of Math uab Mathonwy, King Math, in need of a newfootholder, has to test the virginity of the candidate, Aranrhod,the niece of Gwydion. In stepping over the kings magical wand,she gives birth to mab brasuelyn mawr, a big boy with blond hair(this is Dylan Eil Ton), and rhyw bethan, something small.Before anybody else can get a look, Gwydion takes it up, wraps

31This procedure has been compared with Medeas magical practice ofrejuvenating old people by killing them, and cooking their bodies cut inpieces in her magic cauldron: see the story of Pelias whom she tricks bydemonstrating her powers by rejuvenating an old wether, but refusing hermagic herbs to Pelias daughters, a scene often depicted in classical art. Fortextual references, see Sophocles, Kolchides frg. 491ff.; Ovid, Metamorphoses 7,163ff. The Celtic peir dadeni may have been influenced by the Greek mythos,but a number of characteristic aspects have no classical parallel: first, it is thecauldron which has the magic powers, independent of any sorcerers spells orherbs; then, the dead have not to be dismembered, and do not come outrejuvenated but simply alive again, and even with reduced natural faculties.32Also spelled lmfhota. For an explication of the epithet, and its IEconnections, see Zimmer (2001).33The sparse W materials are collected or referred to by Bartrum (1993: 408-10).

16 Stephan Zimmer


it in a piece of silk, and hides the packet in a `hand-box underthe feet of his bed. Shortly after, we are told, Gwydion `hears ashout in the box under his feet. Having opened it, he sees alittle boy, uab bychan, stretching his hands through the cloth.Gwydion lifts him up and brings him to a nurse, and providesfor his upbringing. After one year, he is the size of a two-year-old; in the second year, he is already big enough to go to court.Gwydion rears him there. At four years, he looks as if he wereeight. And then follows the story of how he meets his mother,and in spite of her curses, finally gets a name, weapons, and awifeall this through the tricks of wily old Gwydion, who, bythe way, is his father, as is only alluded to. Gwydion latersucceeds in saving and even restoring his life in later adventureswhich dont need to be retold here.

It has been claimed many times that the Gundestrupcauldron represent scenes from Celtic mythology, including thepeir dadeni. As all this depends on archeological theorieswhich are far from secureas to the date and place of originand final deposition34 of this marvelous object, at least oneplate (Fig. 1) should be shown here which according to manyscholars shows a scene comparable to the Mabinogi passagecited above.

Fig. 1. Scene from the Gundestrup cauldron.

The parallel between Indian and Celtic lore is clear

34See the recent summaries by F. Kaul (archeologist) and M. Warmind(historian of religion) in RGA 13. 1999, 195-213. Both suggest Thracia, todaythe Rumanian/Bulgarian border region, and c. 150 BC; the Cimbri arereputed to have brought it to Denmark. But see also Hachmann (1991).



enough to postulate the cauldron of rebirth as a common IEliterary motif, deeply rooted in a mythological context which,unfortunately, itself is widely lost.

Historical Syntax: How to address two (or more) peopleIn an address to two gods, a curious semantic feature in

both Sanskrit and Greek has been remarked on long ago. Forthe first deity, the vocative case is used, but not, surprisingly, forthe second: his name appears in the nominative.35 Here are firstthe classical attestations:

Homer, Ilias 3, 276-280:276 Ze pter (voc), Idhqen medwn, kdiste (voc) mgiste

(voc),277 HliV (nom) q, V pnt 7for(V) ka pnt

7pakoei(V)(v.l. P3 P40 Allen 7for ... 7pakoei as Od. 11,109 and12, 323)

......280 5meV mrturoi ste fulssete d rkia pist

O Father Zeus, reigning from Ida, most famous, greatest,and Helios [the Sun-god], who look(s) on all and listen(s) toall,....you are (or: shall be)36 witnesses, you (shall) watch over trueoaths!

Rigveda 1,2,6vyav (voc) ndra (nom) ca sunvat / ytam pa niktm

O Vyu [the Wind-god] and Indra, you both shall come to themeeting-point of the [Soma-]pressing (sacrifier)!

This deviation from the rules of ordinary syntax is an oldanomaly which cannot have been invented by the respective

35Curiously enough, if two human beings are addressed, Homer uses twovocatives, as seen in Ilias 23, 492-3: mhkti nn caleposin 6mebesqon7pessin / Aan (voc) Iomene (voc) te, kakoV 7pe o0d oike Dontaddress each other any more with harsh words now, / Aias and Idomeneus,with bad (ones), as this is not fitting.36The verb forms are both indicative and imperative.

18 Stephan Zimmer


poets. This is underlined by similar cases, co-occurrences ofvocative + oblique cases, such as in Avestan

Yasna 32,9t uxd mainiieus mahii / mazd (voc) asic (dat) ysmaibii(dat) gerez

These utterings of my mind, I lament to you, o Mazd, and tothe Truth.

Various explications have been given to the feature sincethe classicist Friedrich Rosen first observed it 1838, summarizedin the classic monograph by Rene Zwolanek (1970). All thisput aside, a recent proposal by Klaus Strunk which is based onearlier studies, especially by Bertold Delbrck (1888: 472-476),shall be expanded in this paragraph. When I listened toStrunks paper37 (10 July 2000), I immediately remembered aCeltic feature not mentioned by him. This Celtic contributionto the complex may further strengthen his explanation.

Strunk starts from two observations. First, it is clear that theenclitic connective particle IE *kue, as a rule, connects parallelparts of speech, mostly case forms. Second, we find two types inthe older IE languages, A*kue B*kue, and AB*kue.a)Vedic: MS 1,8,6 (ed. L.v.Schrder 122,19): mnu ca ... manyca Adam and Eve,Greek: Homer, Ilias 1, 544 (etc.): pat$r 6ndrn te qen tefather of men and gods,Latin (only archaic and formulaic):Plautus, Asinaria 577: ut meque teque ... decuit as it was suitablefor me and you,Ovid, Metamorphoses 9, 409: exul mentisque domusque far from[nearly: driven out of] (my) mind and (my) home;b)Vedic: RV 1,22,13: mah dyah pthiv ca the great Heaven andthe Earth,

37I am deeply obliged to Professor Strunk for his generous permission tomake free use of his hand-out, and to refer to his results in this article (letterof 20 August 2000). He himself plans to come back to the subject in anotherpublication. Here, I have tried to make as explicit as possible what I took overfrom him, where I deviate from his interpretation, and what I mightcontribute to his findings.



Greek: Homer, Ilias 1, 255: PramoV Primoi te padeVPriamos and his children,Latin (grammatical standard), e.g.: Senatus populusque RomanusSenate and People of Rome, domi militiaeque at home and inthe army.

Strunks argumentation takes three steps:1. Type b) above is secondary compared to type a), i.e., due

to ellipsis.2. One has to take into account Delbrcks observations of a

third type, viz. without explicit first member of thesyntagm, e.g.,

RV 8,34,16 yd < ahm > ndra (nom) ca ddvahe (1stdual med.) what we both partake, < I > and Indra,

B 1,1,4,5 tt samjm evitt < asyi > knjinya (dat)ca vadati nd any nym hinsta (3rd dual subj act) ti thishe [the priest] speaks as agreement, this indeed, for38 and the black antelopes skin: `these twoshould not hurt each other.

The radical ellipsis of the first member is of course onlypossible and sensible if the context is transparent enoughto allow the proper understanding: here, the dual numberis crucial.

3. Type b) above is to be equated with this hyper-ellipticaltype, because the vocative is not a grammatical case likethe others. It usually stands alone, or outside the syntacticstructure.39 In phrases like those cited above as type a), thevocative gives a semantic hint, providing the contextnecessary for proper understanding.

This is a very convincing solution. I leave it to the reader toinsert the suppressed pronouns s, tvm, taibii) in theHomeric, Vedic and Gathic passages cited above. Just one moreremark on the Greek text. As the variant shows, the editors aredivided over the correct reading, i.e., whether the 2nd or 3rd

38Strunk translated spricht ... zu, taking the datives as indirect objects. Itseems more likely to me to understand the datives in the sense of a dativuscommodi, because the addressed is normally put in accusative case, and,perhaps even stronger, what follows here is a third person dual, not a second.The priest does not speak to the earth and the skin, but on behalf of both.39Strunk points to the Stoic definition of the vocative as prosagoreutiknprgma, action of addressing, i.e., not a grammatical, but a pragmaticalcategory.

20 Stephan Zimmer


person verbal forms are to be put into the text of Il. 3, 277. Itfollows from the explanation just cited, that 3rd persons are tobe preferred.

There are close Celtic parallels40 to the phenomenon, notmentioned by Strunk nor by Zwolanek or elsewhere inthe literature on Ze pter HlioV q, as far as I cansee:

With unmentioned 1st person:Flire engusso 5th March: I cind tricha bliadan conricfemand 7 t. (Stokes 1905: lxi)`After thirty years, we will meet here, [viz. I] and you.

With unmentioned 2nd person:LL 251b25 In tan dorega-su cot baib anair doridisi, fidbaidsund inn aidchi dadaig 7 Finnabair.`When you (sg) will come with your kine back from theeast, you (pl) will sleep here that night together, [viz.you = Froech] and Finnabair.

With unmentioned 3rd person:Annals of Innisfallen a. 721: dornsat sid 7 Fergal.`They made peace, [viz. he = Cathal] and Fergal (MacAirt 1951: 104-105).LL 270a241: Rogab-som didiu iarsin rge Laigen 7 batar hicor 7 Cobthach.`He now took over the kingdom of Leinster afterwards,and they were in peace, [viz. he = Labraid Men] andCobthach.42

40Even in Irish Latin, as H. Zimmer (1893: 155-6) was able to show:salutaverunt se invicem et Lasserianus `they saluted each other [viz. he =Fintanus] and Lasserianus (Vita Fintani).41H. Zimmer (1893: 154) gives two more attestations of the passage.42In the following passage no preposition is used, its function obviously takenover by the preverb: conrncatar 7 Dubthach `They met and Dubthach (nom),traditionally understood as `They met, Patrick and Dubthach. The full textsruns as follows: Dalluid Ptricc o Themuir hicrch Laigen, conrncatar 7 Dubthachmaccu-Lugir ucc Domnuch Mr Crathar la Auu Censelich `Patrick went from Tarainto the province of Leinster, and they (i.e. he) and Dubthach maccu-Lugirmet at Domnach Mr Crthar in Hi-Cennselich (Stokes 1887: II 344-5). Onthis type, see further Meid (1968) and the comments of Kdderitzsch (1998:390-391), with notes and references.



With inflected prepositions and without mentioning the firstparty:

First person:Wb 10d1 dnni et Barnaip `for us, [viz. me] andBarnabas (nom).

Second persons:TBC (LU 5268, Fergus adressing Etarcomol who intendsto fight against C Chulainn):Scth lim namm comrac dib (dat) 7 C Chulainn (nom).`Weary with me [= I dislike], indeed, an encounter foryou (pl.) and C.C., i.e. `Weary would be ... between you(sg.) and C.C.

Third persons:CMT 10: Fechta [Ms. fectha] cath Muighe Tuired etorra(acc) 7 Fir Bolc (nom).`The battle of Mag Tuired was fought between themand the Fir Bolg., i.e. `between them, viz. the TuathaD and the Fir Bolg (Gray 1982: 24-25).Senchas Airgall: ba mr ind imserc bi eturru 7 in r (nom).`Great was the mutual love which was between them,[viz. the three Collas] and the king [Muiredach](Meyer 1912: 318 l. 29-30).Death of Crimthann, Par. 7: do-roinde sth celgi etarro 7 aclann (nom).`She [Mongfhind] made a false peace between them,[viz. Crimthann] and her children (Stokes 1903: 178).LL 20a17 Iss inund m(thair) dib 7 int Eochu Uairches(nom).`Its the same mother for them [viz. him] and EochuUairches.Ml 68d11 Air is coitchen doib 7 in chanin remeperthe (nom).`Because it is (the commentary) common for them, [viz.this text] and the text mentioned before.LL 285b47 imma-n-arnaic dib 7 in maccailech (nom).`There was a union for them, [viz. him = the youngunnamed cleric] and the young nun.

In Old Irish, a noun may stand in the nominative when itssyntactical relationship is clear from a preceding word, as

22 Stephan Zimmer


Thurneysen GOI 156 put it. This is a rather commonconstruction, not to be confounded, however, with thenominativus pendens type, as Pokorny seems to do (Pokorny1925, 1969: 104).43

These are all clear cases of Strunks and Delbrcks hyper-elliptical type. Their testimony is, I believe, of great value, as itshows that this feature of IE poetical language is not restrictedto Aryan and Greek, and may therefore be seeen as a pan-IEtrait with much greater probability as before. And if we look atit from the Celtic side, it is equally important, I believe, that theparticular Irish constructions, which seemed up to now tobelong to the various features of Insular Celtic syntax deviantfrom the average European (or Indo-European) modelsomeof which have roused sometimes wild suspicions about non-IEsubstrates on the islescan safely be linked to the mainstreamIE tradition. They are specific enough to allow the assumptionthat the Common Celtic poetical language, unfortunatelyalmost completely lost, once existed in forms very similar tothose attested in Greek and Sanskrit.

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43Sometimes, the nominative might appear rather ungrammatical so thatword order alone secures the proper understanding of the phrase: TBC (LU5641-2, C Chulainn relating the story of Ferguss sword): Rogab Ailill ambagul inna cotlud, hseom (nom) 7 Medb (nom). `Ailill has taken their danger(hazard) in their sleep, he and Medb, i.e., `Ailill took them unawares, him (=Fergus) and Medb. This may be explained differently: a mere listing ofpersons involved, as in the phrases cited by Thurneysen GOI 156 c), d), e); orelse as another (short, or shortened) nominal sentence added to theforgoing, such as in Thurneysens example ibid. under b). I exclude all ofthese from the present discussion.



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Documents

Stefan Zimmer, Indo-Celtic Connections: Ethic, Magic, and Linguistic, JIES 29 2002