State Sponsored Genocide in India - BrassTacks Paper

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State-Sponsored Genocide in the World's Largest Democracy

Genocide of Muslims in Uttar Pradesh is inherently critical to Hindutva politics

Are You Ready for Modi's Bharat?

State-Sponsored Genocide in the World’s Largest Democracy

Genocide of Muslims in Uttar Pradesh is

inherently critical to Hindutva politics

Are You Ready for Modi’s Bharat?


Genocide of Muslims in Uttar Pradesh is

inherently critical to Hindutva politics

Are You Ready for Modi’s Bharat?

The horrific acts of communal violence in Muzaffarnagar in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP), that have left 60 killed and over 15,000 displaced, have once again proven that the self-proclaimed “largest democracy in the world” is in reality is a caste-based, apartheid state that sponsors terrorism against its own citizens without any accountability.

For years, Hindu Zionists within Indian political elite have utilized genocide and terror tactics to trigger se-quence of events which are engineered to eventually change the demography of Uttar Pradesh and ultimately trap the Muslims of UP into a helpless existence or drive them out of UP all together.

The latest Muzaffarnagar tragedy is yet another manifestation of a very disturbing and hidden angle of Indian politics which is being driven by a fascist ideology of Hindutva which endangers the lives of hundreds of mil-lions of Muslims in India and can spark a nuclear war between India and Pakistan.

The communal fighting in Uttar Pradesh is not new, but over the last few decades, it has evolved from small brawls and feuds into a carefully engineered, political genocidal strategy that’s been designed and executed by extremist Hindutva parties with the aim to cleanse UP of Muslims on the basis of religious ideology and for political gain strategy.

Importance of Uttar Pradesh

With over 200 million inhabitants, Uttar Pradesh is the most populous state in India and the world’s most populous subdivision. If UP was a nation, it would be the fifth most populous nation in the world. Accord-ing to the 2001 Indian census, about 80% of Uttar Pradesh’s population is Hindu, while Muslims constitute 18.4% of the population, while Sikhs, Buddhists, Christians, and Jains make up a negligible part.

UP is the most critical state in Indian politics. Since 1947, more than half of India’s prime ministers have hailed from Uttar Pradesh. Due to the strong Hindu majority, the caste system is an integral part and driving force behind the politics of Uttar Pradesh.

As Mayank Singh of The fair Observer stated, “How Uttar Pradesh votes today, India will vote tomor-row.”

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Who Are the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh?

Although they are the largest minority in India, Muslims are the most underprivileged community from every angle. According to a 2012 report released by The Planning Commission of India, poverty ratio in urban areas at the all-India level is highest for Muslims (33.9%) i.e. every third Muslim in urban India is poor, which means that every third Muslim in India lives on Rs 32 or less. On an education front, the situation is more dismal. While the national literacy rate is almost at 70%, literacy rates in Muslim communities is about 52%. Additionally, less than 5% of Muslims graduate from university. According to a government report, the Muslim community is far worse than Dalits, the “untouchables” in India’s caste system.

Such a gap in the rate of decrease in poverty, illiteracy, infant mortality rate, etc., reiterates the deplorable so-cioeconomic conditions of Muslims in India. When these conditions are combined with extreme deprivation, high unemployment, targeted violence, day-to-day discriminatory practices, and systematic denial protection

A Study conducted by Gallup, in 2010-2011 about the socio-economic standings of different religious factions in Indian society, established that,in

India, Muslims are on the lowest level of socio-economic ladder.

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and justice, Indian Muslims remain one of the most dehumanized, unprotected, victimized, marginalized and vulnerable communities in the world and continue to be regular victims of genocide of India’s state-sponsored terrorism.

Do the Muslims Matter in UP Politics?

With a voting bloc almost 36 million strong, the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh can act as kingmakers in the up-coming elections. However, the Muslim community in UP is overlooked, exploited, neglected and ‘managed’ for political gain. The Muslims electorate is ‘managed’ by the Hindu elite parties to either stay away from the polling booths by the aggressively violent Hindutva or join other Hindu parties with are less aggressive, but remain ad odds with the Muslim community and its needs.

Either way, a vacuum remains in the political sphere and the caste-driven Hindu govern-ment will go to any length to stop Muslims from organizing an independent party or have any substantial political voice in the 2014 elec-tions. The state’s extremist Hindutva forces have started promoting false propaganda of Hindu victimization at the hands of Muslims. As a result, communal riots have broken out all over Uttar Pradesh. Fueling the fire, other fanatic parties such as the Rashtriya Swayam-sevak Sangh (RSS), the Vishwa Hindu Pari-shad (VHP), and the Hindu Yuva Vahini, a radical group of young fanatical Hindus led by Adityanath Yogi are following the agenda to eradicate all non-Hindu elements from UP.

Due to the large numbers, violent nature of these groups and the Zionist Hindu elite that offer them unconditional protection, the po-lice has not only remained a passive spectator, but provides protection to the Hindi extrem-ists and actively participates in crimes against the Muslims.

Demography of Muslims in UP. The State has the largest number of Mus-lim MLA’s in Indian parliament mak-ing the Muslim populace very critical

for every party in Indian politics.

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Rise of Hindutva in Uttar Pradesh

Although a region where religious tensions have historically been very high, the Congress party attempted to keep the tensions at bay through some appeasement policies for Muslims and its attempt to limit the influence and infiltration of the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in UP politics.

However, following the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984, the BJP mustered support and became a strong force in UP politics. Under the banner of opposing Muslim appeasement policies of the Congress Party, the BJP launched a campaign to build a temple at the site of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. This not only built support from Hindus and other caste-based parties, but also further polarized the Hindus and Muslims. As a result, the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh were used as pawns in a caste-driven political game that would enflame the entire State and cause death and destruction of epic proportions. Uttar Pradesh remains under a stronghold of caste-based political parties and alliance where Muslims and other minorities either remain marginalized or are used as tools to advance the Hindutva agenda.

The current BJP Prime Ministerial candidate and front-runner as India’s next prime minister, Narendra Modi is flogging the same lethal agenda of the Hindu extremists. Known as the “The Butcher of Gujarat,” the loot-ing, genocide, and violent rape of women and children by Hindu extremist gangs, police and armed forces all occurred under Modi’s watch and protection in Gujarat in February 2002. The genocide of 2002 led to more than 2000 Muslims being slaughtered and tens of thousands becoming homeless. This dark incident is one of the worst acts of state-sponsored terrorism in India’s history.

In December 2013, Modi addressed a mammoth Hindutva rally in UP where he promised to bring ‘Ram Ra-jya’ back to Uttar Pradesh. According to many, “Ram Rajya’ is a veiled term referring to the bringing back the Ram Temple in Ayodhya at the site of the Babri Masjid massacre. “The state has all that is needed for Ram Rajya. The strength, tradition and will needed for establishing Ram Rajya is there in you,” Modi said. If Modi’s track record in Gujarat is anything to go by, the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh have plenty to fear if Modi comes to power.

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History of Violence against Muslims in Uttar Pradesh

Although. Hindu-Muslim strife has plagued Uttar Pradesh since the 1800s, the intensity of the conflict peaked in the 1980s as Zionist Hindu parties became stronger in India. Compared to other states in India, Uttar Pradesh has the most tragic history of communal strife between Hindu and Muslims, where Muslim suffering always triumphs.

Despite this, India’s diplomacy, media, and psy-ops ensures that global community remains totally oblivious to these communal rifts. Kashmir can be cited as a classic case of this type of soft power. Another shocking fact is that Hindu terror outfits use fear tactics against their victims in order to make sure that atrocities committed against them remain concealed. This becomes possible due to complicity and collusion of the entire Indian state apparatus with the culprits.

Moradabad Genocide of 1980 – During August to November 1980, more than 2000 people, mostly Muslims, lost their lives in communal riots in Mora bad, UP. The incident that triggered the riots occurred on August 13, 1980 when a domesticated pig from the Dalit colony strayed into the Idgah during the Eid prayers, where 50,000 Muslims were offering prayers. For Muslims, the pig is considered Haraam and the filthiest of all animals. Although many Muslims beleived that the pig had been deliberately released by the Hindu Dalits, they initially remained peaceful towards the Dalit and turned to the local police for help.

They asked an on-duty policeman to chase the pig away, but he refused to do so, leading to a heated argument. The violence broke out when some Muslims pelted stones at the policemen. In return, the policemen started firing indiscriminately into the crowd. The police force was reinforced by the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) troops. Over a hundred worshippers were massacred that Eid day by firing and over 50 were killed in a stampede that followed the firing. The Eid massacre has is often compared to the firing to the brutal Amritsar Massacre of 1919, where the British soldiers indiscriminately fired at Sikh men, women and children, mas-sacreing almost 1000 pilgrims.

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The Eid massacre was followed by a series of violent incidents which became religious in nature, and led to arson and murders. The violence also spread to the neighboring city of Aligarh and army troops were posted in the region for almost a month. The violent incidents continued until November 1980. The total death tally is uncertain: the government recognized and paid compensation for 400 deaths, while the unofficial estimates run as high as 2500.

Although many Hindu government officials blamed the violence the violence on the RSS, Jan Sangh and BJP, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi impled that Pakistan was behind the violence. The Times of India not only propgated Gandhi’s Pakistan theory, but went as far as to blame the Muslim leaders for the violence. In May 1983, Justice Saxena of the Allahabad High Court indicted Muslim leaders and V. P. Singh for the violence.

Hashimpura Genocide of 1987 - Four years later, another Muslim genocide took place in Hashimpura in May 1987. After communal riots had taken over Meerut in April 1987, the incidents spread to Hashimpura where violence between Hindus and Muslims erupted in May 19, 1987, which killed 25, injured 75 and led to widespread arson. Seven companies of CRPF and 30 companies of PAC were deployed to Hashimpura and an indefinite curfew was declared. On May 22, PAC, 19 personnel rounded up 42 Muslim youth to take to the police station.

Uttar Pradesh – communally the most restive state in India

Victims and Survivors of Hashimpura carnage are still waiting for justice.

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Instead, the young Muslims, mostly laborers and weavers, were packed in back of two trucks truck, taken to the Upper Ganga Canal, shot and their bodies dumped into the canal. A few of the youth survived when passers-by saw bloodied bodies struggling next to the canal. They are still in awe and shock and cannot un-derstand how the very same forces that are sworn to protect citizens can carry out such injustice and cold-blooded murder.

By 1988, the state-sponsored Hashimpura genocide had become an international issue. PUCL (People’s Un-ion for Civil Liberties), Amnesty International, etc. along with most NGOs demanded justice. However, no inquiry was ordered and the case is still open and is considered one of the oldest pending cases in the Indian judiciary.

Ayodhya Genocide of 1992 - However, it was the demolition of historic Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, which fully exposed the extent to which the ideology of Hindutva has penetrated the entire Indian state including its entire political edifice. On December 6, 1992, a crowd of 150,000 Hindu Karsevaks (volunteers) from VHP, Bajrang Dal, BJP and other organizations, completely destroyed the 16th-century Babri Masjid, which was not only a mosque for Muslims, but also a national symbol of cultural and civilizational heritage. The demolition resulted in several months of inter-communal rioting between India’s Hindu and Muslim communities, caus-ing the death of at over 2,000 people.

On December 6, 1992, a large crowd of Hindu Karsevaks (volunteers) entirely destroyed the 16th-century Masjid. The demolition resulted in several months of inter-communal rioting between India’s Hindu and Muslim communities, causing the death of at least 2,000 people. A noteworthy fact is that in September 1990, L. K. Advani, leader of the Hindu political party the Bharatiya Janata Party (“BJP”), started Rath Yatra, a tour

Saffron gangs demolished Babri Masjid in UP in 1992 leading to one of the bloodiest riots in India.

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of the country to elicit mass support for the Ayodhya struggle.

In 2005, former IB Joint Director Maloy Krishna Dhar in his book ‘Open Secrets-India’s Intelligence Un-veiled’ revealed that Babri Masjid demolition was planned 10 months in advance by the top leaders of RSS, BJP and VHP and raises questions over the way the then Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao had handled the issue.

Dhar claimed that he was directed to arrange the coverage of a key meeting of the BJP/Sangh Parivar and that the meeting “proved beyond doubt that they (RSS, BJP, VHP) had drawn up the blueprint of the Hindu-tva assault in the coming months and choreographed the ‘pralaya nritya’ (dance of destruction) at Ayodhya in December 1992. The RSS, BJP, VHP and the Bajrang Dal leaders present in the meeting amply agreed to work in a well-orchestrated manner.” Claiming that the tapes of the meeting were personally handed over by him to his boss, he asserts that he has no doubts that his boss had shared the contents with the Prime Minister (Rao) and the Home Minister (S B Chavan). The author claimed that there was silent agreement that Ayodhya offered “a unique opportunity to take the Hindutva wave to the peak for deriving political benefit.”

Apart from Dhar’s revelations, Liberhan Commission that was formed to investigate the riots in the aftermath of demolition of Babri Masjid also concluded in its 1029 page report that the events of December 6, 1992, in Ayodhya were “neither spontaneous nor unplanned”.

Despite irrefutable and mounting evidence against the fascist Hindutva parties and their leaders and volun-teers, no one was ever convicted for the vicious attack which triggered one of the worst communal riots in India’s history and resulted in mass death and destruction.

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Even the former top Indian security officials, like Maloy Krishna Dhar, have confessed how Indian state and thoae in power have been helping the Saffron gangs in orchestrating and

carrying out carnage in Ayodha and other incidents of communal riots since 1948.

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The Muzaffarnagar Riots of 2013:

In August 2013 in the Muzaffarnagar district of Uttar Pradesh, a local neighborhood brawl amongst some local teens, very quickly spiraled out of control and engulfed all of Western UP and resulting in worst com-munal rioting in the last 20 years in a state where the fascist ideology of Hindutva has penetrated the Hindu community at large, leaving Muslims feeling insecure and vulnerable.

So far, the Muzaffarnagar riots have left over 60 people dead and nearly 60,000 displaced, mostly Muslims. Indian authorities have failed miserably to provide any justice to the victims and brining the culprits in the court of law for trial and punishment, as was the case in Gujarat in 2002.

So far, only 294 arrests have been made by the entire state administration in all the riot-hit districts despite the fact that investigation teams named nearly 6000 people as accused. In addition, police have refused to register dozens of murder and rape cases and no arrests have been made where the cases were registered. For example In the village of Fugana, one of the worst hit villages during the violence with 16 deaths, 350 people have been named as accused but no arrests have been made.

The volatile law and order situation in the state was so risky that 38 companies of Army, paramilitary and Rapid Action Force (RAF) were deployed but security for Muslims is scarce, at best. As a result, thousands of people were forced to flee their homes and live in refugee camps under inhumane conditions.

The law and order situation in most areas of Muzaffarnagar is out of control and delay in investigations are further fueling the anti-government sentiment and causing more chaos and violence between Hindus and Muslims.

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The state of anarchy in Muzaffarnagar clearly contradicts the state government’s claims of normalcy and peace in Muzaffarnagar. Special Investigation Cell (SIC) formed to investigate the riots is inefficient and is deemed to be another political trick by the UP government to pacify the media and humanitarian organiza-tions working in India.

Aftermath of the Riots:

The aftermath of the Muzaffarnagar riots are as bad as the riots themselves. Initially, refugee camps were set up for the victims, but lack of facilities and healthcare in the camps were so appalling that 34 children died from lack of care within three months. Ninety days after the riots, the UP government has initiated a deliber-ate strategy to abandon its Muslim citizens. Not only has government has failed to bring the culprits to the justice but has also decided to close the refugee camps. Without providing alternate safe refuge, the govern-ment has started to demolish the camps in December 2013, leaving thousands of Muslims literally homeless and abandoned. According to some reports, few families were even forced to live in a bus stand at Neem Kheri village, with no electricity, water or toilet facilities.

Initially, it appeared that the government strategy of forcing the victims out of the relief camps was to pro-tect the refugees from harsh conditions. “This was not a safe place. Media was only reporting so many deaths and tough conditions here. So we are persuading people to leave,” was the official stance by Muzaffarnagar’s District Magistrate, Kaushal Raj. India’s media machine further victimized the refugees by encouraging them to leave rather than investigating and reporting on the conditions of the camps themselves.

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The government has offered the Muslim victims 5 lakh as compensation only if they sign affidavits saying they will not return to their villages. So far approximately 900 families have signed such affidavits. For the affected Muslims, the options are limited. They either agree not to return or go back and face carnage at the hands of extremists and government forces.

A recent report by New Delhi-based by the Centre for Policy Analysis (CPA), a civil society organization con-firmed the lack of intent on the part of the state government to bridge the deep social divide post the riots. According to CPA, such a measure is bound to create a permanent divide among the villagers and increase ghettoization with Muslim victims preferring to live in Muslim-dominated areas.

A Muzaffarnagar-based social activist, Maneesh Gupta of The National Alliance of People’s Movements, concluded that the measures taken by the state government are “setting a very dangerous precedent” as this policy would not only change the demography of the Muslim population in the region, but also severely limit the economic revival of the Muslim community.

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However, the real motive behind this sinister plan of state administration is far more heinous. Using the riots as a cover, the Indian state machinery is forcing the Muslims of UP to abandon their native town and villages. This will not only shatter the Muslim populace in the area economically but will change the local demography, which will benefit the ideology and objectives of hardcore Hindu political parties like BJP to cleanse Uttar Pradesh of non-Hindu elements and return the state to ‘Ram Rajya’.

The strategy worked. The villages of Fugana, Lisarh, Kutwa and Kutwi have almost been cleansed of Mus-lims, as the victims refuse to return. According to one Muslim victim, Jabbar, “None of the 350 families from Fugana village whose houses were burned down in the riots want to return,” he said. “Instead, they are trying

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to buy land in Muslim-dominated areas with the compensation money and want to live there. The riots have made them wary of living close to people from the other community.” Hence, these villages have become Hindu (Jat) ghettos.

Other victims have refused to leave the camps, as they do not trust that the government will keep its promise to compensate them. Their fears are not unfounded, as many refugees claim that the notorious corruption of Akihilesh Yadav’s government has scammed them out of their compensation and left them homeless and helpless. The Yadav family is faced with a court-ordered enquiry for involvement in massive corruption and matter is still sub-judice.

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History of Communal Riots in IndiaMuzzaffarnagar tragedy is not an isolated incident but is an addition to a long list of horrific religious riots within the Indian caste based society and Muslims are not the only victims of Hindutva mindset; a fascist ide-ology that reflects in the thinking of entire Hindu populace of India, right from very top to a common man in the street. History of religious intolerance and violence in India also ascertains that, apart from Muslim population, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists and even low caste Hindus have also been the victims of unbridled religious hatred prevailing within the Indian society. A brief look at the history of communal unrest in India succinctly puts Muzzaffarnagar massacre in historical perspective.

History of Religious Violence in India (After 1947)

Hyderabad mas-sacre of 1948

1948 Hyderabad 40,000 Mus-lims killed

Massacre of Muslims by Indian army and Hin-dus. India occupied state of Hyderabad Dakin.

1969 Gujarat riots 1969 Gujarat 660 Hindu-Muslim riots; 430 Muslims killed.

Marichjhapi incident

January 31, 1979 West Bengal Official figures 2, Hindustan Times quotes 50 to 1000

Killing of refugees who came from East Pakistan

Moradabad riots 1980 Uttar Pradesh Officially 400; unofficial estimates as high as 2500.

Started as a Muslim-Police conflict; later turned into a Hindu-Muslim riots.

Nellie massacre 18 February 1983 Assam 2,191 MuslimsTrain Passen-ger massacre

23 February 1984 Punjab 11 Hindus Part of Sikh revolt against Indian state.

1984 anti-Sikh riots

31 October - 4 November 1984

Delhi 4,000 Sikhs Pogrom by Indian National Congress Party members - Sa-jjan Kumar & Jagdish Tytler.

Hondh-Chillar massacre (part of the 1984 anti-Sikh massacres)

2 November 1984 Hondh-Chillar, Haryana

32 Sikhs Pogrom by Indian Na-tional Congress Party members - Sajjan Kumar & Jagdish Tytler after mur-der of Indira Gandhi.

Desri Ground massacre

28 March 1986 Ludhiana, Punjab

13 Hindus

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Hashimpura massacre

22 May 1987 Meerut, Ut-tar Pradesh

42 Muslims Dozens of Muslim youths were slaughtered by Indian police force. Investigations never completed. Even In-dian Supreme Court failed to punish the culprits who are roaming freely even today.

Bus Passen-ger massacre

July 1987 Fatehbad, Haryana

80 Hindus Aftermath of 1984 mas-sacre of Sikhs by Con-gress government.

Bhagalpur riots October 1989 Bhagalpur, Bihar

1,070 mostly Muslims

Gawakadal massacre

20 January 1990 Srinagar, Kashmir

35 Muslims Firing on procession by Indian CRPF

Zakoora and Tengpora Massacre

28 February 1990 2 locations in Srinigar, Kashmir

47 Muslim

Train Passen-ger massacre

15 June 1988 Ludhiana, Punjab

80 ( mostly Hindus)

By Sikh activist of Dal Khalsa; aftermath of 1984 massacre of Sikhs.

Train Passen-ger massacre

December 1988 Ludhiana, Punjab

49 ( mostly Hindus)

By Sikh activist of Dal Khalsa; aftermath of 1984 massacre of Sikhs.

Bombay Riots December 1992 - January 1993

Mumbai 575 Muslims, 275 Hindus, 45 unknown and 5 others

The entire Indian media and state power was used to blame ISI for these grue-some atrocities but later on it was proven by Indian courts that ISI was not involve in these riots and real cause was more of religious-political tension between Hindu and Indian Muslims.

Sopore massacre 6 January 1993 Sopore, Kashmir

55 Muslims Firing on procession by Indian BSF. Many more such horrific incidents never reached to press and remained hidden. This is clas-sic example of Indian crime against humanity in Kashmir.

1997 Laxmanpur Bathe massacre

1 December 1997 Bihar 58 Upper caste Ranvir Sena enter village at night and kill 58 Dalits

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1998 Chamba massacre

3 August 1998 Chamba dis-trict, Himachal Pradesh

35 Hindus Communal Riots

Tripura Tribal massacre

1999-2000 Tripura 20 tribal Hindus Includes murder of tribal Hindu spiritual leader Shanti Kali and Hindu religious leader Labh Kumar Jamatia

Godhra train burning

27 February 2002 Godhra 58 Hindus Hindutva terrorists but blame was put on ISI first and later on Indian Mus-lims. Indian state is yet to produce any evidence in this connection. But like many other such incidents, Indian state is using its media power to project ISI as real culprit instead of brining the Hindutva ter-rorists, responsible for this mass murder, to the justice.

2002 Guja-rat violence

28 February 2002 Ahmedabad 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus were killed

Communal riots

Gulbarg Soci-ety massacre

28 February 2002 Ahmedabad 69 (mostly Muslim)

Communal violence

Naroda Patiya massacre

28 February 2002 Naroda, Ahmedabad

97 Muslims Communal violence

2002 Qasim Nagar massacre

13 July 2002 Jammu and Kashmir

29 Hindus Communal violence

2006 Varanasi bombings

March 2006 Uttar Pradesh 28 killed, 101 in-jured -Devotees of Sankat Mo-chan Hanuman Temple targeted

Terrorist attack Hindu temple.

2012 Assam violence

July 2012 Assam 77 deaths Communal violence between Bodos (Tribal, Christian & Hindu faith) and Muslims

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Tehelka’s Report on Gujarat genocide 2002 - An unassailable expose of True face of Hindutva

Authored by Ashish Khetan, “Muslims, They Don’t Deserve to Live” was the title of a report which exposed the real ugly face of Hindutva ideology and how dangerously it has penetrated in state level politics. Published in Tehelka Magazine in April 2007, it also brought the real vicious face of world’s so-called largest democracy to the open. Though the said report investigated Naroda Patiya, a small town in the outskirt of Ahmedabad but it provides an unblemished and definite looks into the atrocities committed by Hindutva brigades during 2002 riots and unveils the mask of so-called democracy as the report proves the direct involvement of Indian politicians in gruesome atrocities which were committed against the Muslims. Selected excerpts and facts have been reproduced here.

According to the report, “genocide was swift and total in Naroda Patiya. So was its cover-up.” The perpetrators remain unpunished and unabashed. Within hours of the tragedy on board the Sabarmati Express, the BJP and its affiliates — the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Bajrang Dal — started preparations for one of the worst acts of genocide in the history of this country using the Sabarmati Express incident as an excuse. Initially, It looked like that the entire Indian state was incapacitated by the Saffron bands but later on it was proved that in reality these Hindutva killers was enjoying the full support of state machinery and politicians in their frenzied killing spree and this report by Tehelka also vindicated this affirmation.

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On February 28, 2002, a day after the Sabarmati Express fire, Ahmedabad witnessed mass killings of the most horrific nature. Armed saffron cadres roamed the streets, burning, looting, raping and killing Muslims at will. Ninety-seven people are officially said to have died that day in Naroda Patiya, but the actual death toll was much higher, as can be gleaned from the detailed lists survivors have made of missing persons and of their kith and kin whom they saw dying. Most of the dead were charred or mutilated beyond recognition. Interest-ingly, Naroda was no nondescript, out-of the-way place. It was just five km from the local police control room and less than four km from Shahibaug, the Ahmedabad Police headquarters.

“We hacked, we Burnt, did a lot of that. We didn’t spare any of them. They shouldn’t be allowed to breed. Whoev-er they are, even if they’re women or children, there’s noth-

ing to be done with them; cut them down. Thrash them, slash them, burn the bastards.” (Babu Bagrani, VHP)

The report unearthed that how in a most systematic manner, the BJP, the VHP and the Bajrang Dal formed an execution squad that carried out a pogrom from 10 in the morning of February 28 till after well past dark Naroda, a locality on the outskirts of Ahmedabad, with a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims. Almost all the victims were Muslims who were burnt alive. Before being set on fire, many were stabbed, raped and hacked apart. The Muslim neighborhoods in the area, had been reduced to a vast wasteland of death. Sliced up like vegetables, burnt like charcoal and, bearing the testimony of slaughter at its crudest, corpses lay scattered across what had been a lively human settlement barely a few hours before. The most inconsolable aspect of Naroda carnage is the way the justice has been delayed as revealed by the report the trial for the atrocities in the area is yet to start!

The report is a momentous proof document in uncovering Hindutva’s penetration in the Indian politics as it digs the issue deep in Indian society from grass-root level in order to trace the vertical links of Hindutva ter-ror network from local level thugs to the top level politicians like Narendra Modi. The report has unmasked characters like Babu Banjrai, longtime associate of VHP youth wing, who openly preach that Muslims should not to allow to stay in India.

“I would not mind if I were condemned to death, but if they ask me my last wish, I would want to drop bombs in Muslim localities and kill ten to f if teen thousand Muslims before I die.” (Babu Bagrani, VHP)

According to Banjrani, “Delhi should issue orders to kill — higher caste people and the rich won’t do it but slum dwellers and the poor will and they should be ordered to. They should be told that they can take whatever they want of the Muslims — land, wealth, houses, everything — but they should do it in three days.” This will ensure that Muslims are wiped out across India. As per report, Bajrangi’s second suggestion is to have Muslims allowed only one marriage and one child by law. Additionally, it would also be a good idea to deny them the right to vote.”

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The most disturbing and alarming aspect of the report is the part containing the accounts of role played by local administration, police and Hindutva politicians. The shocking excerpt from the report reproduced below exposes the collusion of police and Indian government with the culprit and criminals during the riots.

“Bajrangi was emphatic in his claim that the killings would never have been possible had the police not looked the other way. There was only one entrance to Naroda Patiya, he said, “like a housing society”, and there were some 50 policemen posted there. “They could have ripped us apart,” he said. “But, though they saw every-thing, they kept their eyes and mouths shut.” Richard (another Hindutva and murderer interviewed in the Tehelka’s report) said that the police fired at Muslims who were under attack. He also said that late that night, after the rioting had died down, some policemen specially told the Chharas to kill Muslims hiding in a ditch.According to report, as police commissioner PC Pandey came to Naroda Patiya only later that night, at around one. As he surveyed the devastation, he said the place looked worse than even the battlefields of Haldighati. BJP MLA Mayaben Kodnani drove around Naroda, exhorting the rioters to kill as many as they could. Worse yet, Bajrangi revealed that he had been giving VHP general secretary Jaideep Patel a blow-by-blow account of the massacre on his mobile phone. He said he made 11 calls to Patel, providing him the latest death toll each time, until his phone went dead.

As per report, far from punishing the guilty, the police were involved in a massive cover-up as police disposed of the bodies of victims to diminish the magnitude of crimes, prevented autopsies on many bodies, destroyed crucial evidences, exonerated the BJP MLA involved in exhorting killers on the streets, never proceeded against absconding prime accused, never recorded any confession, recovered just one weapon and eliminated rape incidents altogether. Apart from these deliberate acts, police while registering cases made sure that the mobile phone records of the accused were not made part of the charge sheet and also didn’t mention any use of firearms and lastly no identification parade was ever done.

DIG Sanjeev Bhatt knows the terrible truth about Gujrat 2002. Explosive reveala-tions by him led the convictions of Babu Bajrangi and BJP MLA Maya Kodnani

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BrassTacks Report

Naroda Patiya Case Convictions and the Big Question:

In August 2013, Supreme Court of India,after a delay of more than a decade, convicted former BJP MLA Maya Kodnani and Bajrang Dal leader Babu Bajrangi along with 30 others for their role in the Naroda Patiya massacre in 2002. Special Investigating Team (SIT), constituted by Indian Supreme Court, probing the case demanded the death penalty for both convicts. But it Modi government in Gujrat has proven yet again that Hindutva gang’s unashamed audacity knows no limits as now state government is trying hard to stop SIT from seeking death penalty for Maya Kodnani, one of the masterminds of Gujrat rioting in 2002. According to the reports emerging from Indian media, although the state has given its permission to SIT to seek death penalty for five convicts, which include Bajrangi, Suresh Langado, Premchand Tiwari, Suresh Netlekar and Manu Maruda, who were sentenced to life, the Gujarat government, on the other hand, has re-fused permission to the Supreme Court-appointed SIT to file an appeal in a higher court seeking death penalty for ex-minister Maya Kodnani in the Naroda Patiya riot case. Despite being a convict for masterminding the mass murder riots, Ms Kodnani is on 3 months bail which proves how deeply the entire Indian state has been penetrated by Hindutva. But there must be no surprise here as long as people like Modi are at the helm of affairs. Justice will remain elusive and communal unrest will flourish under the patronage of Brahmin elite of India who follow Hindutva with religious zeal. There is no doubt that just two convicts cannot describe as common spcimen of an entire nation of 1 billion but findings of Naroda Patiya case have established one fact

In the last part of the report, Tehelka asked the ultimate question. When so many arms of the government were involved at so many levels, was the man who headed the state also involved?

TEHELKA asked Bajrangi this question. In reply, the Naroda massacres prime accused said that Chief Minis-ter Narendra Modi had visited Naroda twice after the massacre — first, in the evening of the day of the massa-cre, when he came to the locality but was unable to enter it, and second, on the next day, when he went inside Naroda Patiya. On both visits, Modi had encouraged the murderers, Bajrangi said, and told them that whatever they had done was good and that they should do even more. Bajrangi said that if Modi had not told the police to stand back, the massacre would never have been possible. But Modi’s support to the rioters did not stop at the facilitation of the killings. Bajrangi said after the Naroda killings, Modi kept him in hiding f or more than four months and then stage-managed his arrest. If that was not enough he also brought in a favourable judge to hear Bajrangi’s bail peti-tion and got him out of jail.

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Muzzafarnagar Riots: Reaction from Pakistani Media – A Cause of Concern:

The non-kinetic strength of the Indian state attains power from the inability of Pakistani state in countering Indian propaganda and exposing the real threats of Hindutva terrorism to the region and world. Ironically, Pakistan is yet to realize the true potential of non-kineticism and its strategic implications in statecrafts like foreign policy management and protecting national interests.

The most disturbing aspect of this tale of bloodbath is the way international particularly Pakistani media neglected it. No Pakistani news channel covered these incidents with follow up stories to highlight the plight of riots victims and utter failure of Indian state in rehabilitation of these victims. On the other hand, Indian media, working under a clearly defined media strategy, never missed any opportunity to malign Pakistan in case of such incidents. India launched a ruthless media and diplomatic offensive against Pakistan in 2007 after the Samjhuta Express bombing. After the Mumbai attacks in 2008, Indians took their diplomatic offensive to a whole new level globalizing the regional issue of terrorism. ISI and Pakistan army were the primary targets. Indians have been desperately trying to implicate Pakistani security institutions in these attacks since 26/11. Though nothing could be ever proved against these Pakistani security institutes but it did provide India an opportunity to corner Pakistan on every global forum.

concretely that fascist ideology of Hindutva actually contnrols the minds of people who control entire Indian state machinery and almost every social and political aspect of 800 million plus Hindus. Hindutva as a mindset thrives within Indian state and society right from gross root level to Lok Sabah to political parties to the office of Indian Prime Minister. Muzzafarnagar carnage happened during the tenure of Samaj Wadi party which is considered a moderate Hindu political party but the way state government of UP handled the aftermath of riots, it was not very different than the aftermath of Gujrat 2002. The history of communal unrest within Indian state is just one aspect of Hindutva ideology whcih also seek to unite the entire Indo-Pak subconti-nent into one Hindu state but only after cleansing the entire Muslim populace of the region. It is evident by the confessions made by Babu Bajrangi and Modi in Tehelka’s report. Hindutva links and penetration within Indian armed forces and nexus between Indian armed forces and Hindutva organizations are not a secret any-more. Charcters like Col. Prohit (Mastermind of Samjhuta Express incident 2007) and General Hoon (Indian general who wanted to have Hindu suicide bombers) are part of Indian armed forces.

Undoubtedly, Hindutva has benefited the Brahmin elite of Indian politics but at the cost of national cohe-sion. The entire social fabric is being torn apart and religious polirization in India is on the rise. It is not long ago when Indian interior minister Shinde confessed the presence of Hindutva terror and Indian governemnt released the names of 10 Hindutva terrorists. Shinde’s concern about Hindu terror networks was based on the fact that Hindu political parties like BJP often use Hindutva as a nationalistic drive to gain political benefits and in turns polarizied Indian society. Hours after Mr. Shinde made his statement about presence of Hindu terror camps, entire Hindutva brigade from political parties to Indian media blasted him for making such “ir-resonsible” statement. Daily Hindu called his statement “Two Nation Theory all over again”. Under intense pressure, Shinde had to withdraw his statement. An act which once again expose the real face of world’s larg-est secular society.

Amid such circumstances, when the mass murderers like Modi, who should have been punished by now, are running for the office of Indian Prime Minister, there remains a big question for the world community in general and for Indian minorities and Pakistani state in particular; Are we ready for Modi’s Baharat?

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BrassTacks Report

Despite the fact that the spectacle of communal violence is synonymous to Indian society and as far as Pa-kistan is concerned, history proves that religion based violence is a seldom phenomenon here even when Pakistan is being attacked by both internal and external enemies from all fronts.

This also explains the inability of successive Pakistani civilian and military leaderships to form a comprehen-sive counter strategy to fight off non-kinetic threats under protracted 4th and 5th generation wars.

Way Forward:

1. Pakistan needs a quick and deep review of its media policy to identify an effective media strategy. The failure of Islamabad in adopting a ruthless media strategy to counter Indian propaganda against Pakistan particularly against its strategic asset has now reached hauntingly dangerous levels. Pakistan is being projected as epicenter of terror in international news and entertainment media due to aggressive Indian media diplomacy.

2. Pakistan’s diplomatic thinking towards India must change as well. Pakistan can counter Indian diplomatic overtures only after adopting an aggressive diplomatic strategy. It has been the nadir of Pakistani political history that its leadership has failed miserably to learn from past mistakes. In the secession of East Pakistan in 1971 Indian aggressive diplomacy and psy-ops played a key role in manufacturing global consent for the creation of Bangladesh. It is high time that Pakistan analyze its diplomacy in retrospect.

3. Kashmir policy must also revised. New strategy must be focused on aggressive employment of media and propaganda in order to expose the atrocities of the Indian Army there and role of the Indian state and Hin-dutva ideology in turning this political issue into a nuclear flash point.

4. Pakistan foreign policy must be established on the declared principle of justice and equality. With these principle in mind Pakistan must seek the help of regional countries in Balkanizing India. India’s hegemonic and expansionist policies have proved to be the gravest threat to a region wherein three nuclear powers pos-sess mutually exclusive and long term strategic interests. Apart from the current critical geostrategic and geo-political circumstances, India’s internal social landscape demands that it must be divided into multiple smaller states for good. The suggestion of this division must not based on any kind of anti-India rhetoric but on the historical fact which bears witness that India in her current size and constitution is an unnatural combination of communities with opposite and quiet often conflicting religious, social and cultural values and belief sys-tems. 160 or more insurgent movements, the greatest number in the world, forcefully endorse this suggestion.

5. Economic integration with Western neighbor must be part of Pakistan’s national strategy. This is a must to do job in order to ensure greater economic sovereignty. Pakistan must link the open border trade with India with the resolution of all outstanding issues like Kashmir and water. There can be no compromise on this.

With probes into crimes committed during the riots moving at a snail’s pace, there remains no doubt that the Indian Hindutva dominated political regime has a lot to answer for. But for the global community, the most immediate concern regarding the Indian state and society must be the dangerous spread of Hindutva ideology within its political system and state institutions like the Indian armed forces. An ideology which encourages religious hatred and ethnic cleansing of its own citizens and minorities. With hardcore Hindutva political par-ties like BJP getting political strength once again in Delhi and Indian quest for a permanent seat in UNSC,

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Pakistan must be the most concerned country and must aggressively use media and diplomacy to expose the real face of Indian secularism. Only an aggressive diplomatic counter offensive against India can safe Paki-stan’s national interests on military, diplomatic, political and economic axis.

Pakistan has no option but to fight this war as ruthlessly as it can to save itself, to save the world and more importantly to save the Indian minorities. Pakistan was carved out of united India. Hindutva dominated India never accepted Pakistan and has a long term plan to implode it internally under 4GW and then launching a military assault to completely destroy its overwhelmingly Muslim populace. We still have the time to prevent India from launching a military assault by countering Indian media and diplomatic moves against Pakistan which are geared towards creating a legitimate case for Indian military action across the international border just like it happened in 1971. A failure in building the robust response strategy will only encourage the next Indian government to advance their sinister plans against Pakistan further which already have crossed the criti-cal thresholds and a military adventure, similar to 1971, by the Indian Army is a clear and present threat to our national security. Pakistan will have to build response in both kinetic and non-kinetic domains, both for the Muslim Ummah and for its own sake as a strong nuclear Pakistan remains the only obstacle for the nefarious designs of Zionists of East and the West!

Pakistan Zindabad!

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Documents

State Sponsored Genocide in India - BrassTacks Paper