Stanish 2001 - The Origin of State Societies in South America

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Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001. 30:4164Copyright c 2001 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved

THE ORIGIN OF STATE SOCIETIESIN SOUTH AMERICA

Charles StanishDepartment of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles,

California 900951553; e-mail: [email protected]

Key Words state formation, cultural evolution, Andes, chiefdoms, states

s Abstract The earliest states developed in the central Andean highlands and alongthe central Pacific coast of western South America. The consensus in the archaeologicalliterature is that state societies first developed in the central Andes in the early part of thefirst millennium C.E. A minority opinion holds that first-generation states developedas early as the late second millennium B.C.E. in the same area. The Andean regionconstitutes one of a few areas of first-generation state development in the world. Thisarea therefore represents an important case study for the comparative analysis of stateformation. This article outlines the arguments for state formation in South America,

presents the evidence, analyzes the underlying assumptions about these arguments, andassesses the South American data in terms of contemporary anthropological theory ofstate evolution.

SOUTH AMERICA

South America, a continent approximately 17,870,000 km2 in size, has been di-

vided into as few as three and as many as two dozen different cultural areas

by anthropologists (Willey 1971, pp. 1724). Borrowing on the earlier work of

Wissler (1922, pp. 24557) and Bennett (1946, p. 1), Lumbreras (1981, p. 42)

provides the most common cultural geographical division of South America: the

Andes, the Llanos, Amazonia, the Chaco, the Pampas, and Patagonia (Figure 1).

First-generation states evolved only in the central and south central part of one

area, the Andes. This area, referred to collectively as the central Andes, would

correspond to parts of Wisslers Inca area and to all of Willeys Peruvian cultural

area (Willey 1971, p. 4). Bordered on the west by the Pacific Ocean, this culturally

precocious region stretches from roughly the Peru-Ecuador border in the north, to

the low forests of Peru and Bolivia in the east, and south to the southern part of

the Titicaca Basin in Bolivia.

0084-6570/01/1021-0041$14.00 41

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42 STANISH

Figure 1 South American cultural areas.

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ORIGIN OF SOUTH AMERICAN STATES 43

THE CENTRAL ANDES

The central Andes extends over 1,000,000 km2 and includes some of the worlds

driest deserts, rugged mountainsides and peaks, highland grasslands, and lowforests (Figure 2). At the time of European contact, the central Andes was home to

several dozen distinct ethnic and linguistic groups. In spite of this diversity, the idea

that the central Andes is culturally unified and homogenous has been a subtext in

anthropological and historical studies since at least the European conquest. A good

argument can be made that such a bias developed directly out of Inca and Spanish

Figure 2 The central Andes.

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44 STANISH

imperial propaganda that promoted the cultural unity of empire. It is therefore not

surprising that many definitions of the Andean or central Andean cultural area

correspond rather neatly to the Incan imperial boundaries in the 1530s.

If one used the political and linguistic boundaries of the later first millenniumC.E., there would be a very different picture. Around C.E. 600 there were three

relatively distinct cultural, linguistic, political, and geographical areas in the central

Andes. The Moche culture developed in the northern coastal desert. In this area,

people spoke Mochica and related dialects (Torero 1990). In the central highlands,

the Wari state dominated the political landscape. Most likely, an ancestral form

of Quechua was spoken in this region. The people of Tiwanaku ruled the south

central Andean altiplano, or high plains. In this region, Aymara, Pukina, and related

dialects were the dominant languages in the sixteenth century, and we presume

that some form of proto-Aymara (Aru) and/or Pukina was spoken in this area atthe time of Tiwanaku. Each of these areas has its own research traditions. Given

that this discussion focuses on the origin of the state and that many archaeologists

point to these three regions as home to the earliest states, these areas structure this

discussion.

DEFINING THE STATE

Flannery (1998, pp. 1516; 1999) makes the essential point that the definition of thestate is a task for anthropologists and political scientists working with ethnographic

or historical data. The role of archaeologists, in contrast, is to define the material

indicators of this phenomenon and then assess the data to define the emergence of

the state. The anthropological definitions of the state, as well as its material indi-

cators in the archaeological record, are closely linked to the theoretical framework

in which the concept of the state is developed. Definitions that focus on political

power and social classes tend to define states broadly, with many archaeological

cases fitting into the definition. In most neomarxist frameworks, the existence of

social classes in and of itself is the defining feature of state organization. Silva

Santisteban (1997, p. 22), for instance, argues that the existence of any monument

that is significantly large or elaborate enough to indicate group labor above the

household, is evidence for state organization. In his words, . . . the presence of

a ceremonial center [is] tangible evidence of the sociopolitical formation that we

call a State (Silva Santisteban 1997, p. 101). A theoretically similar position is

advocated by Haas (1987, p. 32), who also sees the exercise of economic power

to be the essential variable in the definition of the state. In the Andes according

to this definition, large earthen constructions reflect concentrated economic power

and a state organization (Haas 1987, p. 22).

A more common view is that monumental architectural construction precedes

the state in western South America. In this view, nonstate societies are fully capable

of amassing sufficient labor to build large monuments, usually through religious or

theocratic means (Burger 1995, p. 37; Fung Pineda 1988, p. 80; Moseley 1975,

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1992). Moseley refers to complex, prestate societies as civilizations, in which

hierarchy can exist without hereditary rank (M.E. Moseley, personal communica-

tion). In this context, the ideology represents the community, not individuals or

elite groups, and corporate architecture is created to provide focus for commu-nity rituals and the materialization of chief ideologies (e.g. DeMarrais et al 1996,

Dillehay 1992).

In models that emphasize the religious functions of early monumental construc-

tions, the state develops after the shift from a kin-based, chief hierarchy at the

service of the collectivity (Albarracin-Jordan 1996, p. 70) to a hierarchy headed

by a state elite that acts largely in its own interest. The state is defined by a series of

factors that distinguish it from chief, kin-based organization. The relative impor-

tance of these factors is based upon the particular theoretical framework in which

they are proposed. In the Andes, factors that have been proposed are generallyconsistent with the literature on state formation from around the world.

THE EMERGENCE OF COMPLEX SOCIETYIN THE LATE PRECERAMIC PERIOD

At the beginning of the fourth millennium B.C.E., all peoples in South America

lived in small hunting, gathering, and horticultural camps, or, on rare occasions,

in small semipermanent villages. By 30002500 B.C.E., the first fully sedentary

and complex societies developed on the Pacific coast of Peru. Social complexity

in the Andean archaeological record is generally indicated by the existence of

large monuments that have functions beyond domestic residence and subsistence.

Andean archaeologists refer to such architecture by several terms, including corpo-

rate, civic-ceremonial, elite-ceremonial, ritual, or public architecture. Settlements

that have pyramids, courts, walled plazas, and so forth are considered to be or-

ganizationally more complex than politically egalitarian villages. The theoretical

link between corporate architecture, a term first proposed by Moseley (1975), and

cultural complexity rests on the premise that the monuments were built by, and

meant to be seen and used by, a social group larger than a few families.

The Coast

Beginning around 3000 B.C.E., a few societies with a predominantly nonagricul-

tural subsistence base built corporate monuments on the Peruvian coast. The site

of Aspero, located on the northern edge of the Supe River adjacent to the Pacific

Ocean, represents one of these early settlements. The earliest phases of corpo-

rate construction began around 28002000 B.C.E. (Feldman 1987, p. 12; Moseley

1992a, p. 117) (dates uncorrected unless noted otherwise). One large monument

is the Huaca de los Idolos, a flat-topped pyramid 1500 m2 in size used for ritual

display (Feldman 1987, p. 11; Moseley 1992a, p. 115). Along with this pyramid,

Aspero has 1215 hectares (ha) of domestic midden areas, and 17 other pyramids

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46 STANISH

between 1.0 and 4.0 m high. Excavations at the site reveal a pattern of continu-

ally rebuilt constructions by a resident population, a pattern found at many sites

throughout the coastal valleys at this time.

Perhaps the largest settlement of this time period is located 2 km from thecoast in the Chillon valley and is known as El Paraso. According to Quilter

(1985, p. 294) and Moseley (1992a, p. 119), the major construction at the site

was in progress by 2000 B.C.E., and it continued to be occupied for two to four

centuries. The 100,000 tons of stone masonry construction is found in at least

seven mounds that form a giant U shape over 58 ha (Quilter 1985, p. 279). It has

a huge, 7.0-ha plaza located between the arms of the U. Many structures were

elaborately decorated. In particular, one structure was painted red and had a bright

orange burnt floor with evidence of fire rituals. Moseley (1992a, p. 120) notes

that artifacts include red pigment grinders, bird feathers, unfired figurines, andfruit tree branches. Earlier, we believed that there was little evidence for permanent

habitation at the site. However, later work indicates that it indeed had a resident

population (Fung Pineda 1988; Quilter 1991b, p. 427; Quilter 1991a; Quilter et al

1991).

Another large Preceramic site is known as Chupacigarro or Caral. Located

inland in the Supe valley, the site is an impressive 50-ha Preceramic settlement

that includes circular structures with ramps 5080 m in diameter (Engel 1987),

25 pyramids up to 25 m high, and evidence of a sedentary population (Silva

Santisteban 1997, pp. 1034).The three sites of Chupacigarro, Aspero, and El Paraso are located in different

ecological zones. They represent the geographically broad settlement distribution

of major Preceramic sites, including the immediate coast, a site within a short walk

from the ocean, and an inland site well away from the marine resources. These

three examples indicate that the first monumental architecture was constructed

in different ecological zones, where access to marine and agricultural resources

varied greatly.

The Central Highlands

During the late Preceramic, a widespread building and ritual tradition developed

among a number of formerly egalitarian highland communities as well. This has

been called the Kotosh Religious Tradition by Burger & Burger (1980). At the

type site of Kotosh, Burger (1995, p. 47) describes two artificial mounds and a

series of superimposed temples. The highest mound was 14 m high and had a

three-tiered platform with numerous chambers built into the base. There are at

least 11 chambers and possibly up to 100 chambers at Kotosh itself (Burger 1995,

p. 48; Izumi & Terada 1972). A prominent feature of this architectural tradition is

small buildings, usually plastered and decorated with firepits in the floor. One of the

most spectacular of these Preceramic structures is the Temple of the Crossed Hands

at Kotosh. Other sites in the highlands, such as Huaricoto, La Galgada (Grieder et al

1988b), and Piruru (Bonnier & Rozenberg 1988), have similar ritual constructions,

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but the amount of labor and architectural complexity of each site varies. Paintings

of serpents, niches in the walls, fire ritual, and repeated burying and rebuilding of

the structures are some of the salient features of the Kotosh Religious Tradition.

La Galgada is a particularly important Preceramic period site that participatedin the Kotosh tradition. Around 2300 B.C.E., the people at this site constructed

elaborate round chambers with fire pits. Significant features of La Galgada include

a circular court 17 m in diameter, the existence of megalithic shaft tombs (Grieder

1988, p. 73; Grieder & Bueno 1985, p. 108), and exotic objects in the fire pits.

The architecture of the Kotosh Religious Tradition is different from contem-

porary coastal sites. In the highlands, corporate architecture is characterized by

single, free-standing buildings with separate entrances and no internal connect-

ions. There is no evidence for site planning, restricted access, or formal designs that

were replicated across sites (Burger 1995, p. 51). In contrast, coastal traditions werecharacterized by much larger buildings with patterns of restricted access, although

at least one site, Huaynuna in the Casma, has a ventilated hearth similar to the

Kotosh Tradition (Pozorski & Pozorski 1990). Certainly, in both coast and sierra,

monumental architecture was widespread by the beginning of the second millen-

nium B.C.E.

Late Preceramic States?

The late Preceramic period witnessed the emergence of the first nonegalit-ariansocietiesinSouthAmerica.OnthePacificcoast,itisclearthatsomeoftheear-

liest settlements did not rely on agriculture for a significant proportion of their diet.

Moseley (1975, 1985, 1992a, 1992b) has persuasively argued that many Prece-

ramic coastal populations were based predominantly on the exploitation of marine

resources. His maritime hypothesis has been supported by excavations at As-

pero, Huaca Prieta, and other sites (Quilter & Stocker 1983, but see Wilson 1981).

This work indicates that an economy based heavily on marine products was suffi-

cient to support the construction of monumental architecture.

It is significant that cultigens are also found in Preceramic period middens.

While marine resources were the staple in coastal Preceramic sites, the inhabitants

also utilized both wild and cultivated food and industrial crops (Feldman 1987,

p. 9; Pozorski & Pozorski 1990; Quilter & Stocker 1983) such as cotton, gourd,

legumes, achira, and squash. Other Preceramic period sites were located away from

the littoral. Settlements such as Chupacigarro exploited a mix of plant agricultural

products and the collection wild foods. Marine resources at the site were obtained

by exchange with other groups and/or direct exploitation.

In the highlands large Preceramic monuments were constructed in economies

based largely on rain-fed and small-scale irrigation agriculture, plus the elabora-

tion of exchange networks (Fung Pineda 1988, p. 71). Burger (1995, p. 32, 53)

notes that marine fish bone and shell have been found at all Preceramic highland

sites that have corporate architecture and notes that the population of Salinas de

Chao controlled salt production and exchange (but cf. Pozorski & Pozorski 1990,

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48 STANISH

p. 24). In short, there are solid cultural links between the highlands, coast, and

even eastern slopes in the late Preceramic (Bonavia & Grobman 1979; Quilter &

Stocker 1983, pp. 55455).

The consensus in the literature is that the late Preceramic period representsat most the development of ranked society typical of simple chiefdoms in the

evolutionary anthropological literature. Terms used to describe this organization

include chiefdoms (Feldman 1987), societies with labor organizing leaders

(Bawden 1999, p. 172) centralized, nonstate polities, and regional centers

(Quilter 1991a). Certainly, the data indicate that there was no one site that was a

center of a regional polity. Rather, there were a series of autonomous settlements

of varying complexity up and down the coast. Few scholars argue that any political

organization as complex as the state developed in the Preceramic. One exception is

Silva Santisteban (1997, pp. 1002), who argues that the pristine state had formedby 2300 B.C.E. on the Peruvian coast.

THE INITIAL PERIOD

The Coast

The Initial period dates from circa 20001800 B.C.E. to circa 900600 B.C.E. The

Initial period witnessed a rapid growth in the size of sites, development of architec-

tural complexity, and general social complexity based on late Preceramic periodantecedents. Several regional architectural styles emerged in this period. One of

these is known as the U-shaped architectural tradition, first described by Williams

(1971, also see Carrion Sotelo 1998 for an example of a recent field study). The

ideal layout was composed of a high, flat-topped pyramid mound flanked in the

front by two projecting linear structures to form a large U.

The site of Huaca La Florida, located 11 km inland in the Rmac valley, is one

of the oldest of the classic U-shaped structures so far studied (Von Hagen & Morris

1998, p. 51). The main pyramid is 17 m high and the two projecting structures

rise 4 m from base for approximately 500 m. Construction at the site began in the

eighteenth century B.C.E. Burger estimates that the site required 6.7 million person-

days of labor. He notes that it is not even the largest of the U-shaped sites on the

coast. The little-known site of San Jacinto in the Chancay valley is four times as

large, with a 30-ha plaza and two million cubic meters of fill (Burger 1995, p. 61).

While centered on the central coast of Peru, this U-shaped architectural tradition

has been noted as far south as the Lake Titicaca Basin (Stanish & Steadman 1994,

p. 13) and as far north as Piura (Guffroy 1989, pp. 161207).

A second architectural tradition of the Initial period centers on the construction

of sunken, circular courts usually next to pyramids. This tradition, concentrated

north of the Chancay valley, has been found in at least 50 sites. Many of these are

located in the Supe valley (Burger 1995, p. 76). A third architectural tradition is

known as Cupisnique, characterized by low platform pyramids, large stairways, and

rectangular courts. Colonnades and elaborate painted sculptures distinguish this

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architecture (Burger 1995, p. 92). The architectural complex known as Huaca de

los Reyes at the site of Caballo Muerto is emblematic of this late Initial period style.

Ware-feline motifs executed as adobe friezes adorn this huaca (Conklin 1996).

One of the richest areas of the Initial period culture is the Casma valley. By1400 B.C.E. or perhaps earlier, the site of Sechin Alto was the largest settlement in

the Western Hemisphere (Burger 1995, p. 80, Moseley 1992a, pp. 12324, Tello

1956). It is dominated by a huge, stone masonry platform 300 m in length and

250 m in width that forms the base of a U-shaped center.

Located near Sechin Alto is the site of Cerro Sechin. The oldest construction

at Cerro Sechin was built on a stepped platform with three levels (Samaniego

et al 1985, p. 173). In this early Initial period, the site covered only about 5 ha. A

possible sunken court was located in the front of this pyramid and noted long ago

by Tello. Perhaps the most outstanding feature of Cerro Sechin is the numerouscarvings in stone on the outer wall of the pyramid. These early Initial period

carvings depict macabre scenes of war, including decapitations, trophy heads, and

body parts, plus warriors and victims in various states of subjugation.

The Casma valley site of Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke stands as one of the most

important Initial period sites in the Andes. The site has two huge artificial mounds,

plaza areas, other buildings, and a substantial habitation area. The Moxeke mound

measures 160 170 30 m and is decorated with elaborate friezes along its

flanks. The second mound, known as Huaca A, measures 140 140 m at its base

and reaches up to 9 m in height. Both of the mounds are aligned along a centralaxis. These two aligned pyramids demarcate high-walled enclosures, a pattern that

suggests a surprisingly high degree of site planning. Pozorski & Pozorski (1994,

p. 67) note that middens up to 1.5 m deep are found at the edges of the corporate

architecture. This residential debris, at least 110 administrative buildings, plus

the mounds and enclosures cover up to 200 ha, although the total area of purely

residential midden and corporate architecture is less that 75 ha.

The Casma valley data, as well as that from other valleys, indicate that the

north Pacific coast was a major area of cultural development in the Initial period.

However, the highlands also witnessed the rise of architecturally complex andlarge settlements as well.


U-shaped structures were built at sites throughout the highlands during the Initial

period. At La Galgada, ritual architectural styles shifted away from the earlier

fire-pit tradition. Likewise, this period witnessed the construction of a U-shaped

building on a Preceramic temple mound, and the continuation of large buri-

als (Grieder et al 1988b, pp. 2023). Significant architectural monuments were

erected at Kuntur Wasi in Huacaloma, Poro Poro, at the site of Chavn, and at

dozens of other highland settlements (Burger 1995, pp. 109112; Shady 1993).

Construction at Chavn began by at least 900 B.C.E., and possibly earlier (Rick

et al 1998, p. 208). The settlement witnessed the building of a number of corporate

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50 STANISH

architectural features. During this period Chavn was the center of a highland style

of elite pottery, textile, and stone art.

The South Central HighlandsThe first construction of corporate architecture in the south central Andean high-

lands began in the Titicaca Basin around 1300 B.C.E. Hastorf (1999) and her col-

leagues have uncovered corporate structures at the site of Chiripa, located in Bolivia

in the south Titicaca Basin. These early small rooms were built with uncut stone,

had plastered floors and walls, and were sometimes built low into the ground. Over

time, this architectural style became more elaborate. The plastered area became

larger, rooms were added to the exteriors, the floors were sunk deeper into the

ground, and walled terraces were built around the entire architectural complex. By

900 B.C.E., Chiripa was a nucleated habitation and ceremonial center spread over

7.5 ha (Bandy 1999, p. 26).

By the first centuries of the first millennium B.C.E., many peoples built elaborate

sunken courts in the entire Titicaca region. Along with the corporate architecture,

a new suite of ritual artifacts was introduced. These include ceramic trumpets,

flat-bottomed bowls, and stone carvings (Chavez & Mohr Chavez 1975). In the

north basin, the Qaluyu culture flourished from as early as 1300 B.C.E. up to 500

B.C.E. The type site of Qaluyu is a large mound and associated domestic habitation

areas that cover at least 7 ha. There are a number of sunken courts on the mound. Astone temple wall was discovered in Qaluyu levels at the site of Pucara, located a

few kilometers to the south (Wheeler & Mujica 1981). Other large Qaluyu sites are

found in Ayaviri and Putina in the north (Plourde 1999). In short, throughout the

Titicaca Basin from 1300 B.C.E. to circa 500 B.C.E., a few peoples in some villages

started constructing elaborate court complexes, intensified interregional exchange,

and intensified ritual behavior.

Initial Period States?

There is a wide difference of opinion regarding the level of political complexity

in the Initial period. According to Pozorski (1987, p. 15) and Pozorski & Pozorski

(1994, p. 70), early Initial period Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke was the center

of a simple theocratic state with a population of 25003000. It was linked to

other sites in the Casma valley, placing Pampa de la Llamas-Moxeke at the top of

a sitesize hierarchy. They point to numerous elite objects on Huaca A, including

turquoise beads, figurines, and textiles, which suggests that this was a palace. They

likewise argue that there was both elite- and low-status housing at the site and that

the entire settlement was planned. Instead of one single site that can be identified

as the first state, they argue that states developed among a number of polities in the

Moche, Casma, Supe, and Chillon valleys in the north and central Peruvian coast

(Pozorski & Pozorski 1987, p. 45).

Burger (1995, p. 75) views the Initial period as characterized by 20 or so weak-

ly stratified small-scale societies with highly developed religious institutions.

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Burger notes that there is no state architecture typical of known states in the An-

des, little evidence of economic specialization, an absence of workshops, and a

great deal of variation between settlements. Schreiber (2001) agrees, viewing the

Initial period as a time of simple chiefdom development. It is important to empha-size our lack of systematic regional research in the area. In those regions where

surveys are conducted, we find dozens of early sites with monumental architecture

(e.g. Vega-Centeno et al 1998). In short, the Initial period cultural landscape was

populated with thousands of corporate buildings on hundreds of sites of varying

sizes and complexity. The evidence suggests the existence of local polities with

little regional integration with no single site that can be described as a political

center of a multivalley polity.

THE EARLY HORIZON

The Early Horizon dates from circa 900 B.C.E. to 200 B.C.E. and corresponds to

the first pan-Andean art style known as Chavn in the central highlands and the

coast. This period corresponds to the last half of the Middle Formative (1300500

B.C.E.) and the early part of the Upper Formative (500 B.C.E. to C.E. 400) in the

south central Andes.

The Coast and Central Highlands

There was a widespread collapse of coastal polities just prior to the Early Horizon.

Construction of architectural monuments was halted in progress at sites such

as Cardal, Mina Perdida, Taukachi-Konkan, Sechn Bajo, Sechn Alto, and Las

Haldas (Burger 1995, pp. 18385; Fung Pineda 1988, p. 89; Greider 1975, p. 101).

Likewise, a number of sites with different architectural and pottery styles were es-

tablished in Casma, such as Pampa Rosario, San Diego, and Chankillo. Chankillo

has traditionally been interpreted as a fortress, but some recent interpretations sug-

gest that it served ritual purposes instead. Other unequivocal defensive sites were

established throughout the region. In the Santa valley during the Early Horizon,

Wilson discovered a number of fortified settlements (1988, p. 100). Some argue

for an invasion of highlanders into the coast during the Early Horizon (Pozorski

1987), while others feel that the evidence points to local changes (Burger 1995,

p. 189).

In contrast to the coastal cultures, the cultures of the highlands prospered during

the Early Horizon. The site of Chavn increased in size and power. Construction

at Chavn continued up to at least 400 B.C.E. and possibly two centuries later

(Rick et al 1998, p. 208). Regional data suggest an aggregation of the surround-

ing sites into a 42-ha settlement by 400200 B.C.E. with a population of 2000

3000 (Burger 1995, p. 168). At 20 times larger than any surrounding settlement,

Chavn emerged as a true political center. Exchange with other Andean regions,

including the coast, flourished, and there is evidence of the importation of prestige

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52 STANISH

goods and local economic specialization. The prosperity was not limited to Chavn.

Pacopampa, Kotosh, La Pampa, Kuntur Wasi, and other highland sites grew in size

and complexity as well (Silverman 1996, p. 120).

The South Central Highlands

From approximately 400 B.C.E. to C.E. 200, the site of Pucara dominated the nor-

thern Titicaca Basin. Estimates of the size of Pucara range from 2.04.0 km 2

(Erickson 1988). The main architectural feature of Pucara is a series of massive

terraces that lead up to a flat area with three, stone-slablined, sunken courts. The

largest court measures about 16 16 m in size and is 2.2 m deep (Chavez 1988,

Kidder 1943). A dense habitation area is located in front of the large terraces.

Likewise, there are a number of mounds that most likely held sunken courts aswell. Pucara pottery and sculpture show links to contemporary coastal Paracas

and Early Tiwanaku, with antecedents in Chavn (Cook 1994, p. 186; Conklin &

Moseley 1988; Silverman 1996).

The site of Tiwanaku, located in the southern Titicaca Basin, was occupied at

this time as well. We do not know the size and complexity of Upper Forma-

tive period Tiwanaku because later constructions covered 46 km2 with temples,

pyramids, and other buildings. Limited test excavations at the site suggest that

Tiwanaku was probably about as large as Pucara during the Upper Formative, but

this remains speculative.

Early Horizon States?

Obviously, for those who view Chupacigarro and Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke

as states, polities such as Chavn and Pucara would be second-generation states.

Many argue that the Early Horizon ceremonial centers were centers of regional cults

or pilgrimage destinations that, while complex, do not meet the definition of a state

society (Burger 1989, pp. 55760; 1995, pp. 193200). Schreiber (2001) views

the Early Horizon coastal and north highland polities as complex chiefdoms, and

Moseley (1992a, p. 159) suggests the existence of two regional political spheres,

Chavn in the north and Pucara-Paracas in the south, that dominated the area as

oracle centers.

The regional cult model was developed by Silverman using the site of Cahuachi

as a case study (1990, 1991). Silverman (1995, p. 27) argues that this Nasca settle-

ment did not have a urban population. She views it as a complex non-state society

or ranked society or chiefdom-level society, but not a state-level organization.

This model provides a means by which a large settlement, with substantial archi-

tecture, could be constructed in a nonstate context. Burger (1988) likewise argues

that the Early Horizon centers could be analogous to the historically documented

pilgrimage center at Pachacamac. In the pilgrimage center model, many of the

surface attributes of state organization can existlarge centers, widespread dis-

tribution of art styles, and so forthwithout the actual socioeconomic hierarchies

that anthropologists see as central to state organization.

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THE EARLY INTERMEDIATE AND MIDDLE HORIZON

A poorly understood culture that is known as Gallinazo developed on the north

coast during the Early Intermediate period. In the Viru valley, the GallinazoGroup was a town of several thousand people (Bawden 1999, p. 187). There was a

substantial Gallinazo occupation in the Moche valley as well. Gallinazo is usually

believed to antedate the Moche, although some evidence suggests at least some

chronological overlap between the two (Bawden 1999, p. 190). With large set-

tlements, impressive platform pyramids, extensive agricultural systems, and the

like, some scholars have argued that Gallinazo was in fact a state-level society

(e.g., Fogel 1993). Certainly, many of the cultural patterns seen in the Moche

culture have direct antecedents to Gallinazo.

The Coastal Moche

In the north coast, the late Early Intermediate period Moche culture developed as

a multivalley political entity by the fourth century C.E. (Bawden 1999; Shimada

1994, p. 95; Wilson 1988). The capital of the Moche polity is located in the

Moche valley at the site of Moche. It is dominated by two main pyramidsthe

Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna. The largest of these two, the Huaca del Sol,

measures about 160 340 m in size and stands 40 m in height. It was one of

the largest prehispanic monuments constructed in the Western Hemisphere. TheMoche capital is unequivocally an urban settlement, perhaps the first true city in

the Andes. It is characterized by a system of streets, canals, plazas, architectural

groups, areas of craft specialization, and so forth (Uceda & Mujica 1998).

Moche-related sites are found throughout the north coast. Some scholars have

suggested that there were two Moche spheres, a northern and a southern (Shimada

1994). The famous site of Sipan in the northern valley of Lambayeque contained

one of the most elaborate Moche burials yet discovered. The date of the Lord of

Sipan burial is early in Moche culture, around C.E. 150200, which suggests the

simultaneous emergence of elite centers of power that shared Moche iconography.Bawden provides a map of the early and middle Moche polity that suggests a dis-

continuous territory until Moche V, again reinforcing the notion of a simultaneous

rise of the state culminating in Moche as its capital.

The South Central Highlands

The Upper Formative period site of Pucara ended as a political center no later

than C.E. 400. Around C.E. 600, the Tiwanaku state began an aggressive expansion

out of the southern Titicaca Basin. The site of Tiwanaku is a vast, planned urban

capital that sprawled over the altiplano landscape in the southern Titicaca Basin.

At its height in C.E. 800900, Tiwanaku boasted an impressive architectural core

of pyramids, temples, palaces, streets, and state buildings. Surrounding the core of

the capital was an urban settlement of nonelite artisans, laborers, and farmers who

lived in adobe structures up and down the valley (Janusek 1999). Current estimates

suggest that the total urban settlement covers 46 km2 in area, with a population

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54 STANISH

in the Tiwanaku valley ranging from 30,000 to 60,000 (Janusek 1999, Kolata &

Ponce 1992). Large areas of intensified agricultural production are associated with

Tiwanaku and pre-Tiwanaku populations around the basin (Erickson 1988, Kolata

1986, Stanish 1994). The combined population of these settlements and the capitalitself would have been quite substantial at the height of the Tiwanaku state, possibly

reaching 100,000 people in the Tiwanaku and adjacent Katari valleys.

Tiwanaku artifacts and colonies are found throughout the circum-Titicaca basin

and beyond. A well-documented Tiwanaku colony is found in Moquegua

(Goldstein 1993). In the Cochabamba region of Bolivia, Anderson & Cespedes

Paz (1998) argue for a Tiwanaku colony (but see Higueras-Hare 1996). Probable

colonial areas have been identified in the Larecaja region of Bolivia (Faldn 1990),

the Arequipa area, and Azapa (Goldstein 1995/1996). Recent settlement archaeol-

ogy in the Titicaca Basin suggests that the Tiwanaku selectively controlled areasthroughout the region. Tiwanaku did not, or could not, practice a small version

of Inca statecraft by incorporating large, contiguous areas. Rather, it appears to

have controlled economically and militarily strategic areas, including roads, rich

agricultural areas, and resource-rich zones.


The site and culture of Wari represent an autochthonous expansive state that

emerged in the middle of the first millennium C.E. in the central highlands roughly

parallel in time to Tiwanaku. The capital site contains about 200 ha of stone ar-

chitecture and another 300 ha of domestic residence around this architectural core

(Schreiber 1987; 1992, p. 80). Up to 15 km2 of site area has been cited as being

part of the Wari urban complex (Isbell et al 1991, Schreiber 2001). The proportion

of core architecture to domestic, nonelite architecture, and the overall size of the

site is quite similar to contemporary Tiwanaku.

Wari stretches from the Cuzco area in the south to Cajamarca in Middle Horizon

1B (Schreiber 1992, p. 77). There are several provincial Wari settlements.

Pikillacta, located near Cuzco, is built on a grid, has 700 individual structures,

is 2 km2 in size, and is the center of intrusive garrisons of Wari settlements in

the Lucre valley (McEwan 1991, p. 93100). Likewise, the site of Jincamocco

in the Carhuarazo valley represents an intrusive Wari settlement that differs from

local sites based on size, artifact inventory, and architectural plan (Meddens 1991;

Schreiber 1992, p. 165). Like Pikillacta, the main enclosure was laid out as a sin-

gle unit. The site conforms to Wari architectural canons with large, subdivided

compounds of patios surrounded by peripheral galleries inside a single, large, and

well-defined rectangular enclosure with a thick outer wall (Schreiber 1992, p. 200).

These and other Wari sites indicate a rigidity of overall plan in Wari provincial

architecture.

The Early Intermediate and Middle Horizon States?

The consensus in the archaeological literature is that states existed in the Andes by

the middle of the first millennium C.E. (e.g. Berdichewsky 1995/1996, Flannery

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1995, 1998, Isbell 1987, Lumbreras 1999, Marcus 1998). For the first time in the

Andes, as represented by Moche, we have unequivocal evidence of royal tombs

built in restricted-access temples, clear economic specialization, the existence of a

road system, palaces, a warrior-based elite, a regional polity beyond a single val-ley, and a fully urbanized capital. Likewise both Wari and Tiwanaku have palaces,

planned urban capitals, high populations, evidence of socioeconomic classes,

site-size hierarchies, expansionist policies, agricultural intensification, economic

specialization, and colonial enclaves. The state originated in Moche, Wari, and

Tiwanaku in the first half of the first millennium C.E.

SOUTH AMERICA IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT

Two assumptions about the nature of Andean culture and history underlie archae-

ological research in the region. One position views the Andes as culturally and

historically unique. The position was developed as a coherent theory by Murra

(1968, 1972) and continues to hold considerable influence, particularly among

ethnohistorians and ethnographers. This body of theory is known as verticality

or zonal complementarity. The basic principle behind this theory is that the ver-

tical stratification of ecological zones in the Andes has affected the political and

economic strategies of the pre-Hispanic populations. It furthermore assumes that

this is unique to the Andes and, as such, has promoted the development of a culture

understandable only in its own terms.

According to verticality models, people strategically locate colonies to control a

diverse set of ecological zones even in nonstate contexts. This geographical pattern

allows the complementary ecozones to be exploited by a single group or polity.

Hypothetically, the resulting distribution of colonies creates an archipelago of iso-

lated landholdings over a number of ecological zones. The overlap of archipelagos

results in a complex patchwork of different ethnic groups and political units, cre-

ating a socioeconomic system unique to the Andes. Recent work suggests that

this perspective is not supportable. Throughout the world where the geography

is characterized by a close juxtaposition of different ecological zones, complex

polities have secured economic access by similar strategies.

The opposing perspective assumes that much of Andean history can be under-

stood as an example of anthropological processes typical of all human societies.

From this perspective, the Andes provides a rich corpus of data to refine our models

of the evolution of state societies. It provides a number of parallels and contrasts

to other areas of first-generation state development.

Geography

One difference stands out between the Andes and other areas of first-generation

state evolution. The Andean cultural area, defined conservatively as the limits of

the Inca state in 1532, is exceptionally long and covers a very rugged territory. It

stretches for over 4000 km up and down western South America. To place this in

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56 STANISH

context, this is about the same distance east-west from the Nile to the Indus river,

an area that covers three regions of pristine state development in the Old World

(including Mesopotamia).

Given the vast distances in the Andean cultural area, a legitimate question can beraised as to whether we should view western South America as having not one but

three different areas of first-generation state development represented by Moche,

Wari, and Tiwanaku. Perhaps the very notion of pristine state development must

be challenged, and instead we should find a better control for the relative degrees

of cultural autonomy in the formation of archaic states around the world.

Political and Economic Structure

The argument that there were state societies prior to the Middle Horizon is weak.

In particular, we can point to the lack of evidence of state-level regional integration

prior to Moche. The model that best characterizes the preMiddle Horizon political

landscape is a series of autonomous and semiautonomous polities without any

evidence of complexity beyond that of a chiefdom society.

In contrast, the Moche, Tiwanaku, and Wari polities are similar to other first-

generation states around the world. There is good evidence for the replication of

distinctive artistic, mortuary, and architectural styles in distant regions. Unlike ear-

lier periods there is unequivocal evidence for an urbanized capital city. Marcus &

Flannerys (1996) description of Uruk and Teotihuacan can also be used to char-acterize these Andean state polities: the existence of hyperurban capital cities,

direct control of an irregular and noncontiguous territory, and distant colonies

or enclaves.

Moche, Tiwanaku, and Wari also exhibit classic site-size hierarchies typical

of first-generation states. Albarracin-Jordan (1996) and McAndrews et al (1997)

demonstrate a four-tiered site-size hierarchy for Tiwanaku in its core territory.

Using more flexible criteria, a six-tiered one is noted in a nearby provincial territory

(Stanish et al 1997). Isbell & Schreiber (1978) argue for a four-tiered hierarchy

for Wari. For a major Moche area, Wilson (1988, p. 336) defines a hierarchy ofsites that includes five tiers. In all cases, the number of site-size tiers is greater than

the preceding periods, which suggests a differentiation of the settlement pattern

and administrative complexity at the time of state formation.

Population Sizes

The population estimates for Initial period or Early Horizon sites such as Pampa

de las Llamas-Moxeke and Chavn are quite low, around 20003000. In contrast,

estimates for the later polities such as Moche, Wari, and Tiwanaku are higher,

with published populations in the 50,000200,000 range (Kolata 1993, Schreiber

1992).

Johnson & Earle (1987, pp. 23046) and Earle (1997) offer baseline data on

chiefdom and state demographics at the high end of the literature. Simple chief-

doms have population levels in the low thousands to tens of thousands. Complex

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chiefdoms, at least in Hawaii, have populations between 30,000 and 100,000, while

states number in the hundreds of thousands to millions. At the other end, Renfrew

(1982) has suggested that some small states have as few as 2000 people. Feinman

& Neitzel (1984), using comparative data from the Americas, note that almostall middle-range societies have a maximum of 31,000 people. An intermediate

estimate by Baker & Sanders (1972) suggests a figure of 48,000 as the threshold

between chiefdoms and states. In this regard, the population estimates for hypoth-

esized state societies in the Initial and Early Horizon periods is at the very low end

of population estimates for archaic states from around the world. The demographic

size proposed for the Middle Horizon polities is more consistent with the average

populations estimates in the literature.

Circumscription and Population PressureThe Pacific coastal valleys can be viewed as incredibly rich linear oases that

pierce a virtually uninhabitable desert. These valleys occur at somewhat regular

intervals that average around 30 km and constitute classic examples of a circum-

scribed environment. The highlands and altiplano, in contrast, are far less circum-

scribed. In particular, camelid pastoralism is not restricted to narrow zones but can

be practiced over a very wide area. Unlike the coast, populations had alternatives

to a single, rich, and restrictive ecological zone.

Systematic surveys provide data on population growth and densities. Earle(1997, p. 65) notes that in Mantaro valley, . . . the populations . . . expanded and

declined in erratic cycles that were not evidently related to resource conditions, a

pattern similar to two other case studies he cites in Denmark and Hawaii. The data

fit the circumscription model only after the Wari state developed. In the Titicaca

Basin, there is a pattern of very slow, continuous growth with a spike in Inca

period (Albarracin-Jordan & Mathews 1990, Stanish et al 1997). The data from

these two highland areas support a political economic model (Earle 1987; 1997,

p. 119), as opposed to strict population pressure models. Likewise, even on the

coast, there remains little evidence of direct population pressure. Wilson (1988,p. 357), for instance, notes that in the Santa valley, there is little evidence of

population pressure per se in the pre-state systems . . ., although he goes on to

suggest that it may have been a factor in other valleys.

In spite of the circumscribed nature of the coastal environment, there is little

evidence for direct population pressure as a factor in state development. This also

appears to be the case in the highlands. In short, localized population pressure

does not appear to be a sufficient or necessary cause in Andean state formation.

However, at a regional level, there are correlations between population size and

state formation that remain subject to future testing.

Conflict and Warfare

Intergroup conflict is recognized as one of the key factors in the development

of political complexity (e.g., Marcus & Flannery 1996, p. 157; Redmond 1994).

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58 STANISH

Warfare is present on the Andean coast from at least the Early Horizon. Wilson

(1999) argues that conflict was present in the Santa valley from the Early Horizon

until the development of Moche. Pozorski (1987) agrees that warfare was central

to the formation of the first states in Santa and Nepena but argues that in Casma,little conflict preceded the development of the first theocratic states. Conflict

does occur later on in the Casma with the arrival of a secular, militaristic state

around 1000 B.C.E. (Pozorski 1987). Therefore, if Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke

is considered to be an Initial period state, then warfare was not a factor. If, how-

ever, the state did not develop until the late Early Intermediate period, then conflict

indeed was a factor in the rise of the state in the Casma valley as well. Iconographic

evidence and physical remains unequivocally indicate that conflict and human

sacrifice, probably of prisoners, was common in Moche society (Bourget 1997;

Donnan & McClelland 1999; Verano et al 1999).There is little doubt that militarism was a major strategy in Moche expansion

on the coast. In the Santa valley, Wilson (1988, p. 333) and Shimada (1987) argue

for a military conquest by the Moche displacing the earlier Gallinazo populations.

Defensive architecture is common on Moche period sites throughout the north

coast.

In the highlands, Earle (1997, p. 119) notes that warfare began early in the

Mantaro valley, subsided with the Wari conquest, then increased again prior to

Inca conquest. In the Titicaca region, evidence of conflict and the development of

complex chiefly society are strongly correlated. In the Early and Middle Formativeperiods, there is little evidence of conflict. Then, in the Upper Formative, many

sites were located in defensive positions (but see Topic & Topic 1987), and there

is a pronounced introduction of trophy head and other militaristic iconography on

stone stelae and pottery.

Wealth Finance

DAltroy & Earle (1985) and Earle (1997) argue that central to development of

complex society is the creation of a system of finance for state political economies.

The key factors include the existence of surplus-producing subject peoples and po-

tential efficiency in production. From this perspective, the emergence of archaic

states in South America can be understood as a conjunction of favorable environ-

mental zones in a context of gradual population growth. Population spikes tend to

occur after state development, not before. The areas where states first developed

have the greatest capacity for sustained demographic increase and the intensifica-

tion of production. As a general rule, the north coast rivers where states took root

are large, while the south coast rivers are not. The few exceptions support the rule;

large southern rivers tend to be deeply entrenched and provide less opportunity for

irrigation, while smaller northern rivers are connectable by intervalley canals.

As mentioned above, perhaps some of the richest areas in South America are

found on the north Peruvian coast where these large rivers discharge into the sea.

Here, the rich riverine resources are combined with the marine resources in the delta

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areas. In the highlands, there are many productive zones outside of the Titicaca

Basin and north central highlands. However, it is in these two areas where a suite of

highly productive natural features combine. The Lake Titicaca region has the lake

itself, vast grasslands, rivers, and relatively close access to the eastern slopes. Theuse of raised fields near the lake provide the capacity for agricultural intensification,

a technique not available in other areas of the highlands. In the north central Andes,

the availability of irrigable land is often cited as one of the primary factors in the

development of complexity and the state in the Andes. Likewise, the highland

areas have access to pasture lands, rivers, and the eastern slopes. All three cases

of Moche, Tiwanaku, and Wari state formation are correlated with agricultural

intensification, intensification of exchange relationships, and intensification of

commodity production, observations that conform to the wealth finance model.

Dynamic Cycling

Marcus (1992, 1993) and Marcus & Flannery (1996) have proposed a dynamic

model of episodic expansion and collapse of archaic states. State polities emerge

through the incorporation of other groups, creating at least a four-tiered hierarchy

of settlement. As one polity peaks and begins to break down, former lower-level

settlements regain their autonomy, after which the process of consolidation, ex-

pansion, and dissolution continues again (Marcus 1998). This model works not

only for the Maya area, where it was originally proposed, but can be successfullyused in many areas of state development around the world, including the Andes.

Data from the Andes support this model. In the Titicaca Basin, Tiwanaku de-

veloped after a period of Pucara contraction. After the Tiwanaku collapse, smaller

Aymara-speaking polities developed throughout the area. Over a 1500-year period,

polities expanded and contracted for four cycles, ending with the Inca conquest of

the region. Likewise, in the north coast, regional research by Billman (1999) and

Wilson (1988) outline a series of valleys and peaks beginning before the emergence

of the Moche state.

Summary

South America provides an excellent case study for defining the processes of

first-generation state formation. The data indicate that several factors were signifi-

cant, including competition and war, high resource concentration in circumscribed

environments, interregional exchange, the materialization of elite ideologies, and

ecological conditions conducive to population increases. Factors that do not appear

to be significant include local population pressures in circumscribed environments,

direct control of irrigation, or other agricultural technologies by an elite. Localized

population spikes appear after the development of state societies. Irrigation sys-

tems long predate the development of states. Moche, Wari, and Tiwanaku are not

organizationally identical. There is virtually no evidence for any direct links be-

tween Tiwanaku and Moche, except for the most superficial of iconographic data.

There are greater links between Moche and Wari, but these are largely iconographic

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60 STANISH

as well and related to the fact that Wari seems to have had some political access

to former Moche territory. Moche culture emphasized platform mounds with con-

tinual rebuilding, probably on the accension of a new ruler or dynasty. Elaborate

elite burials are found in these pyramids. In contrast, we have yet to define a sig-nificant elite burial in Tiwanaku. Likewise, the focus of political ritual appears to

be the kalasasayas (stone enclosures) and sunken courts, and not the pyramids

themselves in Tiwanaku. The highlands and coast have different evolutionary tra-

jectories, based in large part on the nature of resource distribution and availability

and political finance (T. Earle, personal communication). In general, models that

incorporate dynamic cycling and political economic theoretical frameworks best

explain the evolution of the state in western South America.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank B. Bauer, T. Earle, J. Haas, J. Marcus, M. Moseley, H. Silverman, and

K. Schreiber for their gracious assistance on this article.

Visit the Annual Reviews home page at www.AnnualReviews.org

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