ST. JOHN’S BAHAMAS SHIPWRECK

PROJECT

INTERIM REPORT I: THE EXCAVATION AND ARTIFACTS 1991-1995 Prepared by:

Corey Malcom Director of Archaeology Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, Inc. Key West, Florida 1996

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The success of this project has been the result of much more than the work of the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society. Without the additional vision, effort and support on many levels, from a number of individuals, groups, and corporations, none of these accomplishments could have been attempted, let alone achieved. First and foremost, the men of St. John’s Expeditions, Mr. John Browning, Mr. C.J. “Whitey” Keevan, Mr. Gene Evans, and Mr. Richard MacAllaster deserve full credit for the discovery of this shipwreck and the direction in which it has been taken. It was their decision to keep this piece of history within the public realm. None of this has been an easy venture, and their patience and perseverance as this project has grown, requiring ever more energy to sustain it, have been key to its success. Working under the auspices of the Bahamas shipwreck management program, the excavation of this site has been ably monitored and administered by Mrs. Maureen Wilson of the Ministry of Transport, and Ms. Grace Turner, Curator with the Department of Archives. Petty Officers Leslie Forbes and Derek Richardson of the Royal Bahamas Defence Force served as field representatives. By ensuring that this project has followed and met the standards of the government of the Bahamas, they have kept everything operating within a strong and reliable framework. Material and financial support for the project has come from a number of generous sponsors. Thanks go to Mr. George Robb of the RPM Specialist

Corporation, Mr. and Mrs. Mel and Dolores Fisher, Mr. Kim Fisher, Mr. John Browning, Mr. Gwin “Dick” Whitney, Mr. Eric Whitney, Ikelite, Inc., Oceanic Inc., and Sea Resources, Inc. Others who have worked to further this endeavor are Mr. Don Kincaid, Dr. Eugene Lyon, Mr. Robert Malcom, Mr. Courtney Platt, Dr. Sylvia Scudder, Dr. Roger Smith, Dr. Elizabeth Wing, Lower Florida Keys Health Systems Radiology Department, the staff of Jack Tar Marina, The crew of R/V Stenella, and the crew of R/V Wren of Aln. The men and women of the various MFMHS field crews that have participated in the excavation of this ship endured many long days and nights at sea for what at times seemed a nebulous goal. Thanks to Robert Cummings, Ed Hinkle, Dylan Kibler, John Leeper, David Moore, Joy Rech, Bob Scott, Cristian Swanson, Heather Swanson, and Vincent Trotta for giving their all when it was needed. Special recognition must be given to Capt. Robert and Mrs. Grace Rhinehart. They have done everything they possibly could to make West End a home away from home for both the MFMHS and St. John’s crews. More than once the project was able to proceed only because of their helpful intervention. Thank you so much for everything. It is hoped this report reflects the spirit of cooperation which unites all of these parties toward the goal of having this long-lost shipwreck live up to its potential to reshape the way we look at the past.

Introduction In 1991 the government of the Bahamas granted the Florida-based marine salvage corporation, St John’s Expeditions, Inc., the right to search for and explore submerged historic shipwreck materials within an approximately 400 square mile area of their territorial waters. The primary goal for St. John’s was to locate a 17th century vessel believed to have been lost within this designated area. As is usual for a project of this nature, a number of shipwrecks other than the primary target were located during the search and survey of the area. Of these, one site contained artifacts that the St. John’s crew considered to be not typical when compared to other materials they had encountered. A sampling of these pieces was recovered, but most were left on the bottom as they were found. At this point, St. John’s halted their work on the site and the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society was consulted to assist in the dating and identification of the newly discovered wreck. This author visited the site in July of 1991, approximately two weeks after its discovery. Two areas of the wreck had been partially excavated; one showed stone ballast immediately below the seabed and the other revealed a nest of iron versos as well as the barrel of an iron tube gun. The guns sat over a wooden hull structure, and all appeared to have been originally covered by stone ballast. Evidence of an earlier discovery of the wreck was found in the form of concrete blocks, a steel rebar datum, and an encrusted pair of “vice-grip” style pliers. Onboard the salvage vessel were an iron helmet, an intact earthenware olive jar, stone shot, as well as numerous other iron objects and ceramic sherds. After the site and artifacts had been examined, a report was prepared stating the opinion that the ship was a rare and outstanding example dating from the 16th

century, and that no further fieldwork should be conducted without careful planning (Malcom, 1991). After consultation with Bahamian government representatives, St. John’s Expeditions brought the artifacts that had been recovered to the MFMHS laboratory in Key West for further study and conservation. In August 1991 the site was reopened and examined by Dr. Donald Keith of Ships of Discovery, Inc., of Corpus Christi, Texas,

Mr. C. J. “Whitey” Keevan displaying an iron helmet shortly after its recovery from the wreck in 1991. and Dr. Eugene Lyon of the MFMHS and Flagler College, St. Augustine, Florida. After examining the wreck, they agreed that it was a 16th century vessel whose early date made it of great importance toward an understanding of the period of colonization. Following this visit, the excavated portion of the site was refilled and no further fieldwork was conducted during 1991.

In December 1991, after exploring various options for the wreck, St. John’s Expeditions made the decision to entrust the excavation of the site to the MFMHS. Under the terms of the agreement, all those materials recovered from the wreck and apportioned by the Bahamian government to St. John’s Expeditions, will be donated to the not-for-profit museum in Key West as an intact and permanent collection for research and exhibition. To ensure a structured study, a research design was formulated, outlining an excavation strategy to help answer the following questions: - From what year does the wreck date? - From where did the vessel originate? - What was the mission of the vessel? - What was the type and size of the

vessel? - How was it constructed? - What was the lading scheme for the

vessel?

- What technologies are represented on the vessel?

- Can it be tied into the written historical record?

- What European materials were used to “conquer” the New World?

- How is the influence of the Americas represented on this vessel?

- What is the extent of any previous salvage?

- How did the vessel wreck? To date the MHMHS has spent over 2500 man-hours underwater during 119 days in the field, and countless hours in the laboratory, since the beginning its alliance with St. John’s Expeditions. Though far from being thoroughly understood, an image of the long-lost ship is beginning to emerge from this work. As many of the artifacts are conserved and field notes are digested, highlights of the St. John’s Bahamas wreck, and 16th century shipping in general, are becoming apparent.

Location of the St. John’s Bahamas Shipwreck Site

Site Description The St. John’s Bahamas wreck lies on the western edge of the Little Bahama Bank, approximately 37 kilometers NNW of West End, Grand Bahama Island. The Gulf Stream current flows northward within the Bahama channel immediately west of the site. The nearest point of land is the small and barren Memory Rock to the southeast. The wreck lies in an average of 5 meters of water, under a relatively flat and featureless seabed. Materials are distributed from zero to two meters below the surface of the seabed in a matrix of broken coral rubble, shells and calcium carbonate sand. Water clarity is exceptional, and ranges between 25 and 50 meters of visibility. Excavation

1992 Season The 50-foot ocean-going tug Salvation Rose was contracted to serve as support vessel (although once on site it was found to be problematic and was replaced by the mush more stable 40-foot catamaran Beta) and fieldwork on the site commenced May 16, 1992 for a period spanning 100 days, 58 of them on-site. During this phase of the project 1147 man-hours were spent underwater.

MFMHS archaeologists excavating a one-meter unit.

The research plan called for a pre-disturbance survey and testing of the site before commencing with the general excavation. Originally, a magnetometer survey was to be performed to gain insight into the distribution of iron remains beneath the sea bottom. It was hoped that this would have a direct correlation with the distribution of the entire wreck. Unfortunately, the intended magnetometer was unavailable to the team at the commencement of the project, and an alternate plan was enacted. Wreckage was scattered across the site’s surface, and it was thought that this might also be an indicator of how other materials lay below. An area 33 x 48 meters was delineated to cover the visible wreckage. All of these 1485 square meters was examined one by one, and the distribution of stone ballast and artifacts visible on the surface of the seabed was recorded to scale. This visual survey was supplemented by an examination of the area using a hand-held metal detector, and the location of any sub-surface “hits” was also recorded. By far the larger part of the wreck materials encountered during this phase was related to earlier explorations of the site. The ballast proved to not be the uppermost level of an undisturbed, primary deposit, but rather, a single layer scattered on top of the sand. Distinct primary and secondary marine growth on the stones indicated some sort of earlier removal. Fragments of wooden hull structure were located across the surface as well, and it is unlikely for these organic remains to have survived over hundreds of years exposed as they were. Many of the metal detector hits proved to be modern items such as bottle caps, steel banding and bullet casings. Though some of the material was undoubtedly related to the 1991 excavations of St. John’s Expeditions, especially that immediately north of the 0

datum, most of it appears to have resulted from some as yet unidentified salvage effort. The next step in the excavation plan was for two areas of the site, one more or less randomly chosen, and another area already examined in the previous year’s activities, to be designated test excavation units. This work was intended not only to help determine the sub-surface distribution of the wreck, but also to allow the team to refine excavation techniques to suit the needs of the site without disturbing too much of any remaining “virgin” area. A two-meter by ten-meter strip outside the recorded distribution of ballast and artifacts was delineated. As the majority of materials was located northwest of the primary, or 0, datum, this test unit was placed to the southeast to determine if any wreckage might be found in this direction as well. This trench was taken down to a maximum depth of 1.5 meters, with no evidence of the site other than a small number of olive jar sherds on, or immediately below the surface. Although the bedrock level was not reached during this test, it was felt, based on observations made the previous summer, that sufficient depth had been reached to expose any cultural material. A second, inadvertent test excavation occurred during the placement of a permanent mooring. While a hole was being dug for the anchor, 78 meters north of the 0 datum, eight olive jar sherds were recovered from it. The sherds were well embedded below the roots of the sea grass, and appeared to have been there for some time. The hole was approximately three meters in diameter and extended to the bedrock. This northeasterly feature becomes even more interesting when viewed in the light of the discovery by St. John’s Expeditions of an anchor of 16th century style and proportions approximately 0.42 nautical miles north-northwest from the 0 datum.

Following this testing, an area encompassing the visible scattered remains was divided into units using a 5-meter grid system. The resulting squares were labeled according to a combination of intersecting letters and numbers, and were designed to serve as macro-units for the excavation. Of these, the E5 square was chosen as the next area to be tested because it was known to contain previously exposed wreckage. The sand overburden was excavated from E5 to the surface of the stone ballast that covered the wreckage. The jumbled pile of versos and a bombardeta gun tube were revealed as expected. This larger unit was then subdivided into one-meter squares, and these were designated the standard excavation unit from this stage of the study. The degree of preservation of E5 was beyond any expectation, with the wreckage appearing to lie much as it had fallen. Within the ballast lens, and immediately below it, was a wide array of artifacts. Much of this was underlain by wooden ship’s structure. As each square-meter was excavated, all cultural materials, with the exception of stone ballast, were plotted to scale. All artifacts were assigned individual

Excavation Detail – Unit E5C

tag numbers, with the exception of olive jar body sherds, barrel hoop fragments, and iron spikes. These artifacts were given a single tag number per category for each excavation unit. Removed artifacts were stored either onboard the work vessel, or in a reserve area on the bottom, depending on size, fragility or special needs. Vertical measurements were taken through a level-line system for selected artifacts, hull structure and other features throughout the excavated area. The wooden ship’s structure was carefully recorded, photographed in situ, and reburied as it was found. Any disarticulated hull remains found in the overburden were collected and drawn. The volume of stone ballast was recorded as it was removed and stored outside the excavation area. Each unit was taken down to the bedrock level if doing so did not affect the integrity of any hull remains. At the conclusion of the field season the site was refilled and left “pickled” to await further investigation. All the 25 sub-units of the E5 square were excavated to completion in 1992, as were selected sub-units from the D5, E6, and F5 squares. Combining these with the initial test trench in squares B8 and C8, a total of 54 square meters were examined. A number of notable features of the site were discovered during this phase. Besides the re-exposure of the guns seen previously, two more bombardeta barrels were located, along with much of their associated shot. A large area of intact, but abraded hull structure was found in the western half of E5. It was found to be oriented at a bearing of 332 degrees, and appeared to continue into other, unexamined areas of the site. Eight iron chainplate assemblies, still lined in a row, were uncovered at the eastern extreme. Most importantly, it appeared that little interference, human or natural, had disrupted the integrity of this area of the wreck.

Grid label system showing areas excavated by season

As stated earlier, the intent of this portion of the project was to be considered part of the testing of the site, but the line between that and full excavation quickly became blurred. Having struck into the heart of a surprisingly intact wreck site, it became evident that any further work would be centered from this area of the wreck to best achieve the stated goals. There were 563 individually tagged artifacts recovered from the St. John’s Bahamas wreck in 1992, as well as olive jar body sherds, iron spikes, and barrel hoop fragments. These recovered artifacts were placed in storage on Grand Bahama Island until their release by the Bahamian government for conservation at the MFMHS laboratory in Key West. This was done in March of 1993. 1993 Season The summer of 1993 saw the MFMHS once again join with St. John’s Expeditions

for further excavation of the St. John’s Bahamas wreck. The research plan, updated for the second season, outlined an expansion upon previous efforts while utilizing the same methodology. The one area in particular in which improvements were called for was in the recording of vertical aspects of the site’s distribution. The R/V Beta was once again contracted to serve as support vessel. The D5 square adjacent to the south of E5 was selected as the next area to be examined. Previous observations indicated that a substantial amount of hull structure ran into this area, and it was felt that by revealing it, a firmer understanding of the orientation and design of the ship would be obtained. The same system of subdividing the main grid into one-meter sub-units was used again for recording horizontal distribution. Twenty-one of the twenty-five units of D5 were excavated in 551 hours, over 25 days. For comparative purposes, redundant level-line and bubble-line systems were employed to record systematic elevations at every one-meter intersection across the site. Both methods were equally accurate, but the level-line system proved to be more efficient for this site. Once again, there was little evidence of any major disturbance of the area under examination. Only the upper levels along the western edge of the square exhibited any sign of tampering, mostly in the form of ballast stones having been moved from their original context. The strongest evidence was the discovery that the rebar being used as the 0 datum was an L-shaped piece driven into he mouth of a bombardeta’s breech chamber. The chamber was the uppermost in a feature of many such pieces fused by concretion into a large, single mass. Notably, these excavations showed a dearth of materials in the extreme southeast corner of D5, seeming to reveal the limit of the site

in that direction. There was a terminus of the hull structure as well at the southern edge of this square, although other forms of wreckage appeared to continue in this direction. This season saw the recovery of 139 individually tagged artifacts as well as more olive jar sherds, barrel hoop fragments and spikes. All of the stone ballast from sub-unit D5I was brought to Key West for study. 1995 Season No fieldwork was conducted in 1994 because of concern that too large a backlog of recovered materials would be created. The feeling was that the time would be better spent conserving and recording what had already been collected from the site. By the summer of 1995 though, the MFMHS was once again prepared to continue field research on the wreck. The season’s goals were outlined, and the 42-foot M/V Rattle and Hum was contracted to serve as research vessel. Data from previous explorations indicated that the excavations had taken place somewhere along one side of the ship’s hull. The structure that had so far been encountered was exterior planking sporadically intersected by severely degraded framing fragments, revealing little towards an understanding of specifically where on the vessel work had been conducted. One of the primary objectives for the season was to locate the keel of the wreck to better determine specifics about the layout of the ship, as well as its size and construction. The other major objective was to once again expand upon previous efforts, specifically to the north of E5. As the work progressed, the extremes in the degree of disturbance of different areas of the site were revealed. Excavations within the F5 and F6 squares revealed more intact, undisturbed wreckage, but as work

progressed into the F4, E4, and D4 units it became apparent that they were areas that had been exposed sometime before. The compact, fine, silty sand normally found in and around unexcavated areas of the wreck was replaced by coarser, loose sand. Mounds of coral-concreted ballast lie in the E4 square, but gaps were found between these where stones had been removed. The structure in these areas appeared to have been previously exposed; all of the framing components and some of the planking were removed or out of context. There was no pattern to this disturbance, which occurred at varying levels of the deposit. An outline of the extent of disturbance was noted, and the system of sub-units was then employed to record the artifacts. Dislocated structural components were collected and recorded separately. To find the keel, the position of the line of chainplates in conjunction with that of the known structure was utilized to delineate the area with a high probability of its location. Fortunately, a small portion of this key structural component, though very badly degraded, was quickly found in its original context. Separate excavations placed along the newly discovered keel-line yielded no evidence though of its further survival. Other notable discoveries revealed during this field season were what appear to be the remains of a copper cook stove; a scatter of bombardeta breech-chambers continuing southward from those noted earlier; a very large, isolated mass of concreted ballast found by St. John’s Expeditions roughly 50 meters north of the 0 datum; and an area in the F6 square where small, fragile remains such as insect fragments and seeds were discovered. It should be noted that 1995 was one of the busiest years on record for tropical weather activity, and that the project was interrupted twice because of this. The site was hit directly by the centers of both hurricane

“Erin,” and tropical storm “Jerry,” resulting in areas having to be excavated three times and the loss of some equipment – to say nothing of the immense stress and frustration felt by the crew. Certainly though, one possible cause – violent weather – for the loss of the vessel now known as the St. John’s Bahamas wreck was made readily apparent. This phase of fieldwork saw 55 square meters excavated to completion, requiring 863 hours over 36 days. Along with olive jar sherds, spikes and barrel hoop fragments, 251 individually tagged artifacts were recovered. The stone ballast from unit E3T was recovered as a second sample. Future Excavations Both St. John’s Expeditions, Inc. and the MFMHS have found the relationship created to study this long-lost sailing ship satisfying, and plan to continue fieldwork on the site. The excavation strategy has been found to be effective, and is working well toward answering the pertinent questions about the vessel and the circumstances surrounding it. The plans are for future excavations to utilize the same methodology, while focusing on the originally posed questions, as well as any others that arise from the continuing research.

A barrel hoop and dunnage amongst stone ballast

St. John’s Bahamas Wreck site Plan for 1992-1995 Excavations For clarity, only selected artifacts are illustrated.

Artifacts

As described earlier, over 950 individually tagged artifacts, along with iron spikes and barrel hoop fragments, and a large number of olive jar body sherds, have been collected during the MFMHS’ three seasons of fieldwork on the St. John’s Bahamas wreck. This large group of materials is housed at the museum’s facilities in Key West, where it is being catalogued, conserved, recorded, and analyzed. An exhibit concerning the wreck has been installed for public viewing and all other materials are open for study by interested researchers. The assemblage ranges across a wide variety of functional and material-type categories, and constitutes on of the largest 16th century maritime collections discovered anywhere. Ship’s fittings, weaponry, ceramic vessels, and other items related to daily living have all been found. In general, the conditions on the site have primarily allowed for the survival of items made of inorganic materials, e.g. metals, ceramic and glass. At the time of this writing, many artifacts are awaiting conservation and/or analysis, and cannot be described precisely (this include virtually the entire collection from the 1995 season). The intent of this section is to highlight the information that has been gathered from the artifacts, and how it is providing the evidence for some of the

conclusions that are being drawn about the wreck. Armaments Excavations have made one fact readily apparent: the St. John’s Bahamas wreck was a well-armed vessel. Artillery, shot, pole arms, and armor have all been found on the site, once providing the crew with a variety of military options. None of these weapons appears to be of a style whose use persisted long, if at all, beyond the second-half of the 16th century. Artillery The wrought-iron artillery that led to the site’s 1991 discovery proved to consist of seven versos and the tube barrel of a breech-loading bombardeta. Two more bombardeta barrels, breech charges for both types of gun and a variety of shot have since been revealed in addition to this original find, providing what may be a typical compliment of period shipboard artillery. Versos Of the seven versos, four have been recovered. One is currently undergoing conservation, and another has completed the process and is prepared for display. Two are in wet storage. Dimensions for the two conserved versos were recorded as the marine encrustation was removed, and scale drawings were created from these figures. Versos were breech-loaded rail guns mounted on a pivoting yoke, which gives rise to generic term “swivel gun” often used to describe them. This class of gun fired a small ball or load of scatter shot, and would be used in close range fighting to “sweep the deck” of an enemy vessel or to repel boarders. Variations are found in the design

The verso doble (above) and verso liso (below) are the two styles of this gun type known from the wreck site.

of versos; studies conducted on the Molasses Reef wreck, a vessel lost in the Turks and Caicos, which had a similar complement of artillery, have resulted have resulted in a typology (Simmons, 1988) that serves well for classifying those so far examined from the St. John’s Bahamas wreck. The verso normal is the most common style encountered on New World wreck sites. This type is distinguished by its relative slenderness and smooth barrel chase from the breech. The also generally have a tiller that terminates in a loop (Keith, 1987). The verso doble (double verso) is more robust. The other notable feature of this type is a reinforcing sleeve extending partway up the barrel chase from the breech. The conserved verso (91-028) is of this style. It has an overall length of 198cm and a bore diameter of 4.6cm. The two encrusted versos in the laboratory also appear to be of this type, although only cleaning will make this certain. Their overall lengths are 208cm (92-1240), and 191cm (92-1189). The partially conserved example (92-1188) is a verso liso

(smooth verso). This gun, relatively short, is distinguished by its smooth lines as the barrel and breech are fashioned from a single piece. It has an overall length of 149cm, but the tiller is not complete. The bore diameter is 4.3cm. This style is rare, with only two other examples being known, both from the Molasses Reef wreck (Keith, 1987). Four breech chambers, or powder canisters, for the versos have been located

Verso breech chambers

and recovered. Complementing these are two iron wedges that are designed to be driven behind the chambers, locking them into place for firing. The breech chambers resemble beer steins and are made of wrought-iron. Their open-mouthed chambers are pierced near the base by a small touch-hole, which served as the ignition point for the powder charge. One (92-1216) is in an excellent state of preservation and reveals features that are not present on the others. The handle is welded to the body at one point near the base. The area surrounding the touch-hole is recessed, perhaps to hold a sprinkling of gunpowder, which would facilitate the lighting of the charge. A mark of unknown significance is stamped into the body just forward of the touch-hole. It is speculated that this six-pointed star design served to match the block with a particular gun, but no corresponding marks have yet been discovered on any versos. One other interesting feature is the protrusion of a small tongue from the rim of the base opposite the touch-hole, which would have served as an “anti-escape” device. When an iron wedge was driven behind the chamber the tongue was designed to be under it, effectively locking the block in place even during the shock and recoil of firing. This same feature is seen as well on breech blocks recovered from the wrecks of the 1554 fleet (Olds, 1976).

Iron wedges for versos

The two wedges are sickle-shaped wrought-iron pierced with a hole at the wider end. One example is mushroomed at one end, indicating that it had been repeatedly driven and that these guns had most likely been fired before, for whatever reason. Bombardetas The largest of the ship’s guns on the St. John’s Bahamas wreck are the three wrought-iron bombardetas. Two of these have been recovered and are undergoing conservation as of this writing. These guns are the most cannon-like of the artillery on the site, but they differ considerably from the cast metal variety commonly envisioned by most people. The bombardetas were breech-loaded like the versos, and required a separate powder chamber to be wedged against the barrel tube in order to be fired. Barrel tube 92-1186 has a length of 279cm and a bore diameter of 9.1cm. A pair of lifting rings is attached by lugs to the top of the barrel at 89cm from the muzzle, and another pair is similarly placed 47cm from the breech end. Barrel 92-1187 is longer and more slender, with a length of 322cm, and a bore diameter of 8.3cm. Pairs of rings are attached by lugs at 67cm from the muzzle, and 47cm from the breech. Observation reveals these guns to be built much like wooden casks or kegs. Iron staves the length of the barrel are placed edge to edge, forming a cylinder over which a series of hoops and sleeves have been wrapped around or driven over, giving the barrels a segmented appearance. These reinforcement bands serve to bind the staves, making the barrels stronger. Similar guns, mounted in wooden cradle-like carriages, have been recovered from other 16th century shipwreck sites. On the Villefranche wreck of ca. 1516 (Gerout, Reith, Gassend and Liou, 1989) and on the

Bombardeta barrel tubes recovered from the St. John’s Bahamas wreck

Two bombardeta breech chambers recovered from the

St. John’s Bahamas wreck. Mary Rose, wrecked 1545 (Rule, 1982), the carriages were mounted on two small wheels for maneuverability. In both these instances the barrels were lashed with rope to the carriages. A bombardeta barrel recovered from the wrecked 1554 fleet near Padre

Island, Texas exhibited the same system of lashing over fragmentary and poorly preserved remains of a wooden carriage (Arnold and Weddle, 1978). No evidence for carriages, or any method of attachment has been discerned for the guns recovered from the St. John’s Bahamas wreck. An important and unique feature has been noted on barrel 92-1187. A coating of what appears to be pitch covered the muzzle, running from the end to 45cm back, as an apparent anti-corrosive or waterproofing measure, since this portion of the barrel would have been outboard of the hull during firing, and directly exposed to saltwater. There has been no evidence that barrel 92-1186 was treated similarly. The majority of this material was collected to determine its exact nature, but no compositional analysis has been done as of this writing.

Two powder charge breech-blocks have been brought to the laboratory from the site. One, 91-030, is fully conserved and the other, 93-1351, is currently undergoing the conservation process. The larger conglomerate into which the original 0 datum was driven by earlier salvagers appears to be made up of an undetermined number of large breech chambers, and has been left on site awaiting its complete excavation. Five other individually scattered chambers have been located on the site, but not recovered. As chamber 91-030 was being deconcreted in the laboratory, its mouth was found to be sealed by a wooden tampion. When the concretion came away from the muzzle, pressurized gas escaped from inside the chamber. The plug was carefully removed, revealing contents of 480ml of a liquid (presumably saltwater), and 390g of powder (dry weight). These contents have not been tested to determine their composition. As the cleaning continued, the touch-hole was found to be plugged with fibrous material. There was no shot contained in this loaded charge. It is much more heavily constructed than either of the barrels, with a smooth, cylindrical body. It has an overall length of 73.5cm and a weight of 102kg. The bore is 6cm in diameter, and 64cm deep where it is joined by the touch-hole. The volume of the chamber is ca.1810cc. Chamber 93-1351 has a design similar to that seen for the verso chambers, with a single, mug-like loop handle forged to the body. The body itself has a conical shape tapering towards the mouth. An anti-escape protrusion designed to hook under any wedge driven behind the chamber extends from the base of the piece, opposite the touch-hole. Despite a similar form to the verso chambers, the size of this example precludes it being for use in such small type of gun. The chamber has an overall length of 58.5cm. The bore diameter is 7.3cm and is

52.5cm deep, with a volume of ca. 2197cc. There was no evidence of a tampion or powder load in this piece. Although there is a great amount of work remaining in the study of this artillery collection, it already compares favorably with those from other early-period shipwreck collections in the New World. Ten other 16th century sites are reported in the archaeological literature; almost all these sites were armed with combinations of large breech-loading tube guns and verso (Table 1). It is possible that some of these batteries of wrought-iron artillery were used in conjunction with bronze guns, which were preferentially salvaged because of their greater worth. Clearly though, versos and tube guns were utilized as a standard part of Spanish colonial shipboard artillery during the first three quarters of the 16th century. Shot The shot that has been examined from the site has been divided into two broad categories, large (>5cm diameter) and small (<5cm diameter). There are considerable variances in size, shape and material type within these groups, but this division was chosen because it separates those that were obviously intended for the large tube guns from the shot of a more indeterminate nature. There are three material type groups for the large shot: cast iron, lead over an iron core, and stone. Of the cast iron shot that is conserved, diameters range from 56mm to 97mm. Weights range between 571g to 3154g although this measure is not generally accurate due to the graphitization of the iron during the corrosion process, which will result in a lighter than original weight. The stone shot have diameters from 90 to 100mm, which is too large to fit any of the recovered guns. Their weights are between 736 and 1336g. Two types of stone are

readily apparent: a light colored, porous variety that appears to have been degraded in the sea, and an almost black, fossiliferous type. Both react readily with acid, and are assumed to be types of limestone. The iron-cored lead balls are between 79 and 86mm maximum diameter, although they have highly irregular, hammered-looking

surfaces, and this dimension varies across each ball. Portions of the iron core are visible through the lead surface in each example. Two types of markings are cast into a small number of the iron shot. One is a cryptic character that could be interpreted as a “p” or a “d,” depending on its orientation.

This same mark with slight variations has been seen on shot recovered from El Gran Grifon and Santa Maria de La Rosa, both wrecked in the Spanish Armada campaign of 1588 (Martin, 1972). A single example of the other, a simple capital “B,” has been seen. The significance of these shot marks has not yet been determined.

Iron shot cast with marks

All the small shot are made of lead, but they vary considerably in size and shape. Diameters in this group range from 0.6cm to 3.3cm, with weights varying from just over 1g to 173g. Most are spherical, or nearly so, but cubes and cylinders can also be found. All of those between 10 and 13mm diameter were cast in two-part molds whose halves were not carved deeply enough to be true hemispheres, and produced ovoid rather than round shot. These off-round balls would have had a greater propensity to jam if fired from a barrel of low-tolerance. Many of the small shot have the remains of clipped and unclipped sprues protruding from their surfaces, which would have contributed to this jamming tendency as well. One ball with an intact sprue was even found blanketed in lead sheet, apparently to give it more mass, but making it impossible to use in a small-bore firearm. The largest of the small shot (91-100) was cast with a square recess of unknown function. There was no evidence of anything having been contained in this void. The

diameter of this artifact would make it likely to be an example of ammunition fired from the versos. No firearms (e.g. arquebuses, mosquetes) have been located on the St John’s wreck, and the small shot do not reflect their presence. They are too small or irregularly shaped to be effectively fired as single projectiles. Instead, it is appearing likely that these smaller shot were to have been used as scatter-shot, fired from the bombardetas or versos. Crossbows The partial remains of one crossbow are not yet conserved, but have been examined through radiography. These images reveal the steel bow to be degraded but intact, and mortised into a ca. 14cm length of its wooden stock. The bow measures approximately 62.5cm from tip to tip, which is 10cm smaller than those described as sporting types, and smaller still than those labeled as the military variety (Payne-Gallwey, 1903). Also awaiting conservation

Drawing of crossbow from radiograph

and further study are four “goat’s foot” lever crossbow cocking mechanisms, which were used to pull the string back into the catch, where it could then be released by the trigger for firing. No bolts (arrows) have yet been identified from the site. Similarly sized and styled crossbow remains have been found on both the Molasses Reef wreck and the 1554 fleet, and their study has led to the supposition that they represent a “marine” variety of this

weapon, designed for shipboard use (Arnold, Watson and Keith, 1995). A much more detailed examination of the St. John’s components is necessary before they can help to confirm this theory. Edged Weapons The remains of three swords, two hilts with partial blades, and an isolated blade fragment comprise this category of weapon. These artifacts are in poor condition with little surviving metal, and have not been conserved. The general design of each hilt has been recorded, utilizing dimensions revealed through breaks in the encrustation that covers them. The drawings that have resulted, though not completely accurate, do allow their forms to be fitted into the framework of the evolution of the sword and rapier. Hilt 92-0920 is of a relatively simple design with the quillions, knuckle guard and side rings all in the same plane as the blade.

Preliminary drawing of swords based on their

encrusted remains

The pommel, grip and finishing details have not been discerned. The design of this hilt matches closely with examples dated from 1475 to 1550 (Norman, 1980). It also bears a striking resemblance to a sword that once belonged to, and bears the initials of, Francisco Pizarro, the infamous conqueror

of Peru (Hemming, 1992). Another hilt (92-0833) is more of a swept-basket design, with extremely long quillions that span 24cm. This design matches favorably with those dating from 1525 to 1625 (Norman, 1980). Again, no finishing details have been recorded, which might assist in dating these swords more precisely. Pole Arms The other weapons from the St. John’s Bahamas wreck are the remains of four iron heads of pole arms. These have not yet been conserved, but their general designs can be easily seen, and there are at least three different types in this group. Radiography has allowed more specific insight into the design of these heads, and reconstructive drawings have been made from the images.

Iron bill head drawn from radiograph

The terminology used to classify these iron heads can be confusing, and often varies from source to source, but two types can be identified in this collection – the pike and the bill. The pike was a spear-like, thrusting weapon; it was mounted on shafts of half-length (7-8 feet), or a full-length up to 16 feet (Karcheski, 1990). This pike head has a triangular, leaf-shaped design and an overall length of 19cm. The more elaborately shaped bill, with its spiked projections and curved cutting blade, has its roots in a similar agricultural implement and saw its greatest popularity in England (Peterson, 1956). The St. John’s example is 60cm long. The third style may be what is

called a “glaive,” described as a simple shaft weapon bearing a resemblance to a knife blade (Ashdown, 1988), or simply the remains of another bill from which the spikes have been broken or removed. Armor A single iron helmet is the only identifiable piece of armor to be discovered on the site. Radiographic images reveal little metal remaining beneath the encrustation, and approximately half of the piece has been eroded away. It is bowl-shaped, with a low comb running fore and aft along the crown. A down-turned brim runs around the base. It is 21.5cm tall, and 25.7cm from front to back at the brim. The remains of three rivets have been seen through the radiographs just above the brim, and it is assumed that these were attachment points for a leather liner. Helmets of this general type were in use from the 13th to 16th centuries (Peterson, 1956). The term morion is used to describe a virtually identical piece in the Tower of London collection. It is dated to ca. 1520-30, and believed to be of Italian origin (Dufty, 1968). Other plates of iron have been recovered from the wreck and may prove to be sections of armor after more detailed examination.

Reconstruction of iron helmet

Ceramics The most ubiquitous type of artifact found on the St. John’s Bahamas wreck are the fragmentary remains of ceramic vessels. The largest part of this group consists of sherds from shattered earthenware storage containers, but other vessels of finer manufacture, such as plates, drinking vessels, chamber pots, drug containers, pans and mortars are found as well, but of widely ranging sources and manufacturing styles, reflecting the growing diversity of Spanish culture at the time of this ship’s sinking. Olive Jars A currently unknown number, but one certainly well into the thousands, of fragments from earthenware “olive jars” is in the collection. Approximately one-third of them have been cleaned of their corraline encrustation. Counting the rims that have been collected, this assemblage represents the remains of at least 71 of the bulbous jugs.

Intact Olive Jar 91-001

Fortunately, one intact jar was excavated by St. John’s Expeditions in 1991, providing a model for the general appearance and size of these particular storage containers. It measures 50.5cm tall and 34cm at its widest diameter, with a capacity of 19.78 liters. Lists of supplies being shipped into Florida in the third quarter of the 16th century refer to these jars as botijas and botijas peruleras, carrying water, wine, olive oil, olives and salted pork (Lyon, 1992). A late 16th century manual for mariners recommends that ships carry 100 botijas or twenty barrels for water (Garcia de Palcio, 1587). Significantly for this study, this type of jar was made only in Spain, especially at this early period, and such containers serve as a marker for the Spanish origin of a site (Goggin, 1960; Fairbanks, 1972). Remains of these jars are common from all areas and periods of Spanish colonial America. Early work in the study of the olive jar shows an evolution in its form over time, most notably a thickening of the rim and body walls, with the first significant change coming sometime after the first three quarters of the 1500’s (Goggin, 1960). Others have worked toward refining the morphological scheme of this jar type

Fragmentary inscription on olive jar sherd

(Marken, 1994; Avery, 1993), but still too little is known to use them as a tool for dating sites in any more than a general manner. The St. John's Bahamas collection is quickly becoming the largest from a single source of the early period and when the wreck is more securely dated will be a benchmark in helping to understand how these Spanish containers changed through time. Among the shipwrecks with similarly styled, but far fewer, olive jar rims are the Molasses Reef wreck tentatively dated to ca. 1513 (Keith, 1987), the 1554 flota wrecks (Olds, 1976) and the Ines de Soto Reef wreck ca. 1555- 72 (Lopez Cruz, 1995). One hundred and twelve body sherds were collected by St. John's Expeditions in 1991. These have been cleaned, and the thickness of each was recorded. The same was done for an equal number of sherds from the 1622 wreck Nuestra Senora de Atocha, from which only jars of Goggin's middle-period style were recovered. Those from the St. John's Bahamas wreck averaged 8.4mrn while those from the Atocha had an average thickness of 10.2mrn, which, when compared, suggests that these earlier, 16th- century jars were more lightly constructed than those that came later. One body sherd exhibits a partial mark that has defied interpretation. It appears to have been inscribed into the jar before firing and is of a style called a peine (combed) found on earthenware jars from Moorish Spain (Aguado Villalba, 1991). No rims or other body sherds have markings, but the majority of the collection still remains to be cleaned. It should be noted that no handles have been recovered that could have come from the olive jars, which, according to Goggin, should be a hallmark of the early style.

Typical Olive Jar Necks Recovered from the St. John’s Bahamas Wreck

Majolica

Columbia Plain Platos

The second most prevalent group of ceramics present on the St. John's Bahamas wreck is another variety of earthenware termed majolica. The paste of this type of ware is softer and finer than that of the olive jars, with a chalkier quality. The color ranges from buff-white to terra-cotta, and some of the sherds have remnants of an opaque glaze that is generally white or off-white. The vessels made in this style tend toward tablewares and those of more specific utilitarian function. There are many stylistic varieties of majolica found from the Spanish colonial period, and these have been found to have changed through time and locale (Goggin, 1968; Deagan, 1987), providing archaeologists an important medium with which to help interpret sites. The majolicas seen on this particular site are almost exclusively of simple and plain varieties exhibiting virtually no decoration other than a basic glaze.

The largest part of this collection of majolicas is of a variety termed "Columbia Plain," a type with it origins in medieval, Moorish Spain (Goggin, 1968; Lister and Lister, 1976). On the St. John's Bahamas site

it is composed entirely of the remains of crude, brimless platos (plates) and escudillas (drinking vessels), representing what was probably the crew's common tableware. The glaze on these vessels, where it survives at all, is thin and in poor condition. Its color is a grayish, cream-white and is thoroughly cracked with a network of fine lines. Twenty-four sherds have been examined. Fifteen of the fragments originated from platos, with enough surviving from three of the vessels to allow the reconstruction of their whole forms. Diameters for these are from 19.8cm to 21.6cm. Eight sherds exhibit inset, concave bases, and six have remains of a raised dome "button" at the interior center. Nine sherds have a raised ring circling the interior roughly mid-way between the center and the rim. The most complete plato, 92-1085, has no distinct dome at the interior center although there is a slight rise. Goggin in his wide ranging 1968 survey of Spanish-colonial majolicas found the central, raised boss to be indicative of an early date (pre-1575). The presence of these platos predominantly with, but also without this diagnostic feature, would suggest that this collection falls into the later part of the popularity of the earlier style when newer forms were just beginning to emerge.

Columbia Plain Escudilla Bases

Three escudilla fragments provide important details into the forms of this type being used onboard the ship. None of the sherds allows for a complete reconstruction of the vessels, but large portions of two bases have survived. One is an inset base, and the other is set on a ring foot. The type

of base used in the design of these vessels has been noted to have changed through time with the inset variety appearing before those with a footed base with the transition in form occurring by the 1540's (Boone, 1984; Goggin, 1968) although archaeological evidence from Seville suggests this shift occurred in the second half of the 16th- century (McEwan, 1992). The remaining six Columbia Plain fragments are small body sherds, which have originated from vessels of indeterminate forms.

Brimmed Whiteware Plato

Nine sherds of what are referred to here as "whiteware" represent the second most numerous majolica variety found on this site. This type is distinguished from the Columbia Plain by its more elaborate vessel forms, with generally thinner walls and a thicker, more resilient glaze over carefully finished surfaces. There is no evidence of decoration over the plain, grayish-white glaze. The paste for this ware falls into two varieties: one being virtually identical to that of the Columbia Plain, and the other a more reddish, terra-cotta color. This latter type also appears to be harder, as these sherds have suffered much less abrasion from the sandy, underwater environment of the wrecksite. The most common vessel form is a concave-based plato with a flat, flaring rim. The interior surface is smooth and marred only by triple scars near the center, scars left by spacers placed between vessels during firing. Four of these plato sherds are of the reddish paste and one is of the buff-white variety. Other forms include the base

of a Taza (pedestal-footed cup or bowl), a lug-handle and rim section from a small bowl, pieces of round-bodied vessels and a small rim sherd. These are all constructed from a buff-white paste.

Lug-handle and rim from whiteware escudilla

Other types of similar whiteware have been defined from archaeological contexts. One variety, termed "Sevilla White," is believed to result from Spanish potters being influenced by Italian Faenza wares (Deagan, 1987). Lister and Lister (1978) noted two classes of Renaissance-inspired whiteware from 16th-century Mexico City, found with either light or reddish paste. Similar plain, white platos have also been found on wrecks from the Spanish Armada of 1588 (Martin, 1979). An analysis of the paste composition of these particular sherds will be needed to determine their place of manufacture. For now, significance lies in the fact that they provide strong evidence that this ship sailed during a period when traditionally medieval ceramic forms were being influenced and supplanted by both those of the Italian Renaissance and Chinese porcelains, a

transition which only began to occur near the middle of the 16th century (Goggin, 1968).

Whiteware Taza Base

Evidence for the importation of true Italian majolicas during this time has also been found on the St. John's Bahamas wreck in four sherds of the Faenza variety. These pieces are distinguished by their thin walls, elaborate forms (including knobs and small cup-like appendages), and a glaze that is much thicker and whiter than any others in the collection. There is no evidence of deco- ration over the glaze. Italian Faenza ware has been found to date to the period of ca.1550-1600 in the New World (Deagan, 1987). One small white-based sherd from what appears to be a plato is painted with two thinly-tinted blue marks. The glaze is similar to that found on the whitewares. The sherd is so small and the design so fragmentary that it is not possible to categorize this majolica type confidently. The only majolica vessel found on this site without a white base-glaze is the intact lower half of an albarelo (drug jar), which was trapped in the concretion of a mass of iron barrel hoop remains. The ex- posed surface was heavily abraded, but when the piece was removed, the area that had been protected retained its original surface,

including an evenly applied, undecorated blue glaze. This jar has a ring-foot base and pronounced throwing marks on the unglazed interior. The albarelo is the only known vessel form for this ceramic variety, which has been termed Caparra Blue and is found in the Americas in the period from ca.1492 to 1600 (Deagan, 1987).

Lead-glazed Wares Distinguished by their lead-based glaze, these utilitarian earthenwares make up a significant portion of the collection of ceramics onboard this ship. A variety of paste types and vessel forms is found in this group. Glazes range in color from golden to brown to green, and in general have remained more lustrous than the tin-glazes. Different classes of lead-glazed earthen- wares have been defined from the Spanish colonies, and as with the majolicas they have been found to be distinct to certain eras and locales (Deagan, 1987).

Green-glazed inset base from unidentified vessel

Thirty of these sherds are of a brick- red paste heavily tempered with sand resulting in a ware that is quite soft and crumbly. These wheel-thrown pieces have all originated from round-bodied vessels, although specific types cannot be determined. Molded handles are also found

in this collection. Glazes range from golden-brown to dark olive-green and are found on the interiors or exteriors only, as well as on both surfaces. Similar examples of this type of ware have been seen from the Molasses Reef wreck (Smith, 1986), the 1554 fleet wrecks (Olds, 1976; Skowronek, 1987), 16th century St. Augustine, Florida (Deagan, 1978) as well as the 1622 wrecksite of Nuestra Señora de Atocha (Marken, 1994), giving this variety a date range from at least the early 16th to the early 17th centuries. A second type of lead-glazed ware is differentiated by its paste, which is similar to that of the majolicas, soft and chalky with little visible temper, and by the distinctive apple green to emerald green glaze which covers it on the exterior, interior, or both. The forms that are represented in this group are mortar, lebrillo (pan) and possibly orza (rounded drug jar), albarelo (straight-sided drug jar) and pitcher, as well as an unidentified inset base. Ceramics of this description have been termed "Green Bacín" and "Green Lebrillo" ware (Deagan, 1987) with a similar variety having a green exterior and white, tin-glazed interior called "Santa Elena Green on White" (South, Skowronek, Johnson, 1988). Some of these sherds may be of the latter type but with the interior glaze having been eroded by the sand and sea.

Sherds of Melado ware

The third variety of lead-glazed earthenware found on the St. John's site is Melado. Three sherds have originated from thick-walled platos and a fourth from a small diameter rim. Glazing is on both sides of those from the platos and on the interior only of the rimsherd. The paste is quite similar to that of the Columbia Plain majolicas, with the glazes ranging in color from golden brown to olive brown. Melado appears to have seen its greatest popularity during the first half of the 16th-century (Goggin, 1968).

Burnished Ware

The wreck has yielded a portion of the base of a deep-dished earthenware plate or bowl which is covered on the interior with a bright orange-red paint or slip, and which, in turn, is covered with a graphite- colored paint or glaze. The clay is terra cotta, with large (up to 6mm diameter) pebble inclusions. It is a wheel-thrown vessel.

Burnished ware base of possible Aztec origin

Similar ceramics have been described as "Tonala Ware" (Fairbanks,1972) and “Aztec Ware" (Smith, Spirek, Bratten and Scott-Ireton.,1995). Both are thought to be of Native American manufacture from the area of Mexico City. This piece holds some intriguing cultural symbolism considering that its probable American origins had been coupled with a European manufacturing technique.

Unglazed Wares

Three sherds with a fine, buff-colored earthenware paste, show no evidence of having been glazed. Two of these are bases from relatively thin-walled, flaring- sided, wheel thrown vessels, probably jars of some type. The third is a very thin-walled rim sherd. This ceramic type, called Bizcocho, saw its greatest popularity from 1500 to 1550 in the New World (Deagan, 1987) although early 17th-century examples were found on the wrecksite of Nuestra Señora de Atocha (Marken, 1994).

Bizcocho vessel bases

A second unglazed ceramic variety from the site is found in a small, flaring- sided base that has a brown, somewhat sandy paste with small bits of reflective temper, probably mica, incorporated into it. The walls are very thin. Similar examples have been termed both "Merida Ware," believed to be of Portuguese origin (Martin, 1979), and "Orange Micaceous Ware", with a date range of 1550-1650 (Deagan, 1987). A third category of unglazed ware from this wreck, represented by only one small body sherd, was initially thought to be from an olive jar.

Closer inspection showed it to be browner in color, and not as heavily tempered with sand. It has a softer, muddier quality. The surfaces are not smooth and no throwing marks are visible, suggesting it might be from a hand-molded vessel. As the collection is cleaned and more thoroughly examined, it is hoped that more concrete

Orange Micaceous, or Merida ware base

evidence for this crude ware will come to light.

Bricks

Fragments of broken and eroded earthenware bricks have been recovered in considerable numbers from this wrecked ship. They are a reddish, terra-cotta color for the most part, although some tend more towards a buff shade. There are variations in the amount of temper used in their manufacture as well. Some show virtually no temper, and others are thoroughly integrated with sand. The majority of these brick remains have been found in a relatively small area near what is believed to be the copper cook stove, suggesting they were used in the construction of a hearth or firebox. No complete bricks have been seen to offer dimensions.

Clay Pipes Four clay pipe fragments were a very surprising discovery from this ship because these are not usually encountered in such an early context, and are especially rare on Spanish colonial sites. It is commonly believed that the Spanish utilized tobacco primarily in cigar form. Unfortunately, the combination of these factors has led to a

dearth of information on clay pipes of this nationality and era and casts some doubt as to the possibility of their having originated from this ship. Three of the pipes from the St. John's wreck were found in direct association with in situ, 16th-century artifacts, embedded below the cover of stone ballast, in a zone of undisturbed, silty sand. This good context provides strong initial evidence that these are an original part of the site. The fourth was recovered from a disturbed area and could have been redeposited from a zone above the wreckage. Two of the stem sections and one bowl fragment are of a grayish-white clay, presumed to be kaolin, and a third stem fragment has a more reddish-brown tone. The clay is very fine grained and smooth. All the stems have mold seams running along two opposing sides of their length and these appear to have been shaved smooth in some areas. One example has a molded decorative design encircling the stem. The bowl is 4.1 cm deep and angles into the stem at roughly a 45- degree bend. It does not have a pronounced heel at this juncture.

Clay pipe fragments

Clay tobacco pipe fragments have been found from 16th century contexts at the . Spanish colonial town site of Puerto Real in present-day Haiti, but these have been considered to be intrusions from later periods (Williams, 1995). A clay pipe bowl was found on the late 16th century shipwreck "Calvi I" (Villie,

1994) and another recovered from the lower hull complex of the Nuestra Señora de Atocha of 1622. Although the context from which these pipes were recovered seems to place them as part of the goods on board the ship, more comparative and historical research is needed to remove the doubt that they could have been deposited at the site only at a later date.

Glassware

Glass vial bases

Eighteen pieces of glassware from the St. John's Bahamas site have been examined, representing the remains of vials, bulbous vessels and bottles. Shades of green, from

light to dark, are the most prevalent colors, with an aqua blue variety present as well.

Mouth of blue glass vial

Small bubbles are found in most of the shards and fine striations are common on the surfaces. Portions of two delicate cylindrical vials give the most insight into the forms in this collection, with their heavily constructed bases leading into very thin, flared bodies or mouths. Both are of a light- green color, and one incorporates fluting as a design element. Their unusual, delicate design offers little indication of their function. A rim section of light-blue glass is all that has been found of what is presumed to be a third vial. The small diameter of the mouth indicates a different design than the other two.

An intact cylindrical, free-blown, green bottle was found at the southern extreme of the excavation. Its form is typical for bottles of the late 18th or early 19th centuries, and is not being viewed as part of the wares from this ship.

Cloth Seals

Two recovered lead seals were initially thought to be "bale" seals, which would

have been used to bind wires surrounding bales or bundles of cargo and thus help prevent tampering. A survey of the lead seal literature quickly disproved this supposition, though, and showed them to match exactly with the design of cloth seals (Adams, 1989; Egan, 1994). These tags were used to assure consumers of the quality of the cloth. Both seals are each only one half of a two-part set and appear to have been opened previous to the wrecking, indicating that the cloth was possibly used during the operation of the ship and not part of a lost cargo.

Lead cloth seal

One seal has an embossed design of either a pine cone or pineapple with a six-pointed star off to the side as a mark or design while the other has an illegible shield stamped or cast into it. It is assumed that these are the logos of the cloth manufacturers.

Barrel Hoops

Fragments of iron bands or hoops are all that have survived from wooden casks or barrels. No intact examples have been encountered. They are ca. 26mm wide, but

no work has yet been done to determine their diameters or the number that might be represented. The barrels would most likely have been used to store a supply of fresh water and other provisions for the voyage.

Money

Two coins fragments of Carlos & Johanna Series from the Mexico mint, Assayer’s “O” (left) and “L” (right)

One of the more striking aspects of the St. John's Bahamas wreck has been the lack of "treasure" in any volume. After four periods of excavation on the site, only four badly degraded silver coins and three irregular silver bits have been located. Fortunately, despite their poor condition, the coins have provided information that is crucial to discerning an accurate period in which this ship could have been sailing. The coins are small and look to be in denominations of one and two reales. Unsuccessful attempts were made to clean two of these coins, which made it obvious they had all been completely corroded by their long immersion. In the case of the first, the encrustation was removed manually, and the coin simply crumbled. The second coin was placed on an electrolytic reduction system, but it quickly became apparent that this would only cause the important surface details under the encrustation to be lost. Fortunately, alternative methods could be used for what remained of these coins to

determine at least some of their numismatic information. Castings were made from the impressions of the coin’s surface that were preserved in the encrustation of the first specimen. These yielded portions of the shield, legend and assayer’s mark. The other coin was immersed in a hydrochloric acid solution to loosen and remove the encrustation, allowing the surface of the coin to be exposed. Again, a portion of the shield and legend, and a complete assayer’s mark were revealed. This information was then compared against catalogues of known coins for identification. After a thorough search to match the combination of shield type with the appropriate legends and assayers, both coins were found to exhibit characteristics typical of those designated "Carlos and Johanna Late Series" from the mint at Mexico City (Nesmith, 1977; Grove, 1981). One was struck under the supervision of assayer "L," and the other under assayer "O". Both are roughly the diameter of the 2-reales pieces, but no weights can be recorded for them to confirm this and no denomination marks were revealed. This series was in production from 1542 to the early 1570's (Nesmith, 1977; Sedwick and Sedwick, 1995), a period that carried well into the reign of Philip II. Assayers L and O are thought to be the last two to have produced coins of this type, and both historical and archaeological research provide evidence to support this.

Assayer L is believed to have been Luis Rodriguez, who died May 30, 1570 (Nesmith, 1977). He is thought to have started working before assayer O, whose identity remains unknown, but coins with L/O and O/L marks are known, suggesting that they did operate concurrently for a time (Sedwick and Sedwick, 1995). The excavations of two 16th-century Spanish shipwrecks provide good evidence to affirm

this sequence of operation for the two assayers. Of 766 late series coins still retaining their assayer's marks from the wrecks of 1554, 91% had the L mark and none bore the mark of assayer O (Olds, 1976), suggesting the latter had not yet begun to strike coins by April, 1554, when the ships were loaded for their last voyage (McDonald and Arnold, 1979). Another, the Ines de Soto Cay Reef site in Cuba, which was lost sometime during or after 1555, based on the recovery' of an astrolabe bearing that date, was carrying late-series Mexican coins of Assayer O (Lopez Cruz, 1995) thus providing a rough idea of when this assayer could have begun his service at the mint. Most importantly for this study, this sequential evidence provides the earliest date, late 1554 to 1555, for when the St. John's Bahamas wreck could have conceivably taken on its last shipment. The two remaining coins have yet to be cleaned, but their importance to interpreting this collection precludes using risky, possibly damaging conservation procedures on such fragile pieces. Non-destructive methods for examining these coins will be investigated before their protective concretion is removed.

Crude silver “coin”

The three bits of silver are all approximately the weight of small denomination coins (4.95g, 7.16g and 15.61g) but are irregularly shaped and look like silver nuggets. Because of their thickness these pieces survived the corrosive marine environment better than the coins and could be cleaned by electrolytic reduction treatment. The largest of these pieces is marked on one side with a portion of a circular stamp of approximately 1.4cm diameter. A legend runs along the interior edge of this stamp, but a capital "D" is the only readily legible character, leaving any significance a mystery as of this writing. The other two bear no markings.

The presence of these unusual artifacts may be explained by A. F. Pradeau's (1978) discussion of Tepuzque coinage. This was a medium of exchange devised to substitute for the scarcity of government issued coinage in post-conquest Mexico. Gold, first made into disks and later smaller slugs, was stamped with a weight mark and then used as money. Fraud quickly became rampant, with copper being mixed in the gold. Tepuzque is the Aztec term for copper, reflecting what was probably a healthy cynicism for this medium. Apparently the tradition of Tepuzque coinage continued into the reign of Philip II (1556-1598). It is not known if this tradition spread to other parts of the Spanish empire. The term does seem to have evolved into a generic one, no longer specific to gold, in that numerous references to Tepuzque silver are found in the homebound register of the Santa Maria de Yciar leaving Veracruz in 1554 (McDonald and Arnold, 1979).

Similar, apparently privately made, silver "coins" with crude stamps on one side have been found at South Carolina's Santa Elena, occupied from 1565 to 1587 (South, 1988). None of these stamps are a favorable match

with the example from the St. John's Bahamas wreck. All three pieces have been sampled by Dr. Adon Gordus, of the University of Michigan, for neutron activation analysis to determine their elemental composition. It is hoped that this will reveal the refinement method used to extract the silver, as well as its source point. Pewter ware Very badly corroded and fragmented pieces of at least one pewter plate have been recovered from the wreck, which, despite their condition, have provided enough information to reconstruct the plate's form. In its entirety the plate had a basin 1.8 cm deep, surrounded by a flat brim 2.7 cm wide and beaded on its underside. The complete vessel diameter was 27 cm. An outline of a small shield stamped into the underside of the brim can be seen, but any characters inside this mark have been rendered illegible by corrosion.

Reconstruction of pewter plate from fragments. View

is of underside, showing position of stamped mark

It is not possible to discern the origin for this particular plate, but pewter vessels bearing English manufacturers' marks have been recovered from the 1554 fleet (Arnold

and Weddle, 1978) and from wrecks of the 1588 Spanish Armada (Flanagan, 1988). Pewter ware would have provided a "classier" alternative to the mostly crude and plain ceramic table ware that has been seen from this ship and presumably would have been used by those of higher status, such as officers and wealthy passengers.

Miscellaneous Copper and Copper Alloy Artifacts

Cook stove

One panel, rivets and banding originating from what appears to have been a copper stove or cauldron were found in association with brick fragments north of the verso and bombardeta feature. These pieces are all badly corroded and the panel offers little in the way of reconstructing its original form. What is important is its mere presence, indicating that a copper and brick hearth was in use on the ship as well as its disclosure of the general location of the galley.

Syringe Components from a copper-alloy syringe offer the only evidence for medical equipment aside from the drug jar to be found on this site. The domed head fitted with a "needle," or probably more properly "nozzle," with remnants of the cylindrical, barrel body was found in association with plunger remains consisting of a bronze flange fitting attached to a partial wooden handle. The cylinder has an internal diameter of 4.4 cm, and the domed head a depth of 2.5 cm, leading into the tapering needle, which is 5.2 cm long. The size of the needle and diameter of the barrel preclude its use as a hypodermic syringe. There is evidence that similarly designed syringes were used from the 16th century to the mid-

Syringe plunger and needle

19th century for the irrigation of all the orifices of the human body, the mouth excluded, as well as for the aspiration of wounds (Brannion, 1979). Dr. Diego Garcia de Palacio (1587) offers the creative suggestion that syringes could be used as shipboard fire extinguishers, squirting water with them at unwanted blazes resulting from battle. Syringes have been recovered from other shipwreck contexts and appear to have been a common component of shipboard medicine throughout the colonial era. Two syringes, one brass and one pewter, were found on the Mary Rose of 1545. These are smaller with longer, more slender needles and are presumed to have been for urethral applications (Rule, 1982). Two syringe needles, misidentified as "candle spikes," from the 1554 fleet sites are slightly longer than the St. John's example, at 8.6 cm and 7.8 cm (Olds, 1976). A syringe barrel from the 1715 New Spain fleet wrecks on the East Coast of Florida has precisely the same internal diameter of 4.4 cm, with a complete length of 22 cm, providing an idea for the original dimensions of the St. John's syringe. The flange fitting is presumed to have been bound with twine or leather between the two flaring bands at its end, to fill the 2mm gap between it and the barrel walls. This would have prevented contact and Wear of the metal components and ensured good, smooth compression. Dividers A set of dividers is the only Part of the equipment possibly used by the ship's pilot that has been recovered, insinuating that charts were being used and possibly created during this voyage. The arms are 9.8cm long, with a serrated pattern cast into the upper-half of the front and back of each. Semi-circular interlocking hinges above the arms are joined at the top by a pin and pivot

from this point. The design allows the dividers to be squeezed open from the sides of the hinges with a single hand, as well as providing an effective way of maintaining the desired arc by holding the hinge from front to back.

Bronze dividers

Dividers of this design have been found from other 16th-century Spanish shipwreck

contexts on the 1554 wrecks (Arnold and Weddle, 1978) and the 1588 Armada wrecks La Trinidad Valencera and Girona (Flanagan, 1988). Although it is presumed that these dividers were for use in the pilot's course-plotting tasks, reference can be found for their use by other shipboard offices, including the gunners (Garcia de Palacio, 1587) and the carpenter or other artisans (Salaman, 1957).

Straight Pin

One wire pin 42 mm long is presumed to have been used with cloth, paper or any other easily pierced material. It has a ball head that is made of wire wrapped around the end of the pin's shaft. Virtually identical pins have also been found from the 1554 fleet (Arnold and Weddle, 1978) and the Nuestra Señora de Atocha wreck site. Other small, copper-alloy artifacts have been recovered from the St. John's Bahamas wreck site including a small buckle, a sword "phrog" or carrier, a tack, and thin sections of sheet metal of unknown function.

MISCELLANEOUS IRON ARTIFACTS Among the many iron artifacts found on St. John's Bahamas wreck are those that represent aspects of day-to-day life in the 16th century. This is a difficult category to define, as items related specifically to ship- board living as well as personal possessions merely making the voyage with their owners are all represented.

Lock

Many details of the fine inner workings of an intact furniture lock were revealed through X-ray radiography. A box, approximately 7 cm square and 2.5 cm deep,

contains the lock mechanism and is mounted on a decorative faceplate. This box would have been set into the body of the furniture (e.g. a chest or desk) and affixed via the face plate, which is pierced with holes for small nails or screws.

Internal and external components of lock as drawn from radiograph

Parallel examples for locks of this type have been found at Santa Elena (South, 1988) and the wreck of Nuestra Señora de Atocha. An intact furniture lock of similar design is found mounted in what is believed to be a 17th-century Spanish desk at the Ernest Hemingway Home and Museum in Key West, Florida. No keys have been located on the wreck site.

Horseshoe

A single horseshoe provides the only clue for the presence of that important animal, the horse, onboard the St. John's wreck. Although it cannot be stated with certainty, it is not difficult to imagine a person of high

stature making arrangements for a favorite horse to be transported across the Atlantic.

This was apparently the case with at least one and possibly two horses, portions of whose skeletal remains were found onboard the galleon Nuestra Señora de Atocha (Olsen, 1989) though no companion shoes were located.

Iron horseshoe as drawn from radiograph

Few other horseshoes have been found from 16th-century Spanish contexts. Two shoes were found in Talladega County, Alabama and believed to originate from Tristan de Luna's failed 1559-61 campaign to settle "La Florida" (Hudson, et al., 1989), but these are of a different design than the St. John's wreck's example, being

much rounder and wider. They are also perforated with eight nail holes rather than the six seen here. Comparing a single specimen against such scant evidence makes further research into the types of horses and the design of their shoes from this era necessary to shed some further light onto this particular find. Wick- Trimmers

Iron wick-trimmers as drawn from radiograph

One pair of wick-trimmers provides evidence for some of the methods of illumination used aboard the St. John's Bahamas wreck, as this implement was intended to keep the wick of a candle or lamp neat to burn brightly and efficiently. The simple design of the trimmers has been revealed only through X-ray radiography and they have not yet been cleaned of their encrustation.

Scissors A single pair of scissors has also been examined via radiograph with inconclusive results. However, preliminary examination does show them though to be proportioned similarly to those termed "household" scissors (Mandel, 1990). These scissors probably once cut cloth or paper onboard the ship.

Unidentified

Looped iron bar of unknown function

A heavy, wrought iron bar, flared at one end and looped at the other, was thought to be a detached verso tiller, although none of the versos that have been discovered are missing theirs. If indeed it is a tiller, then more than the seven versos that have so far been seen were on this ship. Other possible uses for this implement, based on its design and weight, are tamping or crushing- activities not normally associated with shipboard life.

Many other objects are probably tools or other hardware items, but have not been examined in enough detail to reveal their specific purposes or functions. Because of the large number of iron artifacts recovered from this site and the time-consuming nature of their conservation it will be a considerable while before this group completely reveals its secrets.

Stone Although tons of ballast cover the site, few true artifacts made of stone are found on this wreck. Portions of a grindstone or millstone

are an exception to this. The three sections were found in association with each other, but do not form a complete diameter. It is unclear if this stone was for use onboard the ship to keep tools and weapons sharp, or if it

Fragmentary remains of grindstone

was broken sometime before sailing and utilized simply as ballast. There has been no evidence of a framework on which the grindstone was mounted. Examples of grindstones have been recovered from the wrecks of Nuestra Señora de Atocha and Santa Margarita to give precedence to this find.

Faunal Remains

Although the preservation of organic items has been poor, a few animal teeth and bones have been encountered. All faunal remains recovered during excavation have been sent to the laboratories at the Florida State Museum in Gainesville for identification. Most of these recoveries have proved to be remains of local marine creatures whose occurrence is an expected part of the natural environment and do not lead to any interpretation of the site. The presence of others, however, can be attributed only to the wreck. Two teeth found during the 1992 season have been identified as a molar

fragment and an incisor from an adult domestic pig (Sus scrofa) (Wing, 1993). These two bones from the 1993 excavation have proved to be a fragment of the inominate bone from a domestic cow (Bos taurus ), and a femur shaft from a very young crocodilian, most likely of the genus Caiman (Scudder, 1994). Like the pig, the cow probably represents a part of the comestible cargo, but the crocodilian is more problematic. There is no precedent in the historical or archaeological record for these animals having been consumed as food in a Spanish colonial shipboard context, and the small size of this individual makes it of questionable value as a food source in any measure. Perhaps this creature was being transported as a curious zoological

Crocodilian femur specimen, or simply as a personal souvenir from the exotic New World. The range of crocodilians in the New World covers essentially the same area as Spanish-America, from Southern Florida to the Greater Antilles and Central Mexico to the Amazon basin. The range of caimans, though, is somewhat more restricted, being limited to the mainland from southern Mexico to northern South America, chiefly in the Amazon basin. Herein lies its importance for this study: it is the first and

only undoubtedly American object from the wreck site. From this fact, it is clear that an American landfall had been made and that, in all likelihood, the ship was heading to- ward Spain when it wrecked. A single tooth was recovered during the 1995 season but has not yet been identified.

Floral Remains

A four square-meter area to the east of what has been identified as the galley area has yielded numerous examples of two varieties of seed. These seeds are not readily identifiable and have been sent to the Florida State Museum of Natural History in Gainesville for further analysis.

Two seed types recovered from St. John Bahamas wreck with straight-pin head for scale

Insect Remains Perhaps the most startling discovery made on this wreck site, considering their delicate nature, was four insect carapaces, which were in association with the seeds, presumably infesting the food stores. These insects have not been identified as of this writing. CONCLUSIONS

After reviewing the work that has been conducted on this shipwreck site and portions of the artifacts that have been re- covered from it, what conclusions can be drawn about the conditions surrounding this vessel while it was under sail and the circumstances of its demise? The most basic synopsis would be this: "A Spanish sailing ship wrecked during a voyage from the Americas to the Old World sometime in the mid 16th century." The brevity of this description, though, does not suffice in light of the archaeological evidence that has been exposed during this initial study. Although the analysis is at best at the mid-point, a number of the research objectives that were outlined at the beginning of the project have already been answered. This wooden sailing ship of an undetermined size and design was undoubtedly Spanish. Many of the artifacts parallel those recovered from known Spanish colonial sites. The collection of ceramics reflects this national identification the most strongly with its large percentage of olive jars and Andalusian majolicas. The non-Spanish wares that have been found originate from regions controlled by Spain, or to which Spain had trade access. The location of the wreck and the determination of the period during which it could have been sailing combine to support its being Spanish, as well as provide evidence for the direction in which it was traveling. Although foreign interlopers were beginning to make intrusions into the Americas shortly after the middle of the 16th century, the region was still under Spanish control, and that country's ships still constituted the vast majority of those sailing, and wrecking, in New World waters. The location of the wreck along the edge of the Bahama channel makes it more likely that the ship was sailing toward Spain. After 1513, when the Gulf Stream current was first noted by the pilot Anton de Alaminos,

following its northward flow within this channel became a part of the standard route for the voyage to Europe (Weddle, 1985). Not until 1565, when St. Augustine was founded on the Florida coast, was there any other likely reason for a ship to be in these waters. The islands of the Bahamas had not been colonized and had no ports of call during this period, although they may have served as watering stations or provided safe anchorage when needed (Barratt, 1972). The discovery of American animal remains, New World coinage and possibly Aztec ceramics reinforces the idea that this ship had conducted its American affairs and was on a homebound voyage. From the coins, it is certain that this ship sailed sometime after 1554 but not likely that it was wrecked within a period much beyond that. Artifacts such as Melado ware, wrought-iron artillery, crossbows, Bizcocho ware and some of the Columbia Plain vessels found on the site all saw their greatest popularity in the first half of the 16th century. With such a large number of earlier period artifacts, it seems unlikely that in the final analysis this ship will be found to have been operating beyond ca.1575. Nothing has been seen from this ship to make its specific mission evident. It was obviously well armed, not only with a large number of weapons but also with a wide variety. Presumably, there were soldiers onboard to make use of these. This would have allowed for a variety of potential military applications, both offensive and defensive, a desirable capacity for any vessel sailing at this time. Interestingly, the wrought-iron artillery appears to have been stored in the hold, indicating that a sense of security prevailed during this particular stretch of the voyage. The large number of ceramic storage jars and evidence of wooden barrels reveals a sizable quantity of provisions being carried for the journey, but there is no sign that a commercial cargo was

being transported. Any modern salvage of a cargo appears unlikely. If desirable items had been located by previous explorers, a much more thorough excavation of the site would be expected. The intact nature of this wreck also limits the odds that a cargo is deposited somewhere else on the seabed. If there was a cargo, the greater possibilities are that it was either salvaged in antiquity, or was of a perishable nature and decomposed in the marine environment. In general, the expanding Spanish empire and cultural renaissance sweeping throughout Europe is reflected in the materials found on this ship, albeit in small, but diverse, ways. It can be seen that these Spaniards were not merely imposing their ways on the lands that had been colonized, but were, in turn, being shaped and influenced by the new lands and cultures they had visited. This ship was in the export and import business, and it, along with similar vessels, began the process of globalizing economies, which worked to usher the world into the modern era. Traditional medieval Spanish wares are found alongside those incorporating Italian and Chinese aesthetic influences. Imported ceramics from Italy and possibly Portugal are combined with a probable Aztec variety of pottery and English pewter ware. In addition, coins struck from Mexican silver were in the pockets of those who traveled on this vessel, and intended to be spent later in Spanish ports. The use of tobacco, not known anywhere but the Americas scarcely 50 years earlier, appears to have become by this time a European habit, making its way across the Atlantic with someone onboard this ship. After this collection is examined more thoroughly, its web of cross-cultural influences, a part of the formative seed of modem culture, will surely become more intricate. These grand historical achievements were not accomplished in a particularly luxurious

fashion. The tableware provides evidence for some social stratification among the passengers with, presumably, the imported and fine-grade ware for those of higher stature and the crude ware for the working-class. In these small ways some sailed in relative comfort over others, but any sort of hierarchy was tempered by the fact that everyone had to eat food infested with insects. Fortunately for all, there was a hearth onboard and the ability to provide cooked meals ensured that these bugs could at least be killed before being served. Living space was shared with other animals as well --so far there is evidence for a pig, a crocodilian and possibly a horse --which would have further complicated shipboard sanitary conditions. Crude medical care was available for those who became sick or were wounded. Unknown medicines were stored in ceramic jars or glass vials and could have been administered to patients via a large syringe. Hostile encounters were obviously a distinct possibility judging from the number of weapons found. For protection, soldiers had to wear heavy iron helmets in the tropical heat and artillery was employed whose operation would have been, at best, a smoky affair. Of the many threats to health and well-being, the greatest that faced ships sailing during this era was shipwreck, and, obviously, was the fate that befell this particular vessel. The conditions that caused the loss of this ship are difficult to discern, but it certainly does not appear to have been a terribly violent wreck. The remains that have been examined show little sign of trauma, and the ship appears merely to have rolled over on its side while remaining more or less intact. The hull remains, though badly degraded, are still contiguous. The chainplate assemblies were found lined in a row, and other artifacts are being recovered in associated groups, apparently close to their original shipboard locations. Certainly

the location of the wreck along the edge of the Bahama channel could have resulted from navigational error, with the ship simply sailing out of the channel to run aground and become hopelessly stuck at its present location. A more likely scenario, though, which takes into consideration the discovery of the one possibly related anchor, is that the vessel was blown into the wreck site. The bow of the wreck points toward the location of the anchor, which is nearly half a mile north-northwest and closer to the edge of the bank in slightly deeper water. Perhaps the sails were reefed and the anchors deployed while the sailors tried to ride out a storm and keep off the shallows but the ship still kept moving with the sterncastle acting as a sail. The anchor that has been located may reflect the last attempt to stop this movement as the ship came onto the bank. The cable may have then snapped and the ship scudded backwards into shallower water until it could float no more. The frequency with which tropical storms can suddenly strike this area only reinforces such an idea. There is no firm evidence concerning the fate of the people onboard. The areas of the site that have been examined through this archaeological excavation look to have suffered little disturbance since the wrecking event. Some areas have been intruded upon in relatively recent times, especially units within the E4 square where the disturbance extends to the level of the hull structure in places. The pre-disturbance survey indicates that this damage may reach even further into areas toward the Northwest. This is certainly unfortunate; however, in an attempt to make a positive out of a negative, it can be said that this intrusion has done little to disturb the context of the majority of artifacts. The areas of the site that have been disturbed are deep in the hold of the vessel, near the floor timbers and keelson, which in a ship on its side is an area composed primarily of stone ballast. Additionally, large portions of the

ballast in this particular area are fused by marine concretion and have defied the at- tempts of any previous excavators to remove them. Perhaps the greatest mystery is why the site has not suffered from greater natural damage since it is in shallow water in an area that has come to be known as "hurricane alley." These storms, with their fierce winds, can generate tremendous seas, which would seemingly have the capacity to severely alter, if not scour, the sea bottom and redistribute the wreck. For whatever reason, such alteration has not been the case, and the surviving wreckage has been as well maintained as could be hoped. The excavations that have taken place as a part of this study have been specifically structured to explore all the facets of this exceptional shipwreck site. The collecting of data which encompasses such a broad variety of wreckage has been tedious and time-consuming, but is proving its worth, for even the smallest and most delicate remains are being safely recovered. The intent of this project, to explore all of the possible avenues provided by this wreck and to gain

the most complete insights possible into the life and times of this mid-16th century Spanish sailing ship, is being fulfilled. Of course, each shipwreck has its own story to tell, but it is doubtful that anyone involved in this project will see another site with so much to offer. Such a diverse collection of artifacts and materials has the potential to affect profoundly an understanding not only of maritime culture, but of the formation of the modem Americas and how their settlement and exploitation by Europeans brought these "new" continents out of isolation and led them to begin shaping the rest of the world. This report is only a beginning. As the excavation continues, as more artifacts are cleaned and deciphered, as comparative analyses are conducted, as historical research is completed, and as criticisms are heard, this study will expand and evolve and then begin to yield its most significant results. Such an analysis will take the efforts of many men and women over many years to come, but this long-lost ship is going to complete its final voyage.

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