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LEAD ARTICLEdeath of the welfare state

interviewturkish delegation

social SUSTAINABILITYCOMMITTEE ARTICLES

2

death of the welfare state

p. 20 - 21

the 501 democracy

p. 19

EDITORIAL

Just when we think that we have figured things out and life is going according to the plan, the universe is more than happy to throw us a curve ball. Suddenly, improvising becomes a norm and adapt-ing to situations we would not have imagined before becomes

something you need to deal with. Whether it is fighting for you rights and making sure that your voice is being heard in the middle of Gezi park, or following the latest updates of the media regulations to make sure you do not get dragged into another phone-hacking scandal. Sometimes it is about when and how to speak up during the committee work. Everything that is challenging is also an opportunity to grow.

This session will give us all a chance to learn something new, but also question our opinions and judgments. In order to fully make use of this opportunity we need to realise how being flexible, open to new ideas is the key to success during our 10 days here. Making use of all that will en-able us to say that we have taken the maximum of what this session has to offer us and that itself is an overly rewarding thought.

LUCA OLUMETSFRANZISKA MAIER

MARIE DROMEYMAIRI SÕELSEPP

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ottomania

p. 16

committee articles

CULTFEMMLIBEIMCO

AFCO II

death of the welfare state

p. 20 - 21

cartoonp. 26

PED (the other kind)

p. 5

dead or alive

p. 10 - 11

CONTENTS

4

SPECTRUMfallacies

HOW

PITFALL-ACIESCOMMON

AVOIDTO

Who would not like to argue? In EYP, committee work, general assembly and often even free time is spent discussing various concepts, both fun and more serious. Understandably, it is easier to debate if certain principles and structures are followed. Kaarle Olav Varkki takes a look at some common mistakes (to avoid) in order to make the most of our debates.

Creation of an argument

Essentially, all arguments follow a simple pattern. Firstly, there is one or more premises – facts, taken for granted, that the argument is based around. Secondly, a principle of logic is applied in order to reach a conclusion – this principle is ef-fectively that of equivalence. To give an example, if A=B and B=C, therefore the natural conclusion is that A=C. Very often fallacies ap-pear at different points of this pro-cess, whether on purpose or not, resulting in a debate focused on the wrong things. If pointed out, such inaccuracies can be avoided.

Different types of fallacies

Cherry-picking a.k.a. confirma-tion bias – only using evidence that supports one’s conclusions. This may happen accidentally, therefore research should be done with care. In these cases personal experience is often used to make a point, leav-ing out relevant experience unfa-

miliar to the arguer.

Post hoc ergo propter hoc – Latin for ’after this, therefore because of this’. Event B happened after event A, therefore B is the result of A. Though temporally connect-ed, these two events may have no causal relations what so ever. Cor-relation does not imply causation, this can sometimes be coinciden-tal.

Strawman – misrepresenting someone’s argument by exaggera-tion or simply fabricating it in or-der to make it easier to attack. Usu-ally very well put and funny points, without adding any constructive value to the debate.

Hasty generalisation – arriving to a conclusion about the whole, based on an inadequate (too small or atypical) sample. For example, in the Spectrum media team Juan and Berkok have brown eyes. A person who has not met any other mem-ber of the team could falsely de-

duce that all members have brown eyes.

Appeal to emotion – going for an emotional effect rather than a decent argumentation. Whilst a valid argument can also have an emotional aspect, it should not be dominant.

These are only some of the most common fallacies that can be avoided rather easily. Being able to identify, and therefore avoid these fallacies can drastly improve the quality of any debate.

5

SPECTRUMdoping

PED(The otherone)

All or nothing. Juan Amaya and Karim Ben Hamda take a look at the decisions made by professional athletes who choose to take Performance Enhancing Drugs and put their careers and lives on the line to achieve greatness.

Far better is it to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure... than to rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy nor

suffer much, because they live in a grey twilight that knows not victory nor defeat.” (Theodor Roosevelt)

If you play, play to win. For anyone who has ever engaged in any kind of sports activity, the motivation behind all the hours of training, and

the performance itself, rely on the hope of achiev-ing success. But how far are athletes willing to go in order to achieve greatness?

With a significant number of doping cases brought to light over the recent years, one should come to question whether or not we are fighting against an enemy that’s probably just as implicit in sport as the pure desire of victory.

The current technological development that we have experienced since the 20th century has ena-bled the opportunity to be bigger, better, faster and stronger for all who desire this. This fact has however pushed the boundaries of professional athletes to the extreme. Performance Enhancing Drugs (PEDs) do not only constitute a physical risk to the athletes that decide to take them, but also a legal and professional one. The price of getting caught is high enough for most athletes to take a step back.

Disgraced American cyclist Floyd Landis was stripped of his 2006 Tour de France victory after being caught with unnaturally high amounts of tes-tosterone in his system. In 2011 he called for the le-galisation of PEDs in cycling. Landis stated that the cycling world had reached a stalemate by claiming that many cyclists who used PEDs would always be caught by testers and hereby admitting and conclud-ing the fatalistic nature of athletes.

At the end of the day, professional athletes are also public figures. Would fans still be able to appre-ciate the romanticism around sport whilst knowing that their idols with the help of superhuman sub-stances? Furthermore, are these athletes not public role-models, representing the sport and associated honour? Or wouldn’t it make sense to monitor and regulate the use of PEDs and hereby guarantee that athletes’ use will be regulated to benefit their health as well as performance?

6

SPECTRUMlibe

Hotel Europe at midnight

The fine line between preventing benefits tourism and infringing upon the core-val-ues of the EU has to be treaded carefully.

Dirk Hofland argues why the EU should not thoughtlessly pursue an empty liberty but keep in mind that the purpose of the

freedom of movement has always been an economic one that is more important than

the liberty itself.

Due to its controversial nature, the subject of immigration has always been a high profile and challenging subject with a par-

ticularly bad reputation. The understandable but inexcusable inclination of citizens to feel threatened in their socio-economic status by large flows of immigrants only serves to fan the flames. However, from a theoretical per-spective immigration is often thought of as ‘serving as an equilibrating factor between regional labour markets’ (1). In this way, im-migration can be a valuable way of increasing economic efficiency.

As 2014 draws near, and with it the com-plete removal of all labour restrictions to workers from Bulgaria and Romania, pub-lic fear has risen that this core value poses a severe threat to the fragile economies of the richer Member States. The 2004/38/EC Directive takes into this into account, stat-ing that migrating European citizens should ‘have sufficient resources for themselves and their family members not to become a bur-den on the social assistance system of the host Member State’(2). Theoretically, this should make these immigrants low consum-ers of public services. The unfortunate real-ity, however, is that it will be possible for all EU citizens to move to richer Member States and, while unemployed, make use of the so-cial benefits of the host country. Although some studies have found that the impact of

Why a walking buffet and dusty linens are preferable over

room service and housekeeping.

7

such a large-scale migration can be positive (3,4,5), a worst-case sce-nario seems a frightening prospect, especially given the current eco-nomic crisis.

Several actions must be taken to curb this threat. Most importantly, the 2004/38/EC Directive must be transcribed into national legisla-tion. In this way, unemployed im-migrants shall only be eligible for resident social assistance in very specific circumstances, limiting possibilities for the phenomenon of benefits tourism to actually oc-cur. In this light, the British pro-posed ‘Right to Reside’-test should be applauded, although some mod-ifications are to be made in order to ensure its compliance with the Directive. Furthermore, a more ef-ficient and complete citizen admin-istration should be implemented on a national level– and potentially EU-wide – so as to ensure that the welfare systems are not abused. Additionally, the proposal of the European Commission to define the term ‘sufficient resources’ as the ‘national criteria to be granted the basic social assistance benefit’ (6) should be transposed into na-tional legislation. Finally, as a last resort the more severe measure of limiting the available benefits of unemployed foreign EU citizens should be considered.

The debate on benefit tourism is a volatile one, with both civil liberties and their socio-economic consequences at issue. The 2014 removal of the restrictions on Bul-garian and Romanian workers has the potential to become a large influence on the welfare of rich EU Member States.. It should be noted, however, that even though the freedom of movement is of paramount importance, Western Europe should not be turned into a hotel, but let us hope that if it does, it does not get a five-star rating.

(4) George Eaton (2013). How fears over Bulgarian and Roma-nian immigration have been exag-gerated. Retrieved from http://www.newstatesman.com/poli-tics/2013/04/how-fears-over-romanian-and-bulgarian-immigra-tion-have-been-exaggerated(5) MigrationWatch UK. Immigra-tion from Romania and Bulgaria. Retrieved from http://www.migra-tionwatchuk.org.uk/pdfs/BP4_17.pdf (6) Commission of the Euro-pean Communities (2009). Com-munication from the Commis-sion to the European Parliament and Council on guidance for bet-ter transposition and application of Directive 2004/38/EC on the right of citizens of the Un-ion and their family members to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States. Retrieved from http://eur-lex.eu-ropa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.

(1) European Commission DG Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities, Institute for the Study of Labour, NIRAS Consultants A/S & The Swedish National Labour Market Board (2008). Geographic mobility in the European Union: Optimising its economic and social benefits. Re-trieved from http://ec.europa.eu/social/(2) Directive 2004/38/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council. 77-123. Retrieved from http://eur-lex.europa.eu/JOHtml.do?uri=OJ:L:2004:158:SOM:EN:HTML(3) Commission of the European Communities (2011). Report from the Commission to the Council on the Functioning of the Tran-sitional Arrangements on Free (5) Movement of Workers from Bul-garia and Romania. Retrieved from http://ec.europa.eu/social/BlobServlet?docId=7204&langId=en

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SPECTRUMafcoII

Member states goingtransparentThe tides are shifting. As the European year of citizens comes to its mid-point

public opinion in EU Member states demands an increase in lobbying regulations. Manfredi Danielis analyses the ongoing shift in national legislation.

Tides are changing and we need to change with them. The days of self-regulation are over (1), under the pressure of local corruption scan-dals and a modified public opinion European

Member States are slowly starting to control the lobbying phenomenon by introducing transparency registers within national governments. (2)

A transparency register is a very simple document set up by a voluntary scheme which aims at adding transparency to the decision-making process. It provides citizens and per-sons working in institutions with information about organi-sations participating in policy-making. In other words, since decision-makers often lack sufficient knowledge in the field, under the principle of participative democracy they use the advice of specialists. This document notes down for the gen-eral public who in any way tries to influence policy.

However up to now countries with specific regulation and rules governing the activities of lobbyists and interest groups have been more an exception than a rule.

Take the example of Sweden for instance. Well known for its cultural based transparency the country has never had rules or practices governing lobbyist activity in the Riksdag. Until recently, conventional wisdom decreed that the benefits of the open and transparent nature of Swedish society out-weighed the potential dangers of unregulated lobbying(3). Only now, following a recent billing scandal, the issue has appeared on the political agenda(4).

In Belgium and Italy there has been a strong opinion for

9

SPECTRUMafcoII

some time that demands an imple-mentation of a transparency regis-ter and a stricter code of conduct for the MPs, but up to now only small symbolic voluntary partici-pation has been in order. On the other side Spain, Portugal, Greece have no rules whereas Finland and Austria lack some but have a few de-facto established procedures.

Within the European Union the German Bundestag is the only Chamber which has specific and formal rules regarding the regis-tration of lobbyists. All groups seeking to articulate or defend an interest must register with the Bun-destag (5). This register, which is available to the public, is published annually.

However, public opinion sug-gests that lobbying will not remain unregulated for long. A recent sur-vey showed that the majority (56%) of Europeans think lobbying is not sufficiently regulated in their coun-try (6). It is probable that many other countries will follow Sweden in moving towards implementing a transparency register.

The UK model instead prefers to regulate only the MPs and not the ones who do the lobbying. In this way, the UK has always pre-ferred to regulate the lobbied and not the lobbyists, however this al-ternative model could very soon fade away. (7)

In those countries where infor-mal practices prevail there is some evidence that suggests that the is-sue of regulating lobbyists more

formally is moving up the political agenda (8). Parliamentary systems are coming under growing pressure to balance interest articulation and fundamental democratic principles such as the freedom of expression. Public and political pressure has been arising from local crises or scandals that have thrown the spot-light on the relationship between interest groups, politicians and bureaucrats. Consequently, there is greater public and political pres-sure for more formal regulation.

Under this climate the EU has also introduced a joint transpar-ency register for commission and parliament. However, this has been judged an unsatisfactory by the al-liance for Lobbying Transparency and Ethics Regulation in the Eu-ropean Union (ALTER_EU) (9). The key issue is that such register will not serve as a serious measure for transparency until it is rendered mandatory, a step that would re-quire an amendment in the funda-mental treaties.

Tides are changing, public opin-ion is shifting. Should the EU grasp this opportunity and change with them?

in the European Union”. Retrieved from http://books.google.at/books?id=t_3RBCzPJv8C&pg=PA35&lpg=PA35&dq=european+member+states+control+lobbying&source=bl&ots=xUg4Lgh79g&sig=hmdqwSHZM6nmlEVj9KBUIC1BDCs&hl=de&sa=X&el=ei=LFbiUbviG8PUswbE74H4DA&ved=0CHYQ6AEwCA#v=onepage&q=european%20mem-ber%20states%20control%20lobbying&f=false(3) Ann Törnkvist (2013) Swedish lobbying has a culture of transpar-ency. Retrieved from http://www.thelocal.se/47636/20130430/(4) Burson Masteller (2013) Trans-parent and ethical lobbying high on the agenda, Retrieved from http://jap.static.euractiv.com/files/pr/BM%20Lobbying%20Sur vey-Press_Release_03June2013.pdf(5) Brian Brady (2013) Lobbyist press for more regulation of their industry. Retrieved from http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/lobbyists-press-for-more-regulation-of-their-indus-try-8612466.html(6) Margaret Mary Malone (2013) Regulation of Lobbyists in Devel-oped Countries Current Rules and Practices. Retrieved from http://www.environ.ie/en/Publications/LocalGovernment/Administra-tion/FileDownLoad,2048,en.pdf(7) Nikolaj Nielsed (2013), Eu trans-parency register riddled with errors. Retrieved from http://euobserver.com/justice/120553http://euob-server.com/search/author/238

(1) Direnc kanol (2012) “Should the european commission enact a mandatory transparency regis-ter”. Journal of contempory Eu-ropean reseach, volume 8, issue 4. Retrieved from http://www.statewatch.org/news/2013/feb/eu-jcer-lobbying.pdf(2) Jeike Kluver (2012), “Lobbying

10

SPECTRUMopinion

Dead or

Waltter Suominen believes that privacy is in danger

The motto, ‘I know where you are and what you did’, is now the re-ality for many governments of the 21st century. Citing security

reasons as a justification for the recording and storing of personal data. Should this continue, the funeral of privacy will surely be nigh.

Privacy is often regarded as a fundamen-tal human right which should, unquestion-ably, be protected. Furthermore, violations should carry severe consequences in ac-cordance to the law. While it is disputable whether ordinary, law-abiding citizens have anything to fear, as they are not of im-portance to the intelligence agencies, this does not mean that their personal liberties should not be upheld. The fact that govern-ments infringe upon privacy of its citizens proves a deep mistrust in society. Thus leak-ers, such as Snowden and Assange, come forward plunging the societies into a sense of disarray, increasing public mistrust in governments.

National security should always remain a vital part of governance and crime-preven-tive solutions through increased technology

may help to save lives. However, how far does “national security” go? Should it le-galise unconstitutional inquisitions against everyday citizens? Although NSA and other intelligence agencies in the past have imple-mented many surveillance programs, with the Prism scandal being the latest example. Every conversation online that happens to contain one predefined key term is be-ing recorded. In this way, every individual is assumed as a potential threat. The issue deepens when you consider the fact that the American government (via the National Security Agency) is collecting the data of European citizens. In this way, data collec-tion goes beyond ‘security’ and is absolutely abusing its power.

Certainly, there has to be a balance be-tween the need for privacy and security. The unfortunate reality, however, is that online privacy has been violated. It is imperative that the privacy of individuals is respected. At this point, it is vital that the EU prioritise protecting its citizens and put through the much discussed updates to the Data Protec-tion Directive which would ensure that the right to privacy remains protected.

11

SPECTRUMopinion

Aliveor

Aida Grishaj expresses her disbelief in the degradation of privacy

When I heard that the Amer-icans were spying on us, I got seriously concerned and researched on the mat-

ter. But after I found out that they can only intercept six million phone calls a day, I was relived. That is only the calls my wife has to two of her best friends.” – German radio commentator

“It was difficult to not think of Orwell’s 1984 when Edward Snowden first came for-ward. Fears of governments violating the civil liberties of citizens were impossible to ignore. Yet again, after some thoughts on the topic one comes to the conclusion that what these institutions do might be more complicated than first thought.

To start with, these technologies are lim-ited. Certainly, the amount of interceptions is intimidating but most of the information is neither read nor evaluated. It is filtered through specific key-words or names, which are mainly related to national security, inter-national terrorism, organised crime or the

safety of military forces in conflict areas. One could claim that the names or activi-ties of many of us are of no importance to the intelligence agencies. This information is then discarded after a short period of time, which means that long pointless con-versations with friends are never actually on object of investigation.

Another controversial point is the lack of transparency in the work of intelligence agencies. Some even wonder whether their activities are legal. It is true that no con-stitution explicitly gives the right to intel-ligence agencies to spy on everyone. There are, however other complementary laws that provide their activities with the legal framework. Their main goal is to safeguard national security and protecting this greater good requires at times that some activities are not revealed to the public. Some of us would not mind that the government has the potential to intercept our Facebook messages, phone calls or emails; I person-ally don’t.”

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SPECTRUMimco

Think TWICE

You do not necessar-ily need to be a Min-ister of Finance to be responsible for

thousands or millions of Eu-ros. With the fresh experiences with floods in many European regions it is hard to imagine having the responsibility of a head of a municipality, making sure order is restored. Suddenly you can affect the lives of thou-sands others, either by buying their products or hiring them to provide a service. This respon-sibility is massive and can have large and widespread implica-tions.

Governments, both local and central, distribute around 19% of their Gross domestic product GDP (1) every year

through public procurement whereby public sector organi-sations acquire goods and ser-vices from third parties. Public procurement is the process that supports the work of govern-ment, and ranges from routine items (for example, stationery), to more complex spending ar-eas (e.g. construction of public buildings) (2). Given the on-go-ing economic crisis every firm is doing their utmost to increase business, selling their prod-ucts or services; however, there are certain limitations when it comes to a potential contract with a public party.

Public procurement is pri-marily regulated through Eu-ropean Treaties, which set the ground rules for the free movement of goods and ser-vices between Member States. Moreover there have been fur-ther regulations on a European level since 1962 when national quotas and restrictions in pub-lic procurement were abolished (3). There is a directive current-ly in force on the coordination of procedures for the award of public works contracts, pub-lic supply contracts and public service contracts (4). However, in 2011 there was a proposal to

revise this directive using the ar-gument that the existing public procurement legislation needs to be revised and modernised in order to make it better suited to deal with the evolving political, social and economic context (5). This proposal along with the World Trade Organisation regulation from 2010 (6), brings forward a completely new di-mension of public procure-ment as it emphasises the op-portunity to put pressure on the private sector through setting higher standards, mainly in the field of social responsibility and open market. For example, only those companies which employ a certain percentage of disad-vantaged employees can apply for such contract.

One may ask whether all this is necessary since many con-tracts between the public and private sector are often han-dled on a municipal level. The key word here is competition. The Agreement on Govern-ment Procurement (7), Article III: 2 states that each Party is required to ensure that its enti-ties do not treat domestic sup-pliers differently on the basis of a greater or lesser degree of foreign affiliation or owner-

Zuzana Holakovska took a closer look on various aspects of public procurement, a process in which one fifth of Gross domestic product is being distributed every year.

13

ship as well as to ensure that its entities do not discriminate against domestic suppliers because their good or service is produced in the territory of another Party. Thus al-though it may sound easier to hire a local company to collect trash in the city, in the end it may be more beneficial to contract foreign companies, who may have either higher standards or lower prices. On the other hand we should be aware of the pos-sible consequences for local business – will they be able to compete to produce cheaper products or will they become bankrupt?

Furthermore, the European Union is trying to ensure that public procurement in all Member states is as transparent, efficient and competitive as possible. Pivotal to this,

as well as symbolising the electronic era we live in, is e-procurement. E-procurement has been introduced in order to achieve benefits such as increased efficiency and cost savings (faster and cheaper) in govern-ment procurement and improved transpar-ency (to reduce corruption) in procurement services (8), however it is not widespread yet. How e-procurement should continue, and what standards should be set and which actor should play the key role in this pro-cess, is up to the Committee on Internal Market and Consumer Protection. Let’s just hope they can handle the responsibility, the budget they are responsible for is worth some care.

(1) Press Release - Modernising European public procurement to support growth and employment http://europa.eu/r a p i d / p r e s s - r e l e a s e _ I P - 1 1 - 1 5 8 0 _en.htm?locale=en (accessed July, 10th, 2013).(2) Introduction to Public procurement https://www.gov.uk/government/up-loads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/62060/introduction-public-procure-ment.pdf (accessed July, 10th, 2013).(3) Bovis, Christopher H. (2007). EU Pub-lic Procurement Law. Elgar European Law Series. Edward Elgar Publishing - The Eu-ropean Communities (EC) Council of Min-isters adopted General Programmes(4) DIRECTIVE 2004/18/EC

(5) Proposal for a DIRECTIVE OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL on public procurement 2011/0438 (COD)(6) Overview of the Agreement on Gov-ernment Procurement http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/gproc_e/gpa_overview_e.htm(7) Overview of the Agreement on Gov-ernment Procurement http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/gproc_e/gpa_overview_e.htm(8) Delivering savings for Europe: moving to full e-procurement for all public pur-chases by 2016 http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-12-389_en.htm

“we should be aware of the possible consequences for local busi-ness – will they be able to compete to produce cheaper products or

will they become bankrupt? ”

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SPECTRUMfemm

would seem fair if a majority of women in Europe were under-qualified in regards to their academic and professional achievements. However, this is absolutely not the case. The amount of female graduates in ter-tiary education outnumbers the amount of male grad-uates by a ratio of approximately three to two; this ratio reached three to one for health and welfare fields of education (2).

The question that then subsequently arises is: why haven’t women’s efforts within education shone through to the reality of the labour market and work places? One of the most predominant reasons is be-cause women still face many socio-cultural barriers in society. This obviously varies between member states, but when 88% of Europeans find that there should be equal representation in company leadership posi-tions one should ask themselves whether Europeans actually want to concretely realise their issues that they apparently feel so strongly about in a large majority.

For several years now the goal of reaching gender equality and gender parity within the European Union (EU) has been seen as a rough journey, to say the least. Although the

EU and especially the Council of Europe have been promoting de jure gender equality among member states and have been striving to achieve this through numeral treaties and directives, the current situation is still far from ideal.

Women’s rights have definitely improved over the past decades. However the harsh reality is that the measures taken up until now still haven’t had the de-sired effect. Great progress has been made to ensure that women are treated equally on the job market and to guarantee that they can be flexible if they decide to start a family. But the ‘’old boys’’ world of business has proven to be a culture that has been hard to break.

At this point, it is not imperative to create better laws that preserve the rights of either employed or un-employed women. However, it is of paramount im-portance to develop a cultural and ideological change within the EU when it comes to women’s position on the labour market. In practice, women are still majorly underrepresented in company leadership positions. This is a huge contrast to public opinion, which states that 88% of Europeans believe that women should be equally represented in company leadership positions (1). Women in the workplace also are hindered by in-flexible parental leave conditions and it is no secret that sexual discrimination and harassment in the work-place is an all too common problem.

The implementation of quotas has always been a controversial topic, especially when it comes to com-pany leadership positions. A large majority of Euro-peans find that people should be granted jobs and op-portunities based upon merit as opposed to gender. Only 35% of Europeans believe that there should be a pan-European common policy implementing gender quotas.

As fair and as rational as this may sound, the cur-rent figures on women’s positions on the labour mar-ket clearly depict that women are still massively un-represented when it comes to top level positions. This

Karim Ben Hamda argues that ensuring women’s positions on the labour market can only be

accomplished if drastic measures are taken in order to break cultural barriers in the work-

place and society.

“ the current figures on women’s posi-tions on the labour market clearly

depict that women are still massively unrepresented when it comes to top

level positions.”

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SPECTRUMfemm

“old boys” culture

Gender quotas have been proved successful in Norway over the past years, with an increase of 30 % of women on company boards (3). By implementing quotas it seems that a major hurdle in achieving gen-der equality would become reality, based upon lessons that we have taken from Norway. If Europe were to grow accustomed to the fact that companies will be le-gally bound to have an equal representation of women in leadership positions, this will function as a catalyst to ensure that women presence in these roles will be self-evident in the future. When it comes down to the socio-cultural status quo of women on the labour mar-ket, it is clear that this is one of the last big obstacles in achieving gender equality and parity on this continent.

(1) Women in decision-making positions report http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_376_en.pdf(2) Tertiarry education statistics, Eurostat (2010) http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_ex-plained/index.php/Tertiary_education_statistics(3) The Quota-instrument: different approaches across Europe (2011) http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gender-equality/files/quota-working_paper_en.pdf

Abolish the

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SPECTRUMeconII

Ottomania

In an interview with the Turkish delegation, Theodor Hall and Waltter Suominen look at the opposite sides of the coin following the outbreak of international

protests over Gezi Park‘s deconstruction in Istanbul.

What started out as an environmen-tal protest over a few trees mush-

roomed into a wave of protests that shocked the entire world. Violent and disturbing images quickly spread throughout the in-ternet, particularly over the me-dium of social media, making it nearly impossible to avoid com-ing in contact with the events of Gezi Park, Istanbul.

The EYP community felt es-pecially close to it, as many nerv-ously jittered over the fates of their Turkish friends. EYP gives us a unique chance to engage in direct dialogue with people head to head. To make the most of this opportunity, Spectrum Me-dia interviewed the members of the Turkish delegation and our very own Turkish journalist.

What struck us most in our conversations were the radically different perceptions of the pro-tests, even between citizens of

the very same country, and the wide discrepancies in informa-tion on which these perceptions were based. Theories ranged from the notion that Turkey’s increasingly conservative gov-ernance was already a ticking time bomb with Gezi Park only being the trigger to the idea that the protests were no impromptu incident, but in reality an organ-ised anti-Erdogan movement. Controversial debates further showed us the high influence the consulted sources have, which range from social media, over word of mouth to news agencies.

A heated point of discussion was the role of the police force in the protests. One delegate ar-gued it was a ruthless misuse of power: “The police fired tear-gas canisters directly at peaceful protesters, knowingly inflicting severe injuries.” Another inter-viewee responded that his cous-in‘s roommate lost an eye from said canisters, which inspired

our EYP participant to also join the protests. Conversely, it was also ar-gued that the policemen were not the agitators, but rather forced into self-defense by assaults with potentially lethal intentions. Have the police un-justly been made out to be the villains of this tale?

A ray of light in the chaos of the protests was the symbolic figure of „Duranadam“, literally translated as “the man who stands.“ Duranadam was an artist who as a form of pro-test simply stood still and stared at a poster of Attatürk for over 15 hours. Many see him as the embodiment of the peaceful nature the protests were meant to have but seemingly were doomed to lose. The agony of all involved has to this day failed to ex-plain who is truly responsible for the escalation and brutality of the events in Taksim square. One can only hope that through open communication and peaceful action the people of Turkey can resolve their issues and that our friends can stay safe.

From Cutting Trees To Firing Canisters

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SPECTRUMeconII

Falling into the same1848, 1968, 1989 and…

2013? What could be the possible common social and political factors in

these years? As shortly defined by the Oxford dictionaries, de-mocracy constitutes a system of government by the whole popu-lation or all the eligible mem-bers of a state, typically through elected representatives. A ques-tion that arises is: What happens when the political class’ deci-sions radically differ from their own people’s will? How should we face the dilemma of whether public opinion should only be voiced through a country’s deci-sion-makers or if a truly demo-cratic system should be obligated to provide alternative tools and solutions also between voting periods?

In the same way that the pres-ence of an illness is evinced by its symptoms, protests are noth-ing more than society’s wrongs being shouted out in the streets. The mid-19th century eventu-ally translated into the definite countdown for absolutist monar-chies inside Europe, and the rise of proletarian and social move-ments. In the late 1960’s a group of 1.500 French students pro-

tested in favour of four unfair-ly imprisoned colleagues. This occurrence grew into a general strike that ended-up involving 9 million people. The popular dis-content expressed pushed Presi-dent Charles De Gaulle to an-nounce elections ahead of time and act in favour of his people’s demands. 1989 saw almost a cen-tury’s ideological legacy collapse, with events such as the fall of the Berlin Wall and the switch to

democratic political systems in East-ern Europe which alternated the run of history.

2013 looks promisingly relevant to future generation’s perspective of active social participation in the 21st century. Over the last seven months alone, democracies around the world have seen three major events demand-ing increased citizen participation. Turkey’s Gezi Park and the demand for a truly democratic and an indi-vidually more libertarian state, Bra-zil’s discontent with the lucrative use of their taxes for sportive events, and lastly Egypt’s once again failing politi-cal system. But in the long-term, will the millions in Istanbul, Sao Paulo and El Cairo actually have an impact on the future?

Hopelessness and the sensation of individual uselessness are two main reasons behind the abstention of ac-tive participation and defence of one’s beliefs. Some might argue that only the foolish think that by going into the streets and demanding changes, this might actually be possible. His-tory has proved that probably making the “mistake” of being foolish and naïve has led to some of humanity’s greatest accomplishments. Probably falling into the same trap over and over again isn’t that bad after all when it comes with achieving change.

With recent worldwide public demonstrations of discontent towards decisions from demo-cratically elected heads of state, Juan Estheiman Amaya analyses the protest culture from an historical and practi-cal point of view. Does protest-ing actually make a difference?

trap

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SPECTRUMdirect democracy

Direct democracy: ten forstyle, but five for execution

Jonathan Piepers examines the merit of the Swiss system of direct democracy and points out the shortcomings central to the set-up.

Direct democracy, as carried out in the Swiss context, is definitely not the norm. The system does provide an op-portunity for mainly bottom-up leg-

islative or constitutional national referenda by any citizen if he succeeds to collect the signatures of 100.000 voters. Similar initiatives also exist on the cantonal and municipal level. As a result, according to the Swiss Research Centre on Direct Democracy, more than 30% of the national referenda carried out worldwide have been conducted in the Swiss Con-federation. Liechtenstein and Switzerland are nota-ble examples of nations that have such a substantial as well as a direct impact by its native and naturalised population.

Whilst fully agreeing with the fundamental prin-ciples behind direct democracy, the system has its faults. To start with, the degree of participation across referenda often does not transcend the 45% mark. This does put forward a question of demo-cratic legitimacy. If only less than half of the pop-

”

ulation actively takes part in the process there are questions to be asked about the social acceptation of these referenda. If the voter gets overcharged or the method gets used for superfluous proposals, the instruments of the so called ‘pure democracy’ might actually backfire and even further decrease their pop-ularity.

Next to that, although not always perceived as such, direct democracy also may pose a substantial threat towards minorities. According to the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), direct de-mocracy is most harmful for the most marginalised minorities as up to 30% of Swiss municipalities still rely on referenda for the approval of naturalisation applications.

“With this simple definition the jurisdictions are not actually conducting illegal business but

merely allowing a financial environment with lack of transparency, thus facilitating illegal actions.

Lastly, direct democracy can allow for more in-fluence by demagogues or populist movements. A prime example herein is the position of the right-wing Swiss People’s Party (SPP) in the minaret de-bate. By spending even more money on publicity than the H&M clothing line, this party manages to heavily influence the often less informed rural areas within the country. Since roughly one third of the country fall victim to these practices, the SFP often manage to create sufficient leverage to pass laws that in other countries would be regarded as conflicting with freedom of religion and other fundamental val-ues.

All in all, there is certainly merit to the existing system as it creates a commendable culture of direct participation and civic responsibility. On the other hand, it would be ignorant to not agree on the chal-lenges that the current system poses as highly con-troversial issues such as a return policy for criminally convicted immigrants are being put to popular vote.

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SPECTRUMjeans democracy

The 501

Democracy

Denim was first used in the United States as it was produced for miners’ and

cowboys’ usage. After develop-ing with time, it became a popu-lar fabric among teenagers in the 1950s. Today, blue jeans are more widespread and socially recog-nised than the English language. But what is even more haunt-ingly beautiful is its acceptance by all social and economical classes. From billionaire pop stars to the beggars on the street nearly every-one owns a pair of blue or slightly worn off, dirty-blueish jeans.

Not necessarily comfortable, the blue jeans have become the embodiment of the modern out-fit. They can be worn to many oc-casions and do not require much care due to its fabric qualities. In addition, its variety of style is strik-ingly attractive. Jeans’ main popu-larity derives from their openness to fit any style. From reggae fans’

baggies or the American thug life low waists to the European hipster skinny jeans, the fashion prod-uct’s different styles have been re-nowned by many social dressers. These groups create their own understanding of ‘looks’ by alter-ing the hard cotton as they wish, and find themselves in the narrow lines of the blue fabric. In short terms, blue jeans are able to repre-sent any community thanks to the creative environment they allow their users. But does this collec-tive acceptance fashion a deeper meaning for the role of denim?

A man who has successfully put his name on many chests in the world of fashion, Giorgio Armani, once said: “Jeans rep-resent democracy in fashion.” Indeed, the worldwide trend has become a symbol for a common ground among fashionistas, the only fabric the use of which is not open to debate but is rather the first lesson of Fashion 101.

Today, blue jeans are for fashion what human rights are for the Eu-ropean Union, a non-debatable foundation upon which everyone agrees.

Just as jeans’ users have dif-ferent styles, the global commu-nity has different cultures. This diversity does not require a dis-integration of groups but rather the creation of a worldwide social mosaic. In this context, we could take this base value of fashion as an example for global society and form a common sense of belong-ing to the world instead of merely a social unit. From boot cut, low waist, skinny fits to short pants, skirts and baggies, jeans of all sizes and shapes are an example for all of us. Representing soci-ety with all its dimensions, prov-ing fashion to be one of the many collective attributes of mankind, denim inspires the notion of global citizenship.

In 1873, Jacob Davis and Levi Strauss had an idea that would change the landscape of world fashion in the upcoming century. They invented jeans. Berkok Yüksel explores how the last century’s trademark garment became a symbol of global citizenship.

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The Death of the Welfare State

With the advent of the economic cri-sis, it became pain-fully clear that in

times of austerity, governments are not able to tend as much to the weak as they were used to. As the reach of social safety nets dwin-dled, fears arose that the European welfare state as we know it is com-ing to an end and that European countries would do best to orient themselves towards the American, radically liberal governance. This

prompts the question of whether the welfare system is indeed past its peak and has become unsus-tainable for Europe.

“God is dead” Friedrich Ni-etzsche, a German philosopher, famously declared in 1882. As the past decades have proven, Ni-etzsche’s observation was strik-ingly accurate: It is indisputable that religion in modern society has become largely redundant. The fact that the impact of religion on society is progressively decreasing

has many consequences to the val-ues we hold dear and, consequen-tially, the way we govern ourselves. Whilst religious institutions histor-ically served as the most prominent social safety net, governments in Europe have largely adopted this function. This trend, amongst oth-ers, significantly added to the rise of the welfare state.

After World War II, Western Europe experienced an unprec-edented time of peace and pros-perity, where both GDP and the

The European welfare state was once proclaimed as the ideal system of governance. As this belief is increasingly being questioned, Dirk Hofland and Jonathan Piepers find out whether the welfare state will indeed survive the 21st century.

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reach and influence of the state grew ex-ponentially. As the gap between rich and poor grew with prosperity, the state as-sumed the responsibility of welfare dis-tribution, thereby remarkably increasing its capacity. Interestingly, it is possible to draw a remarkably accurate comparison between this process and the concept of peak oil. (1) With the potential end of the welfare state ahead, we are moving into an era where the best of the state’s provisions may be behind us. Just as was the case with cheap oil, we have always assumed that public social services are a permanent given. All the while, we have hoped to maintain or improve the living standard of our elders. The widespread expectation existed that the social out-reach of the government was unlimit-ed. In reality however, the welfare state overreached and assumed a too large and economically unviable a burden.

Next to the fact that the current welfare state has become unsustainably large, the existing systems are under additional strain due to a juxtaposition between demographic processes. Espe-cially the late 1940s’ baby boom and the subsequent 1960s baby bust are deter-mining factors. The former has brought about an unexpectedly large amount of current and soon-to-be pensioners that expect to benefit from the established practices in the social sector. The latter

on the other hand represented a halv-ing of the birth rate between the early 1960s and the mid-1970s. In essence, the strong dependence of the baby boom generation on the social safety net is be-ing amplified by a systemic lack of la-bour force that stems from the 1960s bust. This particular combination forms a toxic cocktail that has radically de-formed the classic population pyramid. (2) It is this distortion that is placing a critical extra burden on the system, and is gravely contributing to the swan song of the classic welfare state.

The interplay between religious, so-cial, demographic and economic fac-tors has confronted us with a situation in which we have already surpassed the welfare state’s capacity. It is believed that if no severe actions are undertaken, the European states are destined to increas-ingly resemble the radically liberal Amer-ican society - a frightening prospect. The fact that the welfare state has already proven itself to be economically unsus-tainable calls for immediate action. It is of paramount importance to reconsider what exactly we demand from the state and up to what extent the state will be able to provide for this. Ultimately, we must regrettably accept that the welfare state as we know it is no longer viable and will, if no immediate action is un-dertaken, die a slow death.

1: The concept of peak oil is centred around the notion that the amount of acces-sible oil is finite and that at a certain point, the production of oil can only decrease.2: The classic population pyramid is a depiction of the ideal demographic status of a society, where the amount of citizens of a certain age gradually and systemati-cally decreases as the age goes up.

“As the gap between rich and poor grew with prosperity, the state assumed the responsibility of welfare distribution ”

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SPECTRUMcult

Free and pluralistic

media: Getting by

with a little help from

the EU

In light of the increasing concerns about media regulation by Member States, how to sustain a free and pluralistic media that sustains European democracy remains a question mark. Lia Pachler discusses the best way forward.

Calling for free and pluralistic media whilst expressing the need for regulation on an EU level appears counterproductive to some politicians(1). It seems to be impossi-

ble to strike the right balance between over and under-regulation. While some may assume that the EU has a tendency to over-regulate, as can be seen in the ban-ning of incandescent light bulbs, recent media regu-lations in certain Member States, such as the United Kingdom and Hungary, have shown that more meas-ures are needed in that area on the EU level.

The majority of Member States have their own ethical guidelines and regulatory systems and usually independent regulatory bodies are responsible for en-suring the standards that these have set (2). However, there are a number of countries showing a need to develop the overall framework in which the media op-erates, with regard to media councils and regulators. In addition, it is necessary that media organisations themselves show clearly how self-regulation is applied in their organisation. To ensure that all media organi-sations follow clearly identifiable codes of conduct and editorial lines, and apply the principles of edito-rial independence, it should be mandatory for media organisations to make them publicly available. More-

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SPECTRUMcult

over, all Member States should have independent regulatory bodies in order to oversee the press and deal with the complaints and situations where the press is overstepping the ethical code of conduct. These national bodies should follow a set of Eu-ropean-wide standards and be monitored by the Commission to ensure that they comply with Euro-pean values. This is crucial in order to avoid restric-tive media regulations like the ones that were set in the UK and Hungary. In this way, the EU would not completely regulate the press of its Member States but rather impose sanctions for restrictions on me-dia freedom and pluralism, which pose a threat to the European democratic and pluralistic order and fundamental rights. Hence, the main responsibility for maintaining media freedom and pluralism lies with the Member States themselves.

Furthermore, as the EU aims to increase the amount of time spent on broadcasting European matters, there is conflict between encouraging great-er interest among citizens and hindering freedom of speech by dictating to companies what to in-clude in their coverage of the current affairs. While, adequate media coverage of European issues and politics is crucial as the democratic legitimacy of

the EU is dependent on a public which is informed about European issues and able to engage in de-bates about them. This extends to cover not only European democracy, but also democracy at the national level which might be promoted by cross-border journalism (1). And in more general terms, if major decisions are taken at a European level, without political debate taking place across borders and on a European scale, democracy has very little chance of functioning properly (2). Therefore, it is a fair conclusion that democracy will face increasing problems in individual Member States without pub-lic debate and discussion taking place at all levels of the European community. Thus, a cross-border policy should embrace all these varieties and aim at increasing the level of interaction. Although further actions towards this aim might give the impression of hindering the freedom of speech, such measures are of utmost importance in order to sustain Euro-pean and national democracy.

Taking it all into account, one should not forget that Member States have a duty to protect freedom of opinion, expression, information and the media, as these principles are guaranteed in their constitu-tions and laws. Should these freedoms be placed at serious risk or violated in a Member State, the EU must intervene on the basis of the Treaties and of the Charter of Fundamental Rights to protect the European democratic and pluralistic order and fun-damental rights.

(1) (2013). Newspaper Publishers Across Europe Oppose Calls for EU Press Regulation. Retrieved from http://www.newspapersoc.org.uk/30/may/13/newspaper-publishers-across-eu-rope-oppose-calls-for-eu-press-regulation

(2) Arne Ruthe (2007). The press and Europe‘s public sphere. Retrieved from http://www.signand-sight.com/features/1337.html

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SPECTRUMentertainment

Advice Column

There are a few simple Do’s and Don’ts to avoid the awkwardness of elevator jour-neys. Why not break the ice by singing “Call Me Maybe”, or making a joke about how riding in an elevator has its ups and downs. Also, if you are the first to get out, turn around and push all the buttons really quickly before running away giggling about

how badass you are.

How can I avoid awkward situa-tions in elevators?

Being a journalist takes a special kind of EY-Per. You must be clever, funny, ridiculously good looking and be able to burp your na-tional anthem backwards whilst simulatiously tapping your head and rubbing your stomach. Journalist selection begins with every country choosing two tributes who must fight to the death in an arena until only the best individu-

als remain.

I want to further my EYP career. How do you become a journalist?

The reality is that EYP can be challenging for delegates who do not have strong English skills. Why not speak your native language, or better yet, make one up! Remember also that solutions like innovative media campaigns, informative educa-tional programs, and pioneering institutions are the lifeblood of a solid resolution. However, do not forget the personal touch; it helps to research specific information about your own country as it can often form an effective blueprint for pan-

European solutions.

I am a non-native speaker. Can you suggest any tips that would help

me make my voice heard in committee Work?

Teambuilding is a vital part of an EYP event and reflects in the quality of the committee work. Quick tips include never breaking eye contact with your chairperson and strengthening bonds through constant hugging, touching, or simply staring at other committee members. For those seasoned EYPers, use your experience. Do not be afraid to help the chairperson when he or she has forgotten the rules of a game or offer

to ‘take over’ for a game or two.

I am quite shy and sometimes find it hard to maximise teambuilding,

what advice would you give to fix this?

Do you lose sleep over burning EYP questions? Do you spend your cof-fee breaks alone searching for all the answers? Do not know who to turn to? Have no fear, advice gurus Conall O’Rourke and Rebecca Smith

are on hand to answer them.

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SPECTRUMentertainment

We run the world

What if things were different?” Every one of us has wondered what would happen if this changed, or what life would it be like if we did that. The un-

known spurs curiosity to evolve, until eventually not knowing is so great that one just has to find out. Now ask yourself: What if there was no EU governance and the EYP ran Europe instead?

The essence of this concept is that the EYP simply replaces the European Parliament (EP.) Imagine if the only decision making forum is found in EYP sessions; the resolutions that you pass here in Zurich would ac-tually be put in place to govern the EU.

Consequently, change could be implemented with-out being impeded by months of bureaucracy and red-tape. With the time pressure that you are under at these sessions, it is expected that you draft a resolution by the end of committee work. It is just this efficiency and result-focused practice that is lacking in the EP.

We must however look upon this objectively. As we are not all fully-fledged academics yet, this may deduct from the overall quality of content and thoroughness of resolutions. Nevertheless, this is very much a two-sided coin, for with young age comes enthusiasm, pas-sion, and a fresh, untainted drive. There will be expo-nentially more enthusiasm throughout an EYP session than any summit or assembly of the EP powers. No Rolex watches and grey suits for those who have to be here, just endless will and zeal of those who want to be.

“The greatest ideas are the simplest,” as William Golding said through Ralph in The Lord of the Flies,

and this idea realises just that. Break down the hierarchy, streamline efficiency and surge the organisation with innovative ideas and innocent, uncorrupted minds. However, this is a double-edged sword, for with asking “what if ”, we can never be cer-tain of the consequences. The EYP could revel in the responsibility and turn the EU around, or the EU could become the scene of Golding’s nov-el, where without adults, the youths self-destruct, soci-ety falls apart and the children enact the characteristics of beasts.

We cannot know the unknown. We can only hope that this ses-sion is made up of young, responsible adults, and not the beasts of men. The young, responsible adults of this ses-sion go on to relieve the EU of its bureaucracy-laden faults and bring pas-sion back into politics.

What if things were different? Our in house deep-thinker Hugo Dürr sets his sights

onto answering just that.

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SPECTRUMcartoon

CartoonBerkok Yüksel visualises a typical evening in Zurich

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SPECTRUMeconII

Reader’s LettersIn this section of the paper our delegates have the opportunity to send in their reactions and responses to the articles in the previous paper. If you have a comment, criticism, cor-rection or anything else to say concerning our products, please do send it to zurichmedi-

ateam@gmail.com or hand it in to a journalist. The next deadline is 9:30 a.m. on Tuesday, so get to it and express your opinion!

I have never considered myself as an introvert, on the contrary, I have been seen as a core of any company. When it comes to an introvert, the po-tential energy has a limit. Compared to endless flow of liveliness of an extrovert, introverts have priceless energy of their own. They store it, they accumulate it, they grow in their own selves, while extroverts exist being fed by constant going-on/coming-through flow of experiences. For intro-verts there is no chance for any kind of exchange, there is only sharing, and this sharing has to be realised and appreciated. It takes place in EYP, but on local level. I hear it in speeches of presidents, head-organizers, excep-tional delegates, journalists like Dirk. And I cher-ish these people. I remember every single name of them, and even without actual knowing them I feel hope in EYP.

Fundamentally, I think our present discourse on tax avoidance needs to focus less on persecuting private actors who are operating solely within the realms of rational self-interest, and more on big-ger, institutional measures and reforms, such as simplifying the tax code (one example of this be-ing the flat tax), taxing consumption rather than income, and lowering taxes overall. Thereby mak-ing more capital available to private actors, and substantially lessening the incentive to avoid taxa-tion. In his article, Berkok eloquently points out that tax havens tend to ”encourage illegal activity”. My response, in essence, would be the following: Yes, tax evasion is a criminal act, but the only actor in-volved who is presently promoting illegal activity, really, is the state. How? By imposing tax rates that would bring tears to the eyes of Laffer, and thus creating massive incentives to avoid taxation to as great of an extent as possible. I think that the creation of an inner and outer cir-

cle would have the same effect as an individual country leaving the Eurozone. There will be a de-valuation of the outer Euro and a revaluation of the inner Euro.

Charlie Mūsā on ‘the EYP Ombudsman’

Adrian Galleoni on ‘The Real Villain’

Fatih Seyfi on‘the Euro‘s Rocky Road to Ruin’

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