Contributors

Hartwig AltenmllerTarek El AwadyLadislav BareMiroslav BrtaMichel BaudCarlo BergmannVivienne Gae CallenderPetr CharvtFilip CoppensHans GoedickeMichael HaaseJulia HarveyZahi HawassMohamed Ismail KhaledJi JankPeter JnosiNaguib KanawatiPeter Kaplony Hiroyuki KashiwagiEleonora KormyshevaJaromr KrejRenata LandgrfovJana MynovKarol MyliwiecAlessandro RoccatiJiina RovJana SiegelovKveta SmolrikovHourig SourouzianAnthony SpalingerRainer StadelmannNoel L. SweitzerIzumi H. TakamiyaBetislav VachalaSergei VetokhovHana VymazalovSakuji YoshimuraChristiane Ziegler

Tabula gratulatoria

Nicole AlexanianJrgen von BeckerathDarina BialekovElke BlumenthalVivian DaviesDetlef Franke Rita FreedFayza HaikalErich HornungSalima IkramHorst JaritzNicole KlothPeter Der ManuelianGeoffrey T. MartinBernard MathieuChristine Favard-MeeksDimitri MeeksWolf B. OerterCornelius von PilgrimStephan J. Seidlmayer

TIMES, SIGNSAND PYRAMIDSStudies in Honour of Miroslav Verneron the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday

EDITORS:VIVIENNE GAE CALLENDER

LADISLAV BAREMIROSLAV BRTA

JI JANKJAROMR KREJ

Faculty of ArtsCharles University in Prague

2011

ReviewersVassil DobrevFayza Haikal

This book was published from the financial means allocated for the research project of Ministry of Education, Grant no. MSM-0021620826.

Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 2011

ISBN 978-80-7308-257-4

Foreword by Z. Hawass IXPreface XI

H. Altenmller, Verstmmelte Opfertrger auf einem Relief aus Abusir 1

T. el-Awady, The problem of BAt 25

L. Bare, A new example of the solar text (kosmographischer Begleittext zur kultischen Sonnenhymnik from the tomb of Iufaa at Abusir) 31

M. Brta, An Abusir mastaba from the reign of Huni 41

M. Baud, Un signe des temps revisit : la direction du culte funraire royal sous la IVe dynastie, la ncropole dAbou Rawach et la chronologie de Gza 51

C. Bergmann, On the origins of the hieroglyphic Script 65

V. G. Callender, Reflections on Princess Khamerernebty of Abusir 101

P. Charvt, Seals on the move. Notes on newly discovered cylinder seals and sealings from prehistoric Egypt 121

H. Goedicke, Three small tokens 129

M. Haase, Dienten die oberen Schchte in der Cheops-Pyramide zur Belftung der Grabkammer? 135

J. Harvey, Two Old Kingdom wooden statues in a private collection in the Netherlands 157

Z. Hawass, The discovery of the Pyramid of Queen Sesheshet(?) at Saqqara 173

M. Ismail Khaled, H. Vymazalov, The funerary domain mnat, new evidence from the Fifth Dynasty 191

J. Jank, A very brief (negative) confession on papyri NpM 2457 and 5721 201

VII

Contents

P. Jnosi, Some remarks on certain sarcophagi of the Fifth Dynasty 205

N. Kanawati, The memphite tomb of Qar of Edfu 217

P. Kaplony , Die Vergnglichkeit des Lebens und der Pyramiden.Die agnostischen Harfnerlieder und ihr geistiger Hintergrund in der Klassik der gyptischen Literatur 233

J. Krej, Abusir pyramid field and the Mastaba of Ptahshepses several remarks 253

R. Landgrfov, The oldest known scene of the purification of the king 277

J. Mynov, F. Coppens, Prostration before God and Pharaoh 283

K. Myliwiec, Old Kingdom coffins made of Cyperus papyrus 297

A. Roccati, The Inscription of Hezi once more 307

J. Rov, Jaroslav ern in Egypt 313

J. Siegelov, Geschenk oder Geschft? Wovon zeugt die gyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz 323

K. Smolrikov, Udjahorresnet and the others 335

H. Sourouzian, La reine et le papyrus 341

T. Spalinger, Knigsnovelle and performance 351

R. Stadelmann, Where were the queens of the Early Dynastic Time buried 375

N. Sweitzer, Darb al-Ahmar 391

I. Takamiya, S. Yoshimura, H. Kashiwagi, Khaemwaset and his monument at North Saqqara: A study on multiple aspects of the first Egyptologist 401

B. Vachala, Der Brief einer gescholtenen Ehefrau an Ihre Schwester (O Prag 1826) 423

S. Vetokhov, E. Kormysheva, Door to the Tomb of Khafraankh reconsidered 429

C. Ziegler, Nectanebo II in Saqqara 441

C O N T E N T S

VIII

Miroslav Verner is the only Egyptologist I know who did not want a Festschriftin his honor: it took us a long time to convince him to agree to the desire ofall of us colleagues, friends, and students to thank him for his unique andsignificant contributions to the field of Egyptology by publishing this volumeof essays.

I would like to say that Verners work at Abusir has immensely enriched ourknowledge of the pyramids of the Old Kingdom. His work has provided uswith important information about the economy of the royal mortuary templesof the Old Kingdom, the architectural components of the pyramids, and thetechniques used in their construction.

Verner has trained many young Czech scholars on his digs. He should bevery happy to know that they will follow in his footsteps, not only in the fieldof excavation, but also in conservation and epigraphy.

In addition to this aspect of his work, I will always be extremely grateful toMiroslav Verner for his enormous generosity in granting my request to takesome of my best young assistants to the Czech Republic to study for theirdoctoral degrees. Two of them have already come back to Egypt and are makingimportant contributions both to the field of Egyptology and to the SupremeCouncil of Antiquities (SCA).

When I was the Director of Giza and Saqqara, I began to know Verner asa friend and colleague, and our friendship has grown over the years. We oftenhave discussions on pyramids, in which we argue over many things. We some-times disagree, but always respect one anothers opinions and enjoy our debates.Our friendship gave me the opportunity to participate with him in the excavationof the burial chamber of the tomb of Iufaa, a Director of the Palace during theLate Period. We had a wonderful time together, watching the experts, ReisTalal Kerety and Reis Ahmed Kerety, in moving heavy objects safely, so thatwe could open Iufaas intact sarcophagus.

Verner is an excellent archaeologist and philologist, and his scholarship isevident in his articles and books. It made me very happy that his popular bookon the pyramids was translated into Arabic, so that it would be available to Arabicreaders.

IX

Foreword

Through Verners leadership Czech Egyptology has been able to continueits important work during the time of communism. It was Verners dedicationto the science of Egyptology that made him insist on the continuation of theCzech excavation at Abusir, excavation works which have unearthed manysignificant discoveries for Egyptian history and culture.

I thank him for his contribution to Egyptology, and wish him life, prosperity,and health.

Zahi Hawass

F O R E W O R D

X

This volume of studies in honour of Prof. PhDr. Miroslav Verner, DrSc., hada hesitant start, due to the modesty of the dedicatee, who refused to be therecipient of such a work and the editors were forced to inform the contributorsof that fact. Finally, however, Miroslav bowed to pressure a year or two later.We are very grateful that he did but, by that time, a number of his friends whohad contributed articles at the initial stage of this Festschrift, had already agreedto publish their pieces elsewhere. We are profoundly sorry that theircontributions are not amongst those in this volume, and we include their namesin the Tabula Gratulatoria.

It goes without saying that Miroslav Verners contribution to Egyptology hasbeen marked by a tremendous output of distinguished and important notices,reports, essays and books that have an honoured place in numerous libraries both private and institutional all around the world.

Less familiar to colleagues outside of Prague is the fact that, only thanks tohim, Egyptology remained functioning in Czechoslovakia over the course of1970s and 1980s, during the time when other fields of Oriental studies wereconstrained or ceased by decisions of the communist power or by emigrationof the scientists. He is also the person responsible for retaining the archaeo-logical concession in Abusir for the Charles University in Prague which wasendangered by the then political leaders.

Beside the academic part, Miroslavs career has also encompassed a longperiod as a teacher. At this stage in his career, it is noteworthy to mention thathe has taught several generations of younger colleagues many of whom arenow on the staff of the Institute and among his pupils are Czechs, Slovaks,and Egyptians. Especially after the death of Professor ba in 1971, Miroslavwas practically the only person who was able to teach, since his superior atthe time, Dr Vhala, was only able to teach Slavonic Language studies! Morethan this, however, is the fact that by his hard work and strength of will Miroslavhas fostered the growth of the Institute so that, today, it is one of the mostrespected Egyptological institutes in the world.

In addition to the enormous output of his scholarly and academic work, Mi-roslav has reached out to the general public to inform them of new develop-

XI

Preface

ments within Egyptology and for a number of years in the Czech Republic hehas been participating in documentary films which have supplemented hiswritten work. These documentaries have broadened public knowledge aboutEgypt and no doubt contributed to the desire of Czechs to explore the richesof Egypt for themselves. The films have been diverse in topic (ranging fromcultural themes through to history and new archaeological discoveries withinancient Egypt) and they have helped to make their audiences aware of thecontributions made to Egyptology by the Czech Institute of Egyptology inPrague. The strengthening of this institute has been a central goal in Miro-slavs career as an Egyptologist, and putting his usual emphasis on the co-operative nature of the Czech work, in his own reports he never focuses on theI of discoveries and work, but always on those of the team.

Those who have contributed papers to this Festschrift typify the wide socialnetwork Miroslav holds within Egyptology. The collection includes work fromboth hemispheres and from friends of long standing, both within Academia andwithout; this is symptomatic of his popularity and perpetual curiosity. It is tobe hoped that the reader will enjoy this collection as much as we hope heshall.

Miroslavs triple careers as an academic, archaeologist and Egyptologist hasmade many demands on his time, but for those of us who have been his friends,he has been not only helpful but patient and accessible and his ability to tella good story can reduce his audience to belly-shaking laughter. He wears hisscholarship lightly, but his research is renowned and broadly divisible into threefields: his work on chronology in the Old Kingdom, hieratic graffiti and, aboveall, to his work on pyramids. Because of these three separate fields in whichMiroslav has excelled, we have entitled this collection Times, Signs and Pyramids.We hope that he approves the title.

Gae CallenderLadislav Bare, Miroslav Brta,

Ji Jank, Jaromr Krej

P R E FA C E

XII

A. Introduction

In 1960, Georges Posener briefly alluded to a Third Dynasty performative text in the context of his more lengthy discussion concerning royal settings and the Knigsnovelle outlook in Pharaonic Egypt.1 It was his contention,subsequently partly refined, that in the Third Dynasty the first evidence inwritten and pictorial representation that reflected a ritual performance of theking could be seen in the fragmentary blocks of Djoser at Heliopolis. Here, onefound the all too common phrase I give to you, rdj.n=j. William StevensonSmiths publication of these Heliopolis blocks, now located in Turin, providedthe necessary evidence for Poseners contention.2 This material reveals earlydata concerning Djosers Heb Sed festival. On one block, the ruler is shown withat least one royal wife whereas on another we see the seated king with hisclenched hands held to his breast.3 The accompanying hieroglyphs are incolumns, an expected means of presentation; none of the texts are very long.

Although the nature of the depictions remained a key in the discussion ofEgyptian art history for a lengthy time, it was Pascal Vernus who subsequentlyplaced great emphasis upon the linguistic data of these reliefs.4 The ritual use of the sDm.n.f was his theme, one that encompassed a breakthrough

351

Knigsnovelle and Performance

Anthony Spalinger

1 Georges Posener, De la divinit du Pharaon (Paris 1960), 15. I must thank Dr. Deborah Sweeneyfor many invaluable comments on this work. Research for this study was kindly supported bythe Czech Ministry of Education, Research Grant No. MSM 0021620826 (Institute of Egyptology,Charles University, Prague). I am especially grateful to Prof. Miroslav Verner for his kindsupport.

2 William Stevenson Smith, A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom(London 1949), 133138. For background information see now Ilaria Incordino, Il significatodei sanctuary nei bassorilievi regali della III dinistia, Aegyptus 85 (2005), 18597. She discussesthe ritual scenes of three Third Dynasty rulers.

3 Ibid., 136. 4 Pascal Vernus, Ritual sDm.n.f and Some Values of the Accompli in the Bible and in the Koran,

in Sarah Israelit-Groll (ed.), Pharaonic Egypt, The Bible and Christianity (Jerusalem 1985),307316. See as well ric van Essche, Dieux et rois face face dans les inscriptions monumentalesramessides, BSEG 21 (1997), 6379, and Alessandro Roccati, Dalla scritto al testo, in LuciaMorra and Carla Bazzanella (eds.), Philosophers and Hieroglyphs (Turin 2003), 181195.

with respect to the performative nature of this grammatical unit and which alsopermits us, with no hesitation, to argue for the original structure of subsequentliterary creations in hieroglyphic; namely, the Knigsnovelle.5 To return to themain theme of this presentation, Vernus position was oriented to the connectionbetween text and image. Specifically, he emphasized the complete agreementbetween utterances using the sDm.n=f and actions which are shown.6 We mustallow the presupposition that the interactions or, to be more exacting in outlook,the visual representations of an actual event, are not that simple to explain.Vernus saw this aspect, but his clarification of the intimate relationship betweentext and image proceeded beyond that which is usually explained by arthistorians:7 that is to say, with a discussion of an actual act whether or notpersonally fulfilled by the Pharaoh is not of prime importance. Thus, in thesereliefs, the significance of the concretized event had been given a newinterpretation.8

For the moment, let us ignore the philological analysis of the ritualsDm.n=f and instead turn to the historical setting of the text plus image. Althoughit is true that no pictorial representation is needed to convey the performanceof a kings I give to you dedicatory phrase, this small written passagenevertheless communicates an expected role that the speaker enacts. Hence,and this is the nexus of the argument, we are placed within the realm ofa physical setting in which certain acts have, are, and will be performed. True,they are being done just now, if we accept Vernus reasonable explanation

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5 On performance in Egyptian art, iconography, etc., see the study of John Baines, PublicCeremonial Performance in Ancient Egypt, Exclusion and Inclusion, in Takeshi Inomata,Lawrence S. Coben (eds.), Archaeology of Performance, Theaters of Power, Community, and Politics(Lanham 2006), 261302.

6 Ritual sDm.n.f, 308. 7 The last major study of Henry George Fischer, Lcriture et lart de lgypte ancienne, quatre

leons sur la palographie et lpigraphie pharaoniques (Paris 1986) can be mentioned in thiscontext because of the excellent detail provided by the scholar and his avoidance of simplification.For specificity, I refer to his earlier analysis, The Orientation of Hieroglyphs. Part I, Reversals(New York 1977) where he observes the outward facing king who moves from the rear of thetemple as though defending the divine Lord of Maat from the forces of chaos. The return,with prisoners, is again in the direction of the god. The same rule holds for hunting scenes, cf.all of section 19 on pages 4147.Add Benot Lurson, La lgitimation du pourvoir royal par lobservance des rites osiriens: analyse

dune squence de scnes de la grande salle hypostyle de Karnak, Acta Orientalia Belgica 15(2001), 303332 and La conception du dcor dun temple au dbut du rgne de Ramss II:Analyse du deuxime registre de la moiti sud du cour ouest de la grande sale hypostyle deKarnak, JEA 91 (2003), 107124. His main study connected to ritual scenes is Lire limagegyptienne, les Salles du Trsor du Grande Temple dAbou Simbel (Paris 2001). The reader shouldrealize that I have not exhausted all of the bibliography on this subject.

8 A classic study on the role of the king as sun priest and the actual performer of the rites isthat of Jan Assmann, Der Knig als Sonnenpriester, ein kosmographischer Begleittext zurkultischen Sonnenhymnik in thebanischen Tempeln und Grber (Glckstadt 1970).

of the performance nature expressed by image and text, especially through the verbal form and the associated depiction. At the same time, the visualimpact, be it ever so small, cannot be overlooked. The next logical conclusion,dependent upon the Vernus study, is that at an early time in Egyptianmonumental representations, small texts accompanying static and well-definedimages of a royal deed were the norm. As is almost self-evident, a performancerite is not placed in an eternal synchronous present.9 The extralinguisticaspect of the ritual is connected to the performance which, I would add, actuallytook place. With the sDm.n=f (and its later diachronic successor, Subject + Hr+ Infinitive) the reader and onlooker bear witness to the very act in whicha statement equals reality. A god hands over to the Pharaoh life and prosperityon one hand, or Upper and Lower Egypt on another. Either is the event. Weobserve the act, and so we are placed in the equivalent position of a witnessobserving the final signature of a legal testament (a last will, for example) orbeing present at a court martial.

Both text and scene are self-enclosed. In other words, there is neithera detailed narrative account, nor is there a series of snapshots presentinga scenic and developed story.10 Indeed, there cannot be a story if we understandthe latter to be composed of a temporal row (past to present and even to futureor vice versa, or even, as in our modern era, all mixed up). The verbal-imagecombination combines to produce reality, as Vernus states, but we remainwitnesses of a single event.11 Ludwig Morenz has claimed that the Djoser

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9 Vernus, Ritual sDm.n.f and Some Values of the Accompli, 309. The reader should be awarethat subsequent to Vernuss study there was a spate of short articles on the Edfu material andthe performative sDm.n.f , Franoise Labrique, Le sDm.n.f rituel Edfou, le sense est roi, GM106 (1988), 5363, Dieter Kurth, Zum sDm.n.f in Tempeltexten der Griechisch-RmischenZeit, GM 108 (1989), 3144, Pierre Derchain. propos de performativit, pensers ancienset articles rcents, GM 110 (1989), 1318, and Dieter Kurth, Noch einmal zum sDm.n.f inTempeltexten der Griechisch-Rmischen Zeit, GM 113 (1989), 5565. I follow Vernus andLabrique and cannot but comment that these short reactions to a major premise, which isimmediately realized to be a turning point in the field, are typical in natural sciences. They arealso common elsewhere. One can now read the comments of Eric Doret, From Middle Egyptianto Late Egyptian, LingAeg 6 (1999), 197. This is a study which may help to explain some ofthe anomalies brought forward in this rather unceasing discussion. In a similar context, cf. Vernus,tudes de philologie et de linguistique (III), RdE 35 (1984), 159188. We can also add MichleBroze, La creation du monde et lopposition sDm.f sDm.n.f dans le temple dEsna, RdE 44(1993), 310 who, fortunately, escaped the perennial scholarly trap of noch einmal.

10 This aspect of narrative Egyptian art will be more developed in a lengthy study which is inpreparation entitled Icons of Power, Approaches to Drama. For the moment let me refer tothe standard work of G. A. Gaballa, Narrative in Egyptian Art (Mainz am Rhein 1976). I ampurposely not discussing earlier representations of royal rituals (e.g., the Scorpion Macehead,Narmer Palette and Macehead, Den smiting enemies on a label). For the moment, the readermay turn to Morenz studies cited later in this analysis. An iconic study of Egyptian narrativeart is sorely needed.

11 Vernus, in, Pharaonic Egypt, The Bible and Christianity, 308.

scenes show a remarkably developed textuality.12 I must demur with thisposition if only because I feel that the word remarkable is too dramatic.Notwithstanding the apparent expansion of hieroglyphic writing on stone torepresent an event, the context is rather limited. Note the restricted use ofwriting as well as the similarly constrained use of pictorial evidence. Grantedthat the Memphite area is the zone in which this development can be seen, surelythis is explicable solely on the basis of the role of the archaic state of earlyEgypt? The connection to royalty is similarly understandable. After all, thepharaoh was the motor force of the state. The use of writing and pictorialrepresentation, although significant because of its first occurrence on stone,remains under the rubric of sacralization.13 Most certainly, Morenzs emphasisupon the Djoser shrine is significant. We are placed within a typical culticsetting of ancient Egypt, one in which the use of carved symbols that couldexpress words and sentences is one significant aspect of the entire ritual scene,notwithstanding the visual impact of the picture.

Morenz also turned to a seal inscription dated to the reign of Peribsen, andof the king himself, because it provided an even earlier occurrence of thesDm.n=f verbal formation.14 Clearly, this tiny account is not overtly performativein nature but rather narratively historical in a general sense: The Golden Onehas united The Two Lands for his son, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt,Peribsen. To be sure, this is a banal message. But from simple things, like theproverbial acorn, monumental codices of literature will henceforth grow.However, at this point we have entered into the historical development ofwriting and linguistics, a subject that, though immensely important, is buta supporting actor in our discussion.

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12 Ludwig Morenz, The role of the Memphite area in the development of Egyptian writing, inM. Brta, F. Coppens, and J. Krej (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2005 (Prague 2006),351. Tefnin provides some overviews on this subject in Image et histoire. Rflexions surlusage documentaire de limage gyptienne, CdE 54 (1979), 218244, lements pour unsmiologie de limage gyptienne, CdE 66 (1991), 6088, and Discours et iconicit dans lartgyptien, GM 79 (1984), 5571.

13 Here I follow the interpretations of Vernus, Les espaces de lcrit dans lgypte pharaonique,BSFE 119 (1990), 4143. Cf. Assmann, Ancient Egypt and the Materiality of the Sign, in HansUlrich Gumbrecht and K. Ludwig Pfeiffer (eds.), Materialities of Communication (Stanford1994), 2023. Add Alessandro Roccati, Hieroglyphs. Concerning Royal and Private Texts,JEOL 3536 (19972000), 2732. Vernus later survey of this aspect is presented in his Essai surla conscience de lhistoire dans lgypte pharaonique (Paris 1995), 163165, but add his Lanaissance de lcriture dans lgypte ancienne, Archo-Nil 3 (1993), 75108. His position is thatthe image convokes the essence of that which it represents, it reproduces, and Supports delcriture et fonction sacrilisante dans lgypte pharaonique, in Roger Laufer (ed.), Le texte etson inscription, (Paris 1989), 2526. Cf. his earlier study Des relations entre texts et representationsdans lgypte pharaonique, in A. M. Christin (ed.), critures II (Paris 1985), 4570.

14 Morenz, in, Abusir and Saqqara in 2005, 349350. The form is sDm.n.f.

The sDm.n=f, which Antonio Loprieno signals as originally being a preteriteform, quite possibly possessing the temporal and aspectual references ofa present perfect rather than a past perfective, predates the overt performativeuse of the Djoser example.15 Whether it, as well, may be seen to belong to theparadigm of the present, as Loprieno maintains, is an intriguing question. Infact, the crucial phrase on the Peribsen seal literally reads: The Golden One(in topicalized location) unites/has united the Two Lands for his son, the Kingof Upper and Lower Egypt, Peribsen. Hence, with Loprieno, we can argue thatthis solitary example predating Djoser is, in English, simple present or presentperfect. If, in fact, it is the former, then a performative act might be argued. Infact, the connection of a god to a king, again indicating a sacral aspect, fits wellwithin the analysis of Vernus concerning the original sacral nature of the useof hieroglyphs. On the other hand, it seems clear that the event that has beenrecorded, a most traditional one, is a once held action of the monarch and,properly speaking, would only be performative at the onset of Peribsens reign.

According to Vernus, the ancient texts that we have already met, such asDjosers, are intimately associated with the gods.16 In particular, the restorationof the world, its basic correct state Maat expresses that concept perfectly must be mimetically represented by writing that contains its inherent sacralconcept. He lists four marks of such an attitude: support, image, the hieroglyphicwriting system, and (later) the langage de tradition. The ideologicalsubstructure must be present. In particular, one can note the Djoser reliefs, aswell as the more frequently mentioned Pyramid Texts. With regard to the latter,nothing is more self-evident than this earliest use of writing for religiousliterature. The latter is a corpus of eternally preserved (especially from decay!)spells that are sacred texts par excellence. Subsequent to the Late Old Kingdom

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15 Naturally, a present perfective is past in relation to the present. Cf. Antonio Loprieno, AncientEgyptian, A linguistic introduction (Cambridge 1997), 77. The following quote is from the samepage. James P. Allen calls the formation a Perfect in his Middle Egyptian, An Introductionto the Language and Culture of Hieroglyphs (Cambridge 2000), Chapter 18. For Loprieno, withMiddle Egyptian the sDm.n=f was a perfective form (Ancient Egyptian, 78). In Old Egyptian,as is well known, the First and Third Persons operate differently to provide a past indicative(Loprieno, Verbal Forms and Verbal Sentences in Old and Middle Egyptian, GM 102 [1988],62). Specifically, the former requires the Stative whereas the latter employs the sDm=f. This isdue, as he remarks, to the higher topicality of the First Person and, as a result, is more likelyto become the Figure of the narrative, the central entity governing its development. Hence,he concludes, this is why we find a perfective form in the Stative and a preterite form in thesDm=f (and later in the iw sDm.n=f). Cf. also Elsa Oral, Fracture dactance et dynamiquemorphosyntaxique, le renouvellement du perfectif en ancien gyptien, Bulletin de la Socitde linguistique de Paris 102 (2007), 365395. In this analysis the author unites the Stativeand the Perfective sDm=f and discusses split ergativity. She also proceeds to cover the laterPerfective sDm.n=f and the morpheme jn.

16 For this analysis, see Vernus article in, Le texte et son inscription, 2834.

(but also keep in mind the Pyramid Texts), the images may be lacking. If so,the hieroglyphs still remain to sacralize the account, whatever it may be. Hence,the sacralized monuments aim to reproduce a reality (an event), and so maybe seen to be narrative in ovo, but they also proclaim that aspect.

We are thus approaching a point of departure in which the word takesprecedence over the combination word plus image. For the moment, however,let us retrace out steps and refer once more to the research of Morenz. Recently,he has argued the following historical scenario:17

1. Fourth Millennium B.C. monumentalization through images. 2. Fourth-Third Millennium B.C. pictures and short accompanying texts

(Narmer Palette and his Mace Head tableaux) 3. Dynasty I monumental reliefs on rock with image and short accompanying

texts (Gebel Sheikh Suleiman example plus Narmer Palette). 4. Dynasties III stone temple reliefs with pictures and small associated texts

(oldest example from Gebelein)18

5. Dynasty III monumentalizing of texts in temples (Heliopolis Djoserfragments).

6. Dynasty V the large corpus of Pyramid Texts.

The detailed study of the Djoser reliefs that Morenz covered can be left out ofdiscussion in this paper owing to the orientation of this discussion; namely,the development of the Knigsnovelle. Nevertheless, he has provided a very usefulhistorical survey of the growing use of hieroglyphic writing and the absence,by the late Fifth Dynasty, of any accompanying image with the Pyramid Texts.Considering the earlier cases of the famous Narmer Palette, the Scorpion MaceHead, and the label tags of the Archaic Age, we may set up his chart withina slightly different scenario: 1. Pure image; no accompanying text (Predynastic Period; especially palettes). 2. Image plus symbols that accompany the picture (they are symbolic

explanatory images and may be called, if one wishes, ideograms; end ofthe Predynastic Period; Scorpion Mace Head).

3. Image plus readable signs (evidence of writing; transitional phase that leadsimmediately to the unified archaic state of Egypt; Narmer Mace Head).19

4. Image plus accompanying descriptive text (Morenzs fourth phase)

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17 Morenz, Die Gtter und ihr Redetext, Die ltestbelegte Sakral-Monumentalisierung vonTextlichkeit auf Fragmenten der Zeit des Djoser aus Heliopolis, in Horst Beinlich et al. (eds.), 5. gyptologische Tempeltagung. Wrzburg, 2326. September 1999 (Wiesbaden 2002),137158.

18 Morenz, Zur Dekoration der frhzeitlichen Tempel am Beispiel des archaischen Tempels vonGebelein, in Rolf Gundlach and Matthias Rochholz (eds.), gyptische Tempel Struktur,Funktion, Programm (Hildesheim 1994), 217238.

5. Image plus accompanying descriptive text , but by this time the latter hasbecome more detailed or lengthy (Morenzs fifth phase).

6. Stone carved lengthy texts (Pyramid Texts; Morenzs sixth and final phase).

At this point I shall cut off, owing to the rise of the tomb biography in themiddle of the Old Kingdom (end of the Fourth Dynasty early Fifth Dynasty).Here, one can perhaps turn to the research of Jan Assmann concerning the TheTomb as Schooltext.20 Our concern lies elsewhere, however, although anydetailed study of tomb biographies and their associated images must beconsidered in relationship to our subject. But to reinforce my preliminaryobservations, let me outline the development.

A clear expansion of hieroglyphic writing had occurred. The royal sectordemanded an overt use of sacral writing from the incipient unification phaseof Egypt onwards. By the Fifth Dynasty we have reached a period of time in which religiously oriented events and spells have gained a degree ofindependence from the visual aspect. In many ways this change is the reversefrom the present day era where we have seen, to no small extent, the replacementof the written word by visual means. First with movies and later by means oftelevision and the computer, our civilization has moved many would saydegenerated into a culture that responds to the image or picture rather thanintellectualising the text. Sidestepping this pregnant issue of modes ofcommunication which are increasingly relevant to our modern society, it canbe maintained that both directions of change imply different viewpoints ofreality.

The invention of writing, and with it the rise of a scribal class, is one of themajor changes that archaic states accomplished. This development inevitablyreleased a series of societal transformations, not the least of which was theestablishment of a divide, almost impossible to cross, between the literatemandarin sector of the nation and the rank and file primary producers and

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19 Conveniently, see Whitney Davis, Masking the Blow, The Scene of Representation in LatePrehistoric Egyptian Art (Berkeley1992). One might want to consult Orly Goldwasser, TheNarmer Palette and the Triumph of Metaphor, Ling Aeg 2 (1992), 6785. Melinda Hartwighas presented a useful study of the key objects in Between Predynastic Palettes and DynasticRelief, The Case of Cairo JE 46148 and BMA 66.175, in Eva-Maria Engel and Jochem Kahl(eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand, Streiflichter aus gyptens Geschichte zu Ehren Gnter Dreyer,(Wiesbaden 2008), 195209. She refers to Morenz empirical study of ancient EgyptianBildnarrativik, Grenze und Verwendungskontext archaischer Prunk-Objeke in gypten,GM206 (2005), 4959, in which he discusses the development from the votive palettes andmaceheads to relief work, such as at Gebelein in the Second Dynasty (Morenz, Zur Dekorationder frhzeitlichen Tempel, cited in note 18 above).

20 Assmann, Schrift, Tod und Identitt. Das Grab als Vorschule der Literatur in gypten, in AleidaAssman, Jan Assmann, and Christoph Hardmeier (eds.), Schrift und Gedchtnis, Beitrge zurArchologie der literarischen Kommunikation I (Munich 1983), 6493.

landowners. Excluding the thin sector that ruled, the development ofa corporation of scribes meant that one major split in the seemingly unifiedgroup of non-rulers had come into existence. This socio-historical alteration,is rarely discussed, but needs amplification here, as it is neglected by manyscholars when covering the issue of early literacy.

John Baines, for example, quite rightly points out that our knowledge of thestate administrations literary output is incomplete.21 It is clear that the loss ofnumerous papyri have hindered our understanding of the originals of the hieraticscript and its earliest uses. Contrary to Baines, I do not see that hieratic wascreated in the middle of the First Dynasty. Its cursive representation of images,the latter almost perfectly rendered in the hieroglyphic script, cannot butconvince the most cautious of us that the Egyptian cursive hand, just as themonumental script, should be placed at the time of the unification of Egypt ifnot earlier.22 How could the earlier Nilotic kingdom or kingdoms have organizedtheir economic basis without some type of developed means of writing?23 Wemust keep in mind that even our hieroglyphic data are limited, and despite theresearch of the German Archaeological Institute at Abydos, much researchneeds to be done in this discipline.

If an evaluation about the origin of Egyptian writing seems to be distant fromthe main theme of the paper, I must plead guilty. The aim of this discussion,nevertheless, must encompass the sacral aspect of the hieroglyphic writing,one in which, to be sure, hieratic writing participated. Unlike Vernus, however,I do not see the origins of bookkeeping, economics and the like as part and parcelof a sacred aspect to daily life. Let us take a middle road and conclude that therewere two intimately connected trajectories to the script, one (hieratic) dependentupon the other, (hieroglyphic), but swiftly developing its own program of writing.The hieratic method of written expression, administrative in nature, could easilybe utilized, as it depended upon mere lists of items: type, number, quantity andquality. Moreover, names and titles, as Baines states, can be found on sealingsand tags.24 Yet, as it now has become arguable, there was originally a dependence

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21 Baines, Writing and society in early Egypt, in John Baines, Visual and Written Culture in AncientEgypt (Oxford 2007), 117145. He covers the Djoser Heliopolis fragments as well asPeribsens seal.

22 Contrast Vernus analysis, Les premires attestations de lcriture hiroglyphique, Aegyptus81 (2001), 1335 with G. Dreyers, Das prdynastische Knigsgrab U-j und seine frhenSchriftzeugnisse (Mainz 1998). Vernus has provided a useful reevaluation of the data firststudied by Dreyer. Add now Oral, crire une langue orale au dbut de lhistoire, lanciengyptien entre grammaire et culture, in: Pascal Boyeldieu, Pierre Nougayrol (eds.), Langueset cultures, terrains dAfrique. Hommage France Cloarec-Heiss (Leuven and Paris 2004),105114.

23 A remarkable, rapid political and social change must lie at the heart of the invention of writingin Egypt.

upon oral-formulaic recitation, performative speeches, and royal addresses.Over time, and the Third Dynasty seems, at present, the best time frame withinwhich we can locate the growing number of written textual forms, the originalmethod of communication had become somewhat expanded through itsmonumentalization and the codification of writing.

B. The Knigsnovelle or Royal Novel

Any discussion of this form of presentation must conclude that it involves a royaldiscussion. Adriaan de Buck was the first to pinpoint some of the basiccharacteristics of royal speeches.25 Concentrating on Thutmose IIIs account tohis troop at the opening of the Aruna Pass, he laid emphasis upon the literarysetting in which the ruler was placed. The king announces a plan to his militarychiefs and then listens to their response. He follows this response with his own,an audacious decision with which his advisors must agree. Then follows thehistorical account. The literary aspect of this small section in Thutmoses Annalsis known to us all, and there is little doubt that the presentation is, at theminimum, a rewording of the actual event for later presentation on the wallsof Amuns Karnak Temple. (Indeed, it can be argued that a hieratic copy musthave circulated at the time when these events were recorded, and quite possiblyit served as the basis for the final, carved version of the Annals.)

Behind de Bucks inaugural work, there had been the influence of JohannHuizinga and especially Andr Jolles, whose Einfache Formen greatlyinfluenced others, among them, Alfred Hermann.26 The approach of the latterscholar is not difficult to outline. Hermann followed Jolles in assuming that onecould delineate, in general, simple categories of literary presentation. In otherwords, exactly as Max Weber did with his successful use of pure forms(charismatic leader versus institutionalized bureaucrat head; prophet orrevolutionary versus diplomat; etc.), Jolles, and after him Hermann, workedon a presupposition that one could isolate a written form and describe iscontents, purpose, history, and the like.

According to Hermann, who preferred a descriptive analysis of the variouscases in which the Knigsnovelle could occur, some relatively self-evidentcharacteristics of the form could be listed. (Note that he never argued for the Royal

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24 Baines, in, Visual and Written Culture in Ancient Egypt, 128129. 25 Adriaan de Buck, Het Typische en het Individuelle bij den Egyptenaren (Leiden 1929). 26 The connection between de Buck, Huizinga, and Jolles, if not all three, with Max Weber, needs

to be investigated by a future scholar. For the moment, I follow my remarks in Ramesses Ludenset Alii, in P. Kousoulis (ed.), Studies on the Ancient Egyptian Culture and Foreign Relations(Rhodes 2007), 7186. The seminal work is Alfred Hermann, Die gyptische Knigsnovelle(Glckstadt, Hamburg, and New York: J. J. Augustin, 1938).

Novel to be a genre.) Noteworthy, though not stressed by him, was the overridingsituation of monumentalization.27 Hermann established the basic parameters ofthe newly designated form, among which he covered the depiction of an eventand its details, such as the occasion or event which was to be narrated. Since thepharaoh stood in the middle of the action as commander and decided whatwould be done, the new term, Royal Novel, was considered to be appropriate.Hermann also did not neglect the literary qualities of these texts, indicating thatthere was an intimate connection between the announcement (sr) of themonarchs plan (sxr) and the existence of any contradiction on the part of hisnon-royal associates. In addition to the Megiddo report at Aruna, he discussedthe introduction to the Kamose war narrative.28 The flexible nature of thepresentation is noteworthy of more commentary.29 Dream accounts, discussions,building programs, war councils, and even work projects could be includedwithin Hermanns schema. That the reports were relatively short was never ofany importance to him, possibly owing to Hermanns concentration upon demand(of pharaoh) and completion (of deed). Yet this aspect of brevity within theKnigsnovelle is, in my opinion, one of the prime determinants of the form. Theevent occurs once and is historically conditioned; time and place are usually given.There is no description of the actions that involve, for example, the building ofa temple. Only the completion of the task mattered. Where there is anydisagreement and we find it only in two war accounts (Kamose and ThutmoseIII at Aruna) the decision of the king resolves the contradiction.30 Then the eventsproceed. Hence, it is probably because of this divergence from the normestablished by Hermann that we may feel that those two accounts remain outsideof the classical Knigsnovelle presentation.

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27 I discuss this situation in Chapter II of my Aspects of the Military Documents of the AncientEgyptians (New Haven and London 1982).

28 A. Labrousse and A. Moussa, La chauseee du complex funraire du roi Ounas (Cairo 2002),cover the reliefs of the Unas causeway in detail. Their analysis, nonetheless, is essentially a basicdescriptive one. The triumphal aspect of the themes is discussed on pages 1924 andsubsequently the two authors devote much attention to episodic themes. The overridingconnection of icon and narrative is not part of their study. Tarek El Awady covers all theevidence from the Old Kingdom causeways on pages 115118 of his Abusir XVI. Sahure The Pyramid Causeway, History and Decoration Program in the Old Kingdom (Prague 2009).

29 Two recent compendia are those of I. Shirun-Grumach, Offenbarung, Orakel und Knigsnovelle(Wiesbaden 1993), and Beate Hofmann, Die Knigsnovelle, Strukturanalyse am Einzelwerk(Wiesbaden 2005).

30 I am aware of Ramesses IIs strongly worded statements at Kadesh, but these were given afterhe discovered that the Hittites were close by. The Bulletin is our closest account from thatcampaign wherein some type of Knigsnovelle account may be dimly seen, if at all. I am alsoignoring Piankhys account of war, a very different matter as it contains quite a number ofliterary influences.

Thus all falls upon one event taking place in one location and at one time.We are given a snapshot of a lengthy historical event, one that encompassedpreparations for a council/discussion followed by the decision-making of the king. Expected eulogies are often included, a factor that cannot beoverlooked.31 If Hatshepsuts Punt oracle may be included under this widelyencompassing rubric, as some may like to do, there remains no contradiction.The basic structure of the form is the same. But often avoided in discussion isthe performative nature of the account. The king is, in fact, operating as thedecision maker. The author sets him into a performative setting. Pharaoh hearsand decides. His orders are what matter, and the reader is intrinsically placedinto a temporal setting when the instruction takes place. For example, thatSesostris Is plans for the Heliopolis building work came to fruition is merelya coda to the account of the Berlin Leather Roll.32 In this text one will find a fully-developed eulogy to the king, an aspect which I briefly touched upon, and forwhich Assmann provided a major contribution to that genre by means of ananalysis of the nominal forms present therein.33

A eulogy, if it was presented to the pharaoh by his underlings, must belongto an official ceremony in which the king was present and during which heannounced a plan and expected its completion to be successful. That is to say,a eulogy implies an oral performance for the king by his underlings. True, onecan argue that such literary encomia were merely added into a historicalaccount in order to provide the embellishment necessary for the enhanced roleof the monarch. No matter how altered, improved, or refined such high soundingaddresses may appear to us, there remains the strong probability that somethingof the sort was said to the king before and after the official ceremony. One cansee this in such unexpected time frames as the Second Intermediate Period, butthere are some data from the First Intermediate Period that can also be proffered.34

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31 Hermann, Die gyptische Knigsnovelle, 26, add Claudia Maderna-Sieben, AusgewhlteBeispiele ramessidischer Knigseulogien, in R. Gundlach and U. Rler-Khler (eds.), DasKnigtum der Ramessidenzeit, Voraussetzung Verwirklichung Vermchtnis (Wiesbaden2003), 7798, and A. Spalinger, New Kingdom Eulogies of Power. A Preliminary Analysis, inNicole Cloth, Karl Martin, and Eva Pardey (eds.), Es werde niedergelegt als Schriftstck, Festschriftfr Hartwig Altenmller zum 65. Geburtstag (Hamburg 2003), 415428.

32 A. Spalinger, Drama in History. Exemplars from Mid Dynasty XVIII, SAK 24 (1997), 269300. 33 J. Assmann, Eulogie, Knigs-, in W. Helck and E. Otto (eds.), Lexikon der gyptologie II

(Wiesbaden 1977), 40 (the first known case, in the time of Sahure, note his mention of theKnigsnovelle). Add his gyptische Hymnen und Gebete 2, (Freiburg 1999), 16 and 59 (charts),6369 (performative aspect of hymns), and 511539 (examples of royal eulogies).

34 A. Spalinger, Chauvinism in the First Intermediate Period, in H. Vymazalov and M. Brta(eds.), Chronology and Archaeology in Ancient Egypt. (The Third Millennium B.C.) (Prague2008), 240260. The data of the little-known king Montuhotepi of Dynasty Thirteen (PascalVernus, La stele du roi Sekhemsankhtaour Nefrehotep Iykhernofret et la domination Hykss[Stle Caire JE 59635], ASAE 68 [1982], 129135) is important in this matter as the stela

The second major study of the Knigsnovelle was by Loprieno.35 It is fair tostate that his work covered the intricacies of the form as well as the symbolicrole of the king, the centre of the action. Granted that Egyptian texts of allperiods and genres, , are loaded with references to the king and his deeds,as Loprieno states. Yet the protagonistic nature of the pharaoh, the Being of allCreation, remained the starting point of his analysis. Loprieno dealt with thedifficulty in comprehending the multi-faceted nature of the Knigsnovelle, insofaras dissimilar textual productions seem to have been a result of the form. Hisconclusion was that the format presented an episode in the kings life and nota lengthy narrative of his deeds. It concerned a specific aspect of a kings lifethat encompassed his relationship to mankind and history. Furthermore, thisformat reflected an inquiry into the royal sphere which was an inquiry intothe kings position towards mankind and history.36 With Hermann, then,Loprieno maintained the historical background of these accounts. Excludingextensions of the form, (such as those concerned with mythological backgroundssuch as The Destruction of Mankind), this monumental textual format, first clearly seen in the militarily oriented account of the Ballas Inscription ofpharaoh Nebhepetre Montuhotep (II), a militarily oriented account, what remains for modern appreciation is the characteristic nature of the literaryproduction. (Other early examples of this format were discussed by Juan Carlos Moreno Garca.37) Loprieno viewed the Knigsnovelle as a horizontal,diastratic set of formal patterns that covered the entire spectrum of Egyptianwriting.38 Most certainly, it was not a genre. The form of its publication, mainlyon stone,39 and its location, which implies some public audience, cannot beoverlooked.

As a brief summary, we can list some of the common ingredients of theKnigsnovelle.

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includes a eulogy to him and the historical issue is war. It is clear from the account that thekings ritual triumph was being celebrated. The latter event, comprising progress back homeand the related ritual and commemorative events (such as encomia to the ruler), is discussedin the forthcoming study, Egyptian New Kingdom Triumphs. A First Blush. A preliminaryversion of this was presented at the University of Swansea, on the 22nd of November 2008for the conference Rituals of Triumph in the Mediterranean World from Antiquity to the MiddleAges.

35 Loprieno, The Kings Novel. in Antonio Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature, Historyand Forms (LeidenNew YorkCologne 1996), 277295. The following quote is from page 278.

36 Loprieno, ibid., 28690 37 J-C. Moreno Garca, tudes sur ladministration, le pouvoir et lidologie en gypte, de lAncien

au Moyen Empire (Liege 1997), Chapter VI and pages 8086 in particular. 38 Ibid., 295. 39 The Berlin Leather Roll is a later Eighteenth Dynasty copy of a well-dated text of Sesostris I,

set, not by happenstance, on the anniversary of his accession to the throne of Egypt. Cf. myDrama in History. Exemplars from Mid Dynasty XVIII.

1. There is usually a date. 2. There is an address by Pharaoh. 3. There may be one response by his officials. 4. Eulogies are standard; they are recited by the kings officials. 5. The setting is clear. As time is given so is place. 6. The king remains as the primum mobile of the entire account. 7. The decision of the Pharaoh need not be presumed before the action starts.

It is, however, stated at some point. 8. The kings command is carried out. Details are lacking as they are not

necessary. 9. The final result is presented in a very abbreviated format.

10. The event is set at one place; the functions of all participants are performative. 11. There is basically only one snapshot, narratively speaking.

C. One Early Precursor to the Knigsnovelle

The question now arises it is the most important one in this paper namely,what was the origin of this form? The Knigsnovelle must have been dependentupon some public event, one that had to be presented with a rigorous sense ofdecorum. Indeed, if publicized, it was subject to authorial supervision and, ofcourse, the expressed acceptance of the living Egyptian ruler. Originally oral innature, the Knigsnovelle would have moved beyond a scenario that purportedto be a reproduction of a real event. It became written down and, most certainlyby the late Eleventh Dynasty, it was literary. The narrative content of the presumedearlier format would have been limited or static, if that is a preferred term just as the later written versions were. Hence, we should look for a scene in whichthe king is present and ordering something, subsequently commissioning it tobe fulfilled. Officials should be present. They should speak to their monarch andhe should either reply to them or announce a plan to be effected by his ownindependent agency. Since the assumed prototype was pictorial, it would haveconsisted of one image and not be a record of a series of narrative snapshots as,for example, we see in later New Kingdom war reliefs, among other pictorialrecords of that date.40

Fortunately, such an example is at hand: from his recent excavations at theSahure causeway of the Fifth Dynasty, Tarek El Awady published an astoundingseries of unsuspected pictorial evidence which, combined with smallaccompanying texts, allows one to postulate the visual origins of the Knigs-

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40 In order to limit the discussion to the main theme of the origins of the Knigsnovelle I ampurposely not attempting to explain the rise of narrative art in Egypt by concentrating uponthe Old Kingdom and earlier.

novelle.41 Some of those reliefs have already been published whilst others arenow to be found in the recent final edition of El Awady.42 There is a ratherexpansive scene on the northern wall of the causeway of which only two blocksremain. On them is a depiction of the pharaoh trapping birds with the use ofclap nets (see Fig. 1). El Awady, who has provided the necessary backgroundto the iconography of the image, emphasized Sahures garment, the pleated kiltwith triangular panel.43 In addition, the king takes with him a typically longwalking stick or staff, which he has placed under the expected right armpit the dominant position so that whereas his two hands are free to pull a longrope connected to the clap nets. The accompanying short inscription44, infourteen columns, indicates that Sahures rope was attached to ten separate nets. There is also an artificial covert behind which the king and his associateshide. In other words, pharaoh is the centre and primeval mover of therepresentation.

It goes without saying that the scene parallels in thought and deed that ofthe famous fishing and fowling account on a Eighteenth Dynasty papyrus

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41 The final edition can be found in T. El Awady, Abusir XVI, 215231. Earlier, see his PyramidCauseway in the Old Kingdom, Evolution of the Architecture and Definition of the ReliefDecoration Program, (Ph.D. Dissertation: Charles University of Prague [Prague]), 276328.There is more than one depiction of Sahures fishing and fowling exploits. El Awady notes thatthe main one, depicting the monarch closing ten nets by himself, is a large image that originallycovered many blocks on the lower part of the causeway, northern side. Two are extant. I amomitting his description of the fecundity aspects connected to the royal suite that accompaniedtheir ruler. Likewise, the transfer of the spoils as well as additional fishing scenes are ignoredhere. The entire show thus covers more than one snapshot, but the narrative account plusdepiction is a single unity. I would like to thank Prof. Miroslav Verner for allowing me to seethis unpublished work and the proofs of the final publication. My heartfelt thanks go, as well,to all the members of the Czech Institute of Egyptology at Prague.

42 In addition to the final edition referred to in the last note, see, Z. Hawass and M. Verner,Newly Discovered Blocks from the Causeway of Sahure, MDAIK 52 (1996), 177186 (includinga second example of the famous famine scene previously known from the causeway of Unas),El Awady, The royal family of Sahura. New evidence, in Brta, Coppens, and Krej (eds.),Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2005 (Prague 2008), 190218, King Sahura with the precioustrees from Punt in a unique scene!, in Brta (ed.), The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology,Proceedings of the Conference Prague, May 31June 4, 2004 (Prague 2006), 3844, Ausgrabungenam Aufweg der Sahure-Pyramid, Eine neue Darstellung von der Punt-Expedition, Sokar 14(2007), 2024, and Kawedja, an overseer of expeditions, in Chronology and Archaeology inAncient Egypt, 162169.

43 For all of this data, see El Awadys Sahure The Pyramid Causeway. 44 For a similar short royal text, see the study of E. Meltzer on Amunhotep III, The Commemorative

Scarab, A Gem of Text, BES 10 (19891990), 9194. 45 R. Caminos, Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script (Oxford 1956), 121 and pls. 17.

A detailed analysis of this material will now be found in S. Quirke, Egyptian Literature 1800BC, questions and readings (London 2004), 206217, where he includes the kings huntingaccounts = Caminos pages 2239 and Pls. 816). Richard B. Parkinson, Poetry and Culturein Middle Kingdom Egypt, A Dark Side to Perfection, (LondonNew York 2002), 226232 and

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Fig

. 1

published by Ricardo Caminos.45 Moreover, it provides a remarkablecoincidence with one small portion of the Annals of Amenemhet II, a pointto which we shall return later. It is sufficient at this point to state that StephenQuirke noted an unexpected and unexplained echo or antecedent to theCaminos material in the Twelfth Dynasty account.46 I shall not overburden thisstudy with numerous historical analyses. Such actions of the pharaoh hunting,fishing, and fowling belonged to his performance-ridden, ludic and regal-divinerole that he was expected to fulfil.47 There is an explanatory text in the causewayreliefs whose small length should not surprise us. At this period of time, lengthyroyal monumental hieroglyphic accounts of the kings deeds were not part andparcel of the standard repertoire. A fortiori, it was in the Middle Kingdom thatsuch compositions began to be developed extensively. This inscription providesa simple narrative description of a Knigsnovelle account. There are two actors:king and officials. The latter acts as a group, of course. Tiny speeches occurand each column either ends a sentence or a clause.48

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311312 covers the Fishing and Fowling literary texts. I differ with his analysis of them asa retreat into a more personal, private countryside atmosphere. The role of pharaoh andthe necessary acts of renaissance, fecundity, and physical success limn a different perspective,one that is connected to a specific public role of the god-monarch. True, the king is relaxedand happy, but the account is by no means trivial or simplistically pastoral. We must returnto E. Hornungs Pharao Ludens perspective, Pharao Ludens, Eranos Jahrbuch 51 (1982),479516. I also see much more, than Parkinson does, of the dynamic nature of Egyptiankingship.

46 Quirke, Egyptian Literature, 206 with his Narrative Literature, in Loprieno (ed.), AncientEgyptian Literature, 271, add Parkinson, Poetry and Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt, 312 note17. Assmann, Gibt es eine Klassik in der gyptischen Literaturgeschichte?, in XXII DeutscherOrientalistentag 6 (Supplement to ZDMG), (Wiesbaden 1985), 3552 and page 48 in particular,set up the possibility that these Caminos fragments may belong to the corpus of EighteenthDynasty literature. As this may very well become a contested issue, I prefer to avoid thepotential scholarly wrangles on the issue. Most certainly, the evidence from AmenemhetIIs Annals and now the Sahure reliefs allows one to place the origins of such sporting (saynow, ritual) hieratic texts back into the Old Kingdom. Baines is equivocal concerning theoriginal dating of the Caminos fragments, Classicism and Modernism in the New Kingdom,in Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature, 161 note 20. Incidentally, Assmann suggestedDynasty XVIII as a possibility, he did not argue apodictically for this later dating. The standardedition of those Annals is H. Altenmller and A. Moussa, Die Inscription Amenemhets II.aus dem Ptah-Tempel von Memphis, SAK 18 (1991), 148.

47 The scholarly research is summarized by W. C. Hayes contribution, The Sporting Tradition,in Chapter IX of Cambridge Ancient History III.13 (Cambridge 1973), 333338. Subsequently,there appeared the works of W. Decker, Die physische Leistung des Pharaos, Untersuchungenzu Heldentum, Jagd, und Leibesbungen der gyptischen Knige (Cologne 1971), Sport und Spielim Alten gypten (Munich 1987), and Pharao und Sport (Mainz am Rhein 2006). For the ludicrole of Pharaoh see my study in, Studies on the Ancient Egyptian Culture and Foreign Relations,7186 as well as Hornung, Pharaoh Ludens, in Eranos Jahrbuch 51 (1982), 479516.

48 A transcription plus commentary will be found in the Appendix.

(1) The king himself His majesty caused that one summon for him (2) the district administrator of the king, Tj, the overseer of the fowling pool, Tj, (3) together with/and the overseers of the fowlers. (4) Then his majesty said to them: make for me ten nets. (5) Catch/Tie them together with a single rope. (6) Then they said to his majesty that they had (7) not ever seen the like another time (8) would indeed be an occasion! All men said this (9) individually for/because they never saw the like

(10) in this land since the primeval time. His majesty said: (11) As my nose is refreshed with life and as I exist, my majesty has (now)

caused that one make (12) numerous nets in order that my majesty may catch/tie them (13) [all together (?) with] a single rope. This was difficult in their mind

(literally: heart) (14) [because ?] him/his.

The astounding parallel to the short Amenemhet II account should alert usto the importance of literary artists in ancient Egypt who worked with shorthieroglyphic texts.49 In this case, a different version of one Old Kingdom ritualaccount has been independently reproduced later within a lengthy royalnarrative. The Twelfth Dynasty report of the king reads as follows. (I followAltenmllers recent discussion):50

Repose of the king in the palace of the Southern Lake Land the domainof the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Cheperkare.

Snaring/trapping51 by his majesty, himself, of a (bird) net of twelve cubitsin the extent of its span, with his nobles.

Bringing [4000] ducks.[Snaring/trapping by his majesty (with)52]

ten nets of six cubits in the extent of their span in a single net (and tied up with)with a single rope53 in accordance with the prediction (sr) made by his majestyconcerning it.

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49 In this context I can mention the surprising literary qualities in the recent Middle KingdomKhnumhotep II text published by Allen, The Historical Inscription of Khnumhotep at Dahshur,Preliminary Report, BASOR 352 (2008), 2939.

50 Altenmller and Moussa, Die Inschrift Amenemhets II. aus Memphis, 1718 and 33 (wherethe ritual nature of the account is indicated), and Quirke, Egyptian Literature 1800 BC, 206.The up-to-date study of this text will be found in Hartwig Altenmller, Der Knig als Vogelfngerund Fischer, in Engel and Kahl (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand, 318.

51 I am assuming that the king would never weave a net. 52 This follows Altenmllers restoration in Der Knig als Vogelfnger und Fischer, 2 note 5. 53 It is nevertheless possible that we might read, in a single catch, with a single rope.

Never had the like occurred under the ancestral gods. Delivery (jnw) of He of the Two Lords Fisher and Fowler in twelve (sic.) nets

for supplies; fowl 11,350 Delivery (jnw) of ; fish 459.

In both the Sahure and Amenemhet accounts ten (twelve) nets are made forthe king and he goes out in order to perform the ritual duty of fishing.54 Indeed,El Awady has mentioned the description of the fishes, a salient fact that theoriginal reliefs purposively indicate. Furthermore, the nets, the transfer of thecatch into cages, and the associated fowling activities of Sahure, (herons, pintailducks, wigeons, and gallinules are present) are described as being present inthe Twelfth Dynasty account. (Not surprisingly, the Goddess of the Field, Sekhet,is also present, as are fecundity figures.)

One need not argue that here we have an archive in the Old Kingdom thatwas culled for Amenemhet II in order to provide a section for his Annals. Theevent was a ritual one. Being standard, it had to follow a set pattern establishedin bygone times. Hence, I do not find the discrepancies as well as the parallelsbetween both texts startling. What is surprising, however, is the form in whichSahure is presented and the subsequent Middle Kingdom hieroglyphictransmission of the same event.

Sahure provides us with one scene which. It is reasonably detailed andovertly set into a temporally frozen time frame. There is no true narrative. Wewitness by sight the event of a royal performance. (Note the opening focusupon the actor, pharaoh, via the expected phrase, the king himself.) Thisfishing event took place publicly, and the kings officials (later in the Twelfth-Dynasty they are termed Smsw) are present. The dialogue is tiny in comparisonto later hieroglyphic Knigsnovellen, but nevertheless it is present. TheAmenemhet II account, as befits a written presentation, explicitly sets the kingin his regional palace at the Southern Lake in the Fayum, just as the later

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54 For the hippopotamus rites of the Old Kingdom, which are also related to water (the Nile withits lagoons), see Altenmller, Nilpferd und Papyrusdickicht in den Grbern des Alten Reiches,BSEG 13 (1989), 921. The concept surrounding this ritual hunting was followed up in hisPapyrusdickicht und Wste. berlegungen zu zwei Statuenensembles des Tutanchamun,MDAIK 47 (1991), 1120. On the hunting of the white hippopotamus, we can also refer to W.Kaiser, Zwei weitere hbHD.t-Belege, in Peter Der Manuelian (ed.), Studies in Honor of WilliamKelly Simpson II (Boston 1996), 451459, and Altenmller, Das Fest des weisen Nilpferds unddas Opfergefilde, in Catherine Berger, Gisle Clerc, and Nicolas Grimal (eds.), Hommages Jean Leclant I (Cairo 1994), 2944, where it is argued to be Lower Egyptian in origin. Seenow V. Mller, Nilpferdjagd und gekpfte Feinde zu zwei Ikonen des Feindvernichtungsrituals,in Engel and Mller (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand, 477493. Altenmllers study, Der Knigals Vogelfnger und Fischer, 1118, also covers the religious significance of such fowling andfishing acts.

Caminos fragments locate these public demonstrations of might, power, andfecundity in the same region. (By doing this, the account of fishing and fowlingcan be perfectly understood as potential data for a Knigsnovelle account.)

Those later, post-Old Kingdom, Knigsnovelle records must provide a specificphysical setting because they had no accompanying picture. From Sahure toAmenemhet II (and thus also to the Caminos group) we have moved quitebeyond the sacralization of historical events about which Vernus and Morenzhave contributed their scholarly opinions.55 The development of writing, whichprovided an expansion of hieratic reports rather than utilizing only hieroglyphicones, is yet a further point that indicates the literary basis of the later reports.On the other hand, Amenemhet IIs Annals, undoubtedly preexisting inhieratic form, were recorded on a stone stela erected in the local Ptah templeat Memphis. Therefore, that lengthy report, just as the Middle Kingdommonumental Knigsnovellen, was presented without images.

D. Result

Let us now summarize our data. Ignoring the still inconclusive scholarly workconcerned with narrative in Egyptian art, we were able to fix our attention uponone object, the Sahure Net Episode.56 In examining this episode, complicatedaspects of the development of time in images, the use of iconic representationsand even the presence of serial temporality witness Seti Is war reliefs atKarnak and, in a more primitif manner, the Late Old Kingdom material couldbe disregarded. By isolating everything save one image plus text all otherinterrelated concerns could be removed from consideration. The thrust of theargument had to be made as clear and distinct as possible. The Knigsnovelleoriginated in royal performance activities; call them rituals if you wish. Theywere publicly enacted by the reigning king. The Canal Opening of King

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55 C. Eyre presented the classic dichotomy, Is Egyptian Historical Literature Historical orLiterary? , in Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature, 415433. The case is fundamentallyhermeneutical, and depends upon which tree one wishes to climb, along which limb one prefersto advance, and from which second tree one wishes to descend. Eventually the roots of bothare attained, but history is necessary for an understanding of literature; the reverse is not alwaysthe case.

56 In his Sahure The Pyramid Causeway, Chapter III, El Awady provides a helpful summaryon pictorial narrative in the royal relief program. He places some emphasis on the phrase itnever happened since the beginning of time, an important passage that stresses the uniquenessof the narrated event. (That it is banal is a different matter.) For a recent discussion, see JohnTait (ed.), Never Had the Like Occurred, Egypts View of its Past (London 2003), passim,especially the editors Introduction on pages 113. El Awady attempts to come to grips withthe uniqueness of an event (i.e., something contingent) and the problem of narration. As isevident from this study, I am sidestepping the Old Kingdom pictorial Knigsnovelle and itsrelation to history over time.

Scorpion, depicted on his mace head, must be an even earlier monumentalizedversion of a fecundity ritual. Albeit in a different guise, the Fifth Dynasty Sahurenet episode also reflects a ritual involving rejuvenation, rebirth, fertility, andvirility. By the reign of Sahure a small written description was included, onethat was necessary because the account needed more than a solitary image forexplanation. Speeches occurred, and if they are stilted and formal in aspect,we should not be alarmed. All ritual and ludic rites depend upon set pieces forthe actors to perform.

Consider, for example, the Incense Tree Episode of King Sahure.57 The sameformal structure exists. The event is set at one place and in one time. As befitsthe ruler, he is not merely in the centre of the activity: he himself is the soleactor. In one depiction we see pharaoh handling the trees with an adze. Thisis a preliminary visual account in which Sahure seems to be pruning them, orat lest beautifying his own arbour of newly acquired trees from the far awayland of Punt. In a second depiction, Sahure is seated on the throne and, if wefollow the editor of these blocks, extracts frankincense from the anD tree. Asbefits the royal command, these trees were transplanted to the kings palace.What is different from the net and harpoon activity is the progressive natureof the narrative. Here, although set within a static snapshot format, the one-image Knigsnovelle has been expanded into at least two separate depictions.There is, in fact, historical temporality present. But this should not surprise us.Sahures own reliefs of the Libyan war and his ship expeditions provide theempirical proof that by the Fifth Dynasty a series of narratively organizedreliefs became part of the royal decorative program.58 Yet among that vastcreation of images were single ones, those devoted to one part of a storyincluding a discussion between king and officials, and it is with these that wehave been occupied in this paper.

In the Old Kingdom relief of Sahure and the nets we can view, with benefitof hieroglyphic and hieratic evidence, an early royal activity centred upon thefecundity of the land and the Pharaohs role in preserving, maintaining, andcontinuing that benefit. Moreover, we can now see why it was of great

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57 El Awady, King Sahure with the precious trees from Punt in a unique scene, in The OldKingdom Art and Archaeology, 3844.

58 The reader will observe how, once more, I am forced to return to the questions of narrative artin Egypt, and in particular its use in the Old Kingdom if not earlier. I am afraid that concentratingupon the Narmer Palette has done little to resolve this problem. El Awady summarizes thepertinent data in Sahure The Pyramid Causeway, Chapter III. He follows Gaballa who setup the reasonable first-level analysis of selected scene episodes and multiple-scene episodes.These terms are, however, merely descriptive and not explanatory. Of course, Knigsnovelletexts were carved mainly on stelae. Hence, the surface area was very limited with respect toany desired pictorial representation. (Hatshepsuts Punt Record is a good counter-example.)Yet does not this avoidance of images reflect upon the development of the form?

importance to Loprieno to indicate the historical nature of the Knigsnovelleformat. Its loose structure, the fact that it was most certainly not a genre, andthe central role of the pharaoh are not explained away, but elucidated further,when this earlier antecedent is analyzed. Not every scene of Pharaoh need bein this format. At the beginning of this discussion did we not turn first to ritualscenes of Djoser, where the importance of the performative sDm.n=f was stressed?Most certainly, those images and accompanying texts belong to a differentsphere of activity than that which we find in the Knigsnovelle. The contrast isuseful to list.

By no means does this abbreviated list exhaust the different natures of thecontrastive possibilities, although their mutual resemblances stand out. Thehistorical orientation of the Knigsnovelle is very pronounced when onerecognizes the usual absence of any detailed follow-up description in the latter.We can also see how the Knigsnovelle could be expanded to include at leastone subsequent temporal point; namely, the completion of the kings order. Yetone can rapidly ascertain the joint lack of a progressive temporally advancingnarration, whether in pictures or in words. In ritual scenes that have associatedtexts, one faces the interaction of history and myth. There, it can be argued thattime is an Aorist if only because the given act is a reactualization of a primordialevent.60 But the essence of the Knigsnovelle is a report, one not too dissimilarto a White Paper. It presents what the king wishes, but adds the results of his

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Table 1

Knigsnovelle Religious Ritual

Participants King + Officials King + God

Speeches King > Officials King > God

Officials > King God > King

(or vice-versa)

Eulogy Present Very Often Virtually Never Unless

in Address of King

Setting Explicitly Determined Implicitly Determined

(by Text and/or Scene) (by Location in Temple)

or Explicitly determined

(by Text and/or Scene)

Dated59 Often but not Always Usually Never

59 I do not mean a date set upon a festival or anything lunar: I am referring to a specific regnalyear, month, and day.

command, and it is publicized. Finally, even if we do not know the ancientEgyptian name of this form of construction, perhaps we do now know how toproceed in analyzing it.61

Appendix

Transcription (1) nswt Ds=f rdj Hm=f njs.t(w)62 n=f

(2) aD-mr zAb &j jmj-r zS &j63

(3) Hna jmjw-r wHa

(4) Dd.jn Hm=f n=sn jr n(=j) jAdt mDt

(5) sxt sn m-a Hw wa

(6) Dd.jn=sn xr Hm=f jwt64 zp

(7) mA=sn mjtt kj zp

(8) Hm65 zp Dd nn rmTt nb

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60 A. Loprieno, Temps des dieux et temps des hommes en ancienne gypte, in Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge, hnan Tunca (eds.), Reprsentations du temps dans les religions, Actes du Colloqueorganis par le Centre dHistoire des religions de lUniversit de Lige (Geneva 2003), 123141,especially pages 129132.

61 Lewis Caroll, The Annotated Alice: Alices Adventures in Wonderland & Through the LookingGlass, with an Introduction and Notes by Martin Gardiner (New York, 1960), 218219, referringto the man in white paper (who is Disraeli in Sir John Tenniels accompanying woodengraving).

62 Thus the common verb of command is presented by njs. This may be found in the well-knownMiddle Kingdom literary cases of pWestcar, Sinuhe as well as the Thirteenth Dynasty NeferhotepStela, also the Eloquent Peasant can be added. (Inter alia, see Rainer Hannig, gyptischesWrterbuch II.1 [Mainz am Rhein 2006], 1205.) All of these examples are of a literary nature,Neferhotep providing a Knigsnovelle account as well, but the importance of the word isstraightforward. It is used by the Pharaoh in a context that is typically imperious. The convocationdemanded by Snefru in Neferty, however, is different. Cf. Poseners comment in Littrature etpolitique dans lgypte de la XIIe Dynastie (Paris 1956), 29 and 147148, with H. J. Polotsky,Egyptian tenses, The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities 2 (1965), 3. Yet the sectionis oriented to the Knigsnovelle format as Posener realized many years ago (pages 2931 ofhis study).

63 Surely two different men are present. The first is considerably superior to the second. For allof the titles see Dilwyn Jones, An Index of the Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrasesof the Old Kingdom (Oxford 2000), 104 (no. 421) and 205206 (no. 767). Note that there isa man in charge of the pool and an additional one who takes care of the fowlers. Not merelyis there an administrative ranking present but, more importantly, the designated area isreserved perhaps under an injunction of tapu ? and not a public zone. Since pharaoh ispresent, we may conclude that the fishing and fowling region is part of the kings sportingdomain.

64 E. Edel, ltagyptische Grammatik II (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1955), 543 54610531054, and J. P. Allen The Inflection of the Verb in the Pyramid Texts (Malibu 1984),313314 461 and 504 719.C (jwt seems to be the nominal form of nj). Can the literalmeaning be not an occasion is that which they saw the like?

(9) ... wa nj mAA=sn mjtt

(10) m tA pn Dr pAwtj dD.jn Hm=f

(11) Hn fnD(=j) m anx wnn(=j) rdj.n 66 Hm(=j) jrt/jr.t(w)

(12) jAdwt SA(w)t r sxt=s n Hm(=j) (13) ... [m-]a Hw w StA nn Hr jb=sn (14) =f

Turin Reliefs

With the kind assistance of Dr. Jaromir Malek and Elizabeth Fleming I appendthe following references to photographs of the Djoser fragments studied here. 1) Geb seated: Turin Sup. 2671/20 (= Raymond Weill, Monuments nouveaux

des premires dynasties, Sphinx 15 (1911): 14 [fig. 6]; Stevenson Smith,A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom, fig. 50 [6]on page 135): Anna Marie Donadoni Roveri (ed.), Dal museo al museo: Passatoe futuro del Museu Egizio di Torino (Rome; 1989), 1920 [1] figs. 7 and 8;Donadoni Roveri et al., Il Museo egizio di Torino: Guida alla lettura di unaCivilt (Novara; 1988), fig. on page 63 [upper right]; Heinrich Schfer, DerReliefschmuck der Berliner Tr aus der Stufenpyramide und der Knigstitel

@r-nb , MDAIK 4 (1933): Pl. II [a]; and Enrica Leospo in DonadoniRoveri (ed.), Civilt degli Egizi (Turin 1989), fig. 302.

2) Another fragment with Geb seated and part of text: Turin Sup. 2671 (=alternative reconstruction to Weill, Monuments nouveaux des premiresdynasties, 14 [fig. 6]; W. Stevenson Smith, HESPOK, fig. 50 [6] on page 135):Donadoni Roveri (ed.), Dal museo al museo, 1920 [1] figs. 7 and 8.

3) Lower part of a seated king with three royal women, Turin Sup. 2671/21 (tothe reference of Weill, Monuments nouveaux des premires dynasties, 16 [fig. 10]; W. Stevenson Smith, HESPOK, fig. 48 [right] on page 133):

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65 The meaning of the particle is discussed by Elmar Edel, ltagyptische Grammatik I, 421 839.In the given context, the purport is that yet another occasion of this event, so far singular,would be remarkable. See now Oral, Les particules de lancien gyptien lgyptien classique(Cairo 2009) Chapter 10. I must thank Dr. Oral for allowing me to see an advanced versionof this important volume. She notes, at first, the orientation to the future, an aspect that isdirectly involved here. In addition, Oral stresses the coordinate-additive character of theparticle. This, as well, applies to our simple case. There is no doubt in my mind that theconcept of enhanced prominence, deeply researched by Oral, applies perfectly here.

66 El Awady, Sahure The Pyramid Causeway, 218 note 1206 refers to Edel, ltagyptischeGrammatik I, 293 603 when arguing that rdj is an imperative. But Allen, The Inflection of theVerb in the Pyramid Texts, 103 192 notes that in the Pyramid Texts only dj is employed witha plural imperative, and the evidence is solitary. I prefer to read, My majesty has (now)caused (performative?) that one make

Donadoni Roveri (ed.), Dal museo al museo, 1920 [1] fig. 5; and Leospo, inDonadoni Roveri (ed.), Civilt degli Egizi, fig. 301.

4) Fragment with text, including part of the name of Netjerikhet Djoser, inTurin Sup. 2671: Donadoni Roveri (ed.), Dal museo al museo, 1920 [1] fig.6; and Donadoni Roveri et al., Il Museo egizio di Torino: Guida alla letturadi una Civilt, fig. on page 63 [lower right].

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TIMES, SIGNS AND PYRAMIDS

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