Souvenirs: Messengers of MeaningLisa L. Love, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Peter S. Sheldon, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

ABSTRACTStudies on souvenirs typically adopt object-oriented descrip-

tive approaches. In contrast, our paper emphasizes the symbolicmeanings of souvenirs by exploring stories about travel experi-ences. Our findings suggest that the types of meanings assigned tosouvenirs are often dependent on the extent of the tourist's priortravel experiences. Specifically, more experienced travelers focuson relationships, events or people, while less experienced touristsassociate meanings with places or destinations. Additionally,travelers authenticate meanings through souvenirs. Finally, weargue that these meanings are fiuid, constructed and reconstructedover time, and are related to evolving definitions of Self and theOther. Thus, approachingsouvenirsasmessengers of meaning maycontribute to the understanding of objecu as representing theessence of consumption experiences.

INTRODUCTIONThe importance of souvenirs to economies, cultures, and

visitors is reflected in extant research. Souvenirs are integral to theeconomic stmcture of many destinations, accounting for more than$25 billion in sales annually in the United States alone (Harper1981). The identity and image of a culture are often represented bysouvenirs asevidenceof history, heritage, or geography. Souvenirscan also serve as tangible symbols to signify or commemorate travelexperiences.

In popular culture, souvenirs typically refer to objects thattourists acquire when traveling on vacation. Many people haveadopted this operationalization of souvenirs and think of them inthis way. But as we refiected upon souvenir purchases followingrecent trips, we began to think that common conceptions of whatqualifies as a souvenir might be incomplete, and therefore, subjectto further development. The unquestioned acceptance of the waysouvenirs have been defined fails to incorporate the stories andexperiences that are an inextricable part of our souvenirs. Whileimportant, current conceptions of souvenirs as reflected throughoutpublished research may be lacking depth. Traditionally, studiesfocusing on souvenirs have been limited to an analysis of theirtypes, uses, or functions. Thus, little is known about how touristsassign meaning to souvenirs, and even less is known about whatthose meanings might entail. We suggest that while souvenirs canbe perceived as simply functional or decorative objects, closeinspection reveals tangible expressions of meaning and expressionsof the experiences these meanings represent. Therefore, the pur-pose of our paper is to investigate the meanings tourists assign tosouvenirs through stories about their travel experiences.

Traditional Notions of SouvenirsPrior research suggests that experiences are often considered

as possessions that require a marker signifying ownership (Belk1985). Scholars in anthropology and tourism acknowledge theimportance of souvenirs, but the treatment of these objects isindirect and often subsumed in a discussion of tourism (Grabum1983,1984,1989). Stewart (1984) recognizes the depth of mean-ings found in souvenirs, but relies on a conceptual critique ofselected research. Other researchers have limited their focus tosouvenirs, but those approaches are largely functional (Gordon1986; Littrell 1990; Uttrell, Anderson and Brown 1993; Littrell, et

al. 1994; Anderson and Littrell 1995).Gordon (1986) offers a typology that identifies ar d describes

the function of souvenirs:

Pictorial images (e.g., postcards, snapshots, books, etc.) Pieces-of'the'rock (Le., things saved from the natural,

gathered, hunted, or taken from a built environment) Symbolic shorthand (e.g., manufactured miniatures or over-

sized objects) Markers (Le., souvenirs that in themselves have no refer-

ence to a particular place or event, but are inscribed withwords that locate them in place and time)

Local products (e.g., indigenous foods, food parapherna-lia, liquor, local clothing, and local crafts) (pp. .'40-144).

This functional approach, while helpful, does not offei insight intounderstanding souvenirs and the meanings they hold. Moreover,Gordon's (1986) paper lacks empirical support. Furthermore, shecharacterizes souvenirs as "messengers" but neglects tci tell us whatthose messages might entail. This perspective divorces objectsfrom their meaning, and subsequently separates production andacquisition from the many forms of consumption.

The work of Littrell (1990), Littrell, Anderson, and Brown(1993), Littrell, et al. (1994), and Anderson and Uttrell (1995) addsan empirical perspective to Gordon's descriptive ipproach tosouvenirs. In Littrell's (1990) examination ofthe util :ty of souve-nirs, she reports that tourists use souvenirs to differentiate them-selves from others, build relationships, strengthen self confidence,remember and reminisce, express creativity, and enga j:e in hedonicor aesthetic pleasures.! in a similar study, Uttrell, ot al. (1993)explore the role of souvenirs in authenticating destinations. BothUttrell (1990) and Littrell et al. (1993) report genier and agedifferences in souvenir purchases. Littrell, et al. (19 ?4) considersouvenirs from the perspective of determining travel activity pref-erences, implying a relationship between the types ti souvenirspurchased and preferences for four categories of tour st activities.Finally, Anderson and Uttrell (1995) examine the souvenir pur-chase behavior of women tourists. Their findings suggest thatwomen purchase souvenirs for many reasons: to ser\e as remind-ers, to authenticate the destination, for personal use, or to give asgifts.

As mentioned eariier, these studies consider the importance ofsouvenirs in signifying the travel experience, but their efforts arelargely descriptive. Stmcture-functionalist accounts representedby these and other studies are likely motivated by marcet demands,retums on investment, and economic impact. For .in economicpurpose, then, it is useful to consider souvenirs from a functionalperspective. However, negligible progress has been nade towardan understanding of souvenirs and the meanings tht y communi-cate.

lOur study, while similar to Uttrell's (1990) in some ways, differssignificantly in two important respects. Littrell limitiid her exami-nation to Malaysian textile crafts, while we approach the researchwith a much broader treatment of souvenirs. But more impor-tantly, we diverge substantially from Littrell ontoogically andepistemologicaliy.

170 Advances in Consuiier ResearchVolun e 25, 1998

We argue that without an understanding of the connectionbetween the object and the individual, it is impossible to fullyappreciate how the meanings assigned to objects come to representexperiences. In doing so, we borrow the conceptual constructs ofthe Self and Other, which have roots in anthropology (e.g., Evans-Pritchard, 1940, Said, 1978). The Self is defined by that to whichit is compared. Thus, the Other is a dynamic, fluid notion, and canbe operationalized as any point of comparison or contrast.2

There is theoretical support for the relationship betweenobjectsorpossessionsand definition of the Self. Forexample, Belk(1988) contends that possessions are symbolic representations, andthat the symbolic value of possessions is adaptive, changing asrepresentations of the Self and identity demand modification orgrowth. Dominguez (1986) also suggests that "things 'cultivate'the Self by affirming or extending the boundaries of the Self (p.554). Thus, we explore the Self by examining souvenirs and theirmeanings.

Therefore, in the spirit of this body of work, our research seeksto move away from functional, descriptive, or comparative per-spectives, and towardti\e understanding of meanings and how theyevolve overtime.

MethodToapproachourstudyofsouvenirs,we employed interpretive

methods to explore the meanings assigned to souvenirs throughstories and narratives about memorable travel experiences. Thisphenomenological strategy was adopted because it allows infor-mants to discuss souvenirs and their meanings in a way that is notalways possible in more structured research situations.

Thirteen informants, six male and seven female, representingdiverse occupations, were interviewed over a nine-month period.They ranged in age from 21 to 57 years and all resided in theMidwestem U.S. Infonnants were contacted and referred by col-leagues who were unaware ofthe study's purpose or were asked notto reveal the goals ofthe study. This process identified informantswho were unknown to us, but who felt comfortable talking openlybecause of a mutual acquaintance. Purposive diversity in selectionof informants and other sampling suggestions were adapted fromGlaser and Strauss (1967), Lincoln and Guba (1985), and McCracken(1988).

Informants were asked to "bring several items that have beenacquired over the last several years that represent a memorableexperience or event." It was around these souvenirs that interviewswere conducted. InformanU were invited to tell stories, but theinterviewer encouraged elaboration and occasionally asked ques-tions to clarify earlier comments. We sought guidance fromMcCracken (1988) in the appropriate use of prompts to encourageinformants to tell their stories in their own words. Because probingfor meaning was so elemental to this study, we employed a strategyof team interviewing.

Taped interviews were then transcribed and examined fortrends pertaining to the meanings of souvenirs. Analysis of theinterviews was interpretive and iterative, and based on pattemanalysis (Kaplan 1964; Reason 1981; Lincoln and Guba 1985;Huberman and Miles 1994). By adopting this method of interpre-tation,iterati(Hi,andpattem recognition, three major themesemerged.

2For a more thorough treatment of the Self-Other dichotomy, seeEvans-Pritchard (1940) in his discussion of Self and Other in thetribal Nuer and Said (1978) in his examination of Orientalism.More contemporary scholars writing in this area include Bhabha(1990), Fine (1994), Spivak (1988), and Trinh (1989).

Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 25) 1171Findings

Our findings suggest that, most importantly, there seems to bea relationship between the degree of travel experience and the typesof meanings assigned to souvenirs. Specifically, we assert thatmore experienced travelers tend to assign souvenirs meaningsthrough hedonic representation, focusing more abstractly on rela-tionships, events, or people. In contrast, more naive travelers tendto assign meanings that are representations of travel destinations.Further, we believe travelers authenticate meanings through theirsouvenirs. That is, less experienced travelers seem to seek moreconspicuous authenticity in their souvenirs, while the authenticitydesired by more experienced travelers appears to be more idiosyn-cratic or abstract in nature. Finally, we noticed that meaningsassigned to souvenirs are fiuid, regardless of travel experience.More specifically, the meanings change over time with respect tothe object, the Self, and the Other. The following discussion, whichconnects these ideas, explicates our findings.

Naive versus Experienced TravelersThe results of our conversations with informants suggest that

meanings assigned to souvenirs vary according to travel experi-ence. Specifically, some tourists attach meanings to the place thatsouvenirs were chosen to represent, while other tourists seem torelate souvenirs primarily to relationships or experiences. Whethermeanings are attached to specific locations or more generally torelationships or experiences, meanings seem related to theinformant's travel experience. Informants with minimal travelexperience or those who visited unfamiliar or exotic destinationsseem to assign meanings specific to the locale. In contrast,infonnants with moderate or extensive travel experience or thosewho were familiar with the destination assign meanings moregenerally. For more seasoned travelers, souvenirs are 'representa-tions of hedonics,' relating to friends, family, or other experiences,rather than to specific geographic locations, which we term 'repre-sentations of place.'

Representations of PlaceForthose infonnants who report less travel experience orvisits

to unfamiliar destinations, meanings tend to be assigned to souve-nirs in specific contexts and are typically associated with a particu-lar place or destination. For example, the souvenir Robert (male,35) bought on his honeymoon illustrates its close association withthe destination:

When we went to Europe, we went to Abergavenny in Waleswhich is the used book capitol of the world and we did buy alot of books there. . . There were sheep everywhere. Webought a wool blanket. We wanted woolen sweaters, "life-time" sweaters my wife calls them, but the wool from Welshsheep aren't very good, especially for sweaters, and when theymake sweaters, they're just plain ugly. So the blanket was theobvious choice.

Likewise, Andrew discusses his first-time trip to the HawaiianIslands:

I went to this store that's on each of the four islands of Hawaii.I had visited each of the four islands. They had a lot ofHawaiian shirts, I forget what they're called. They are reallycolorful and have a lot of fiowers on the shirts.

In these examples, souvenir meanings represent the travel destina-tion very literally. Additionally, both stories suggest that the Self

172 / Souvenirs: Messengers of Meaningcan be identified against what the Other represents as the unknown,Grabum (1983) asserts that tourists, "in order to more fully under-stand the world, bring parts of the experience home to understandit and make it safein other words, the impulse to 'conquer' theOther, whether it be space, the wildemess, foreignness, the past, andso on, to order, categorize, and consume it, and often to show it off(p. 18).

Representations of HedonicsIn contrast to specific meanings, well-traveled informants

often assign more abstract meanings that relate to relationships orexperiences. For example, Jenny (female, 52) tells a story about abouquet of paper fiowers that she bought in an open-air Mexicanmarket during one of her many trips to Mexico. Her experiencefocuses on the aesthetics and the impact on her senses, and thememories these sensations created, rather than on Mexico or thepaper fiowers specifically:

This was a typical Mexican market. Some of them can be verydirty, but there are certainly an assortment of sights and soundsand smells... I immediately liked those paper fiowers becausethey are so brightly colored, so I have several of them... I justpick up what appeals to me, especially the colors, not neces-sarily what I do with the flowers, or how I display them.

Although Mexico and the fiowers cannot and should not beseparated from the experience, Jenny focuses primarily on thesensations she remembers from this trip. The narrative also seemsto refiect an effort to define the Self and that which is familiar ascompared against a very different Other.

In another example, Karen (female, 21) tells a story aboutsouvenirs from Paris: a hat and a blouse that she bought in a small,out-of-the-way shop. These items, she says, remind her of timesboth in Paris and times to come:

You can't tell what Paris is like... you know, a lot of it is justfeelings; feelings you can't put into words, or [that] picturescannot capture... They are just reminders of, you know, thatit can't be that bad. You know, like no matter how bad I havedone on my test or how stressed out I am or who I got into afight with again. You know those memories are always therein my mind, but often at different times.

For these informants, souvenirs are representations of emo-tions and sensations. Further, these examples are consistent withBelk, Wallendorf, and Sherry (1989), who suggest that an impor-tant way souvenirs communicate meaning is to make memoriesreal. It seems that Karen'sclothes serve as catalysts of meaning thatshe cannot express in other ways. They also seem to define the Selfin temis of the Other, where the Other is made real and shaped bythoughts of the past, present, and future.

AuthenticityWe also note that there seems to be a relationship between the

degree of travel experience and the type of authenticity assigned tosouvenirs. Specifically, the communication of authentic meaningsappears to vary in terms of how public or personal the meanings areto the informant as well as by degree of travel experience. We termthese two distinctions 'conspicuous authenticity' and 'idiosyn-cratic authenticity.' When meanings are generally transparent,public, or evident to the casual observer, we call that conspicuousauthenticity. In contrast, idiosyncratic authenticity emphasizesprivate meanings that tend to focus on the symbolic, intangibleelements of the souvenir, which are not often evident to an outsider.

While no set of meanings is exclusively public or priv ite, we assertthat there is a tendency toward this dichotomy.

Conspicuous AuthenticityAmong less experienced travelers, public meanings of souve-

nirs are more prevalent. Meanings that signify conspicuous authen-ticity emanate from extemal sources, usually the producer orartisan. For example, Steve (male, 36) expresses the i nportance ofauthenticity in hissouvenirofGatlinburg,Tennessee, ^though themeanings he and his wife attach to the pewter bowl also involvememories of their honeymoon trip, he emphasizes tie perceivedauthenticity of the souvenir:

When we look at a place [to purchase a souvenir], we try to finda place that doesn't look as though it's incredibly mass-produced. . . a place that looks like the guy mac e it there.Otherwise what's the point of sayingi got it here if it's not trueto the crafts of the area? The traditions are there.

Steve's perception of the difference between a souven r that is "trueto the crafts of the area" and other mass-produced souvenirs issupported by research on perceived authenticity of boi h objects andexperiences (Greenwood 1982; Cohen 1988; Bmner: 994; Littrell,et al., 1993). This example also illustrates an effort to c efine the Selfagainst images of the Other. The Other in this case refers to whatSteve views as "true to the crafts of the area" in other unfamiliar orexotic cultures, as compared with what he evaluates as "mass-produced" or contrived experiences and objects.

In another instance, Andrew (male, 21) emphasi:!es the publicmeanings of his souvenirs from a trip to New Orlears:

Another item I got was an alligator head. It is si:t inches toabout a foot [long]. And it is a primitive alligato'. Its teetharen'tverypointy,spiky. It has real teeth, real skin ..And it'ssmaller than we're used to seeing.

Andrew's description of his souvenir mirrors any cescription anoutsider might make of the same object. That is, he did not attachany significance to the alligator beyond the physical, public repre-sentation.

Idiosyncratic AuthenticityIn contrast to conspicuous authenticity, more experienced

travelers seem to assign personal, less obvious mean ngs to souve-nirs. In the case of idiosyncratic authenticity, mean ngs originatefrom within and are, therefore, more abstract. For example, whenKaren describes her favorite Walt Disney Worid souvenir, she says:

It represents mostly just my life, you know... all ,jood times.I mean everything... when it was just me and my family... andthings we don't get to do anymore.

The Mickey Mouse sweatshirt symbolizes her trip to Disney Worldon one level, the close relationship with herfamily on another level,and the memories of happier times on yet another le'-el. Here, too,Karen's image of Self is recounted and refiected in the manypersonal meanings of her souvenir.

Jacque's (female, 26) story about a ceramic goddess charmalso illustrates the idea that souvenirs have mukiple personalmeanings:

Just before we were leaving... my parents arrived ind we tookthem, showing them around the islands, showing [them] a lotof the artists. We wanted to buy some pottery, bu. we knew it

Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 25) 1173

would be hard to get back here. But then I saw this goddesswoman and she is said to represent an island goddess and also1 guess fertility, which 1 didn't find out until recently... Thething I really like about this little figurine is that it is not askinny woman... She is obviously very feminine and roundand not small at all, and I thought that was very important forme because the idea of a little goddess wasn't pictured as, youknow, Kate Moss, was more realistic and a sign of what was,you know, thought of as important, so I really like her.

For Jacque, the goddess is important because it does not representthe stereotypical goddess. Unlike Kate Moss (a waif-like model),this goddess represents a more realistic representation of women toJacque. The goddess also represents their time on the island, andlater gains meaning as a personal symbol of fertility. In thisexample, we can also see Jacque's search for more acceptablemodels of the Self or an altemative image of what she considers tobe feminine and beautiful.

Later in the interview, we asked her to tell us more about herceramic goddess and memories of the island. She explains:

She is a memory of certainly the island... a good memory ofthe island... The neat thing about it was I bought it the last day,and the people with whom we were living never saw it . . . Itwas special- It was something from the island that they didn'thave an idea about.

Jacque again suggests that the goddess represents a positive memoryof the island, but also symbolized something "special" that onlyJacque and her husband share- Since no one else saw the object, themeaning is intensified because of its exclusivity. Because theobject was not shared, Jacque and her husband have more controlover its private meaning.

Fluidity of Meanings: Changing Definitions of Self and OtherFinally, we contend that meanings assigned to souvenirs are

constructed and are, therefore, continually evolving. However, wenotice that this tendency for meanings to evolve seems to beindependent of travel experience. Thus, regardless of travel expe-rience, souvenir meanings are constructed and reconstructed overtime in ways that result in changing definitions of the Self and theOther.

Jacque's boomerang charm from Australia elicits an evolvingnarrative about her personal growth and independence. She alsoarticulatesthe importance ofthe boomerangin symbolizing that shehas "come full circle" in defining her life priorities:

I had a really wonderful trip and really sort of discoveredmyself, you know, I leamed to be independent on my own. Ireally didn't have the money to buy this [necklace and charm],but I decided I wanted something really permanent. . . Theboomerang is a symbol of going back there sometime... I sortof had the idea that yes, I will retum back here, and it was likereturning to myself.

Jacque's boomerang also seems to symbolize the transformation ofSelf she expeiienced during her tiip to Australia. The Self wasdefined in contrast to the Other. In Jacque's situation, the Other isthe Self of another time.

In another example, the meanings attached to a small teak catby Kristen (female, 25) have evolved over time. When we askedKristen to describe what she thinks about when she looks as thissouvenir, she said:

The people in Thailand are really, really friendly. I've neverbeen to another country where the people are really thatfriendly. They just seem very warm. It was such a neat trip.But I only saw part of it, you know, because now I read thestories about the giris being sold by their families into prosti-tution and the very high percentage of people who have HIV.It horrifies me because 1 would never expect that from thatcountry.

For Kristen, an object that once conjured pleasant memories nowproduces ambivalent feelings; Kristen's experiences in Thailandseem to be tainted by new knowledge about the place.

Jacque's small plastic dinosaur acquired at a gas station inSpearfish, South Dakota captures the importance of souvenirs inremembering and sharing:

About six weeks after our wedding, we had the first majorfightofourmarriedlife. Itwassuchasillyfight. We were both justtense and there were all these motorcycles zooming aroundand I had pulled in to get gas on the wrong side... I had to goaround to the other side and so I just pulled around and 1 wasstill on the wrong side. And Mark said "Are you paying anyattention?" So I started to yell and we both went in to buy this[souvenir] to make up. It is sort of a memory of a time whenthings were really so uncertain and seemed so difficult. . .having the tight seemed like such a big thing. I mean nowthere's so much more certainty, so much more stability.

Jacque's memories about the object itself or the location where itwasacquired are secondary to hermemories of her relationship withher husband. In fact, the memories evoked by the object haveevolved alongwith her relationship with her husband. Where it wasonce a symbol of conciliation, it has become a symbol of thecertainty and stability she attaches to her marriage.

Jacque's dinosaur illustrates the emergent nature of meaningsthrough the communication of nostalgia (Belk 1990; Davis 1979;Holbrook 1989; Starobinski 1966; Stewart 1984). Davis (1979)describes the vaiue of nostalgia as an integral part of "the neverending work of constructing, maintaining, and reconstructing ouridentities" (p. 31). Thus, Jacque's notions of Self seem to developby comparison to the Other, where the Other represents memoriesof Jacque, her husband, and their marriage at another point in theirlives. "Possessions may show where we have come from andthereby remain valuable as a point of contrast to present extendedSelf (Belk 1988, p. 159).

ConclusionThrough the process of considering informants, their souve-

nirs, and the stories that define them both, rather than just theobjects, we have come to believe that popular conceptions of whatconstitutes a souvenir are inadequate. Informants' narratives illus-trate that people assign meaning much more broadly than can becaptured by focusingexclusively on the objects that tourists acquirewhen traveling on vacation.

Consistently throughout this research, it became evident thatthese meanings are central to the ongoing process of Self definition.Thus, any examination of symbols, including souvenirs, mustexplore meaning lest understanding be compromised for function-ality. Grabum (1989) agrees: "souvenirs are tangible evidences oftravel that are often shared with family and friends, but what onereally brings back are memories of experiences" (p. 33).

Our findings build on this knowledge. First, we argue thatmeanings vary between naive and experienced travelers. Naive

174 / Souvenirs: Messengers of Meetingtravelers are more likely to assign meanings to souvenirs as repre-sentations of the place, while experienced travelers are more likelyto assign meanings as representations of the hedonic elements of theexperience. In addition, authenticity seems to be central to theassignment of meanings to souvenirs. Specifically, naive travelersdescribe a more conspicuous authenticity in their souvenirs, whilea more abstract, or idiosyncratic authenticity seems characteristicof more experienced travelers. Finally, souvenir meanings arefiuid, embracing experiences before, during and after the timesouvenirs are acquired. However, these layers of experiential andemergent meanings are intertwined with notions of Self. The Selfis defined against images of the Other, where the Other mightrepresent another culture, another person, or the Self at anotherpoint in time.

This papersuggestssouvenirscommunicate meanings beyondboth form and function. The study contributes to the body ofknowledge by deviating from traditional ways of approachingsouvenirs and by giving voice to the meanings of souvenirs.Because these meanings are so personal and complex, it is impor-tant that the voicesof the informants be encouraged to communicatethem.

This study demands that we rethink souvenirs, and makesproblematic the research supporting an industry promoting experi-ential consumption. Further, these findings speak to our ownculture of consumption, and compel a re-examination of the Selfand the Other in these terms. While our discussion was limited totravel experiences, it is clear that meanings are not so easilybounded.

In many ways, our findings raise more questions than theyanswer. For example, we believe the relationship between naiveand experienced travelers should be explored. This examinationmust start with a more clear idea of what constitutes each group.Further, it seems important to consider how the differences in thesetwo groups further manifest themselves in the consumption expe-rience. Additionally, our study possesses the same limitations as allcross-sectional research in that we were not able to follow changesin souvenir meanings. Thus, a longitudinal study may offeradditional insights into the evolution of meanings over time.Finally, future areas of inquiry into souvenirs should broaden thescope of meaning to include the entire process of pre-consumption:that of the producer, the artisan, the sculptor, the painter, the nativeperformer. It seems that the absence of this meaning, the meaningcontributed by the Other, would render the resultant symbolismsomehow incomplete.

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