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SOCIOLINGUISTICS ASSIGNMENT Lectured by Dr. Hasbi Sjamsir, M.Hum SPEECH COMMUNITY Compiled by: Mita Farani Azis (1005085019) Puji Astuti Amalia (1005085009) M. Yulian Eko Solehanto (1005085023) CLASS REGULAR A 2010 Samarinda, June 03 th 2013 UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS ENGLISH DEPARTMENT

Sociolinguistic Speech Community Paper

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Page 1: Sociolinguistic Speech Community Paper

SOCIOLINGUISTICS ASSIGNMENT

 

 Lectured by Dr. Hasbi Sjamsir, M.Hum

SPEECH COMMUNITY

Compiled by:

Mita Farani Azis (1005085019)

Puji Astuti Amalia (1005085009)

M. Yulian Eko Solehanto (1005085023)

CLASS REGULAR A 2010

 

  

 

Samarinda, June 03th 2013

 

UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS ENGLISH DEPARTMENT

TEACHER TRAINING AND EDUCATION FACULTYMULAWARMAN UNIVERSITY

2013

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TABLE OF CONTENT

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................... 1

CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................ 9

CHAPTER III

DISCUSSION .................................................................................................. 16

CHAPTER IV

CONCLUSION ................................................................................................ 17

REFERENCES ................................................................................................ 19

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Language is the most important aspect in the life of all beings. We use language to

express inner thoughts and emotions, make sense of complex and abstract

thought, to learn to communicate with others, to fulfill our wants and needs, as

well as to establish rules and maintain our culture.

Generally the term “language” can be defined as verbal, physical, biologically

innate, and a basic form of communication. This kind of form actually bound as a

human system of communication that uses arbitrary signals, such as voice sounds,

gestures, or written symbols.

As the proliferation of social community, language also emerges at the first place.

To preserve the thoughts and emotions, people use language in order to

comprehend communication. Starting from simple communication between two

persons until the tremendous interaction which involving the whole society, the

role of language never forgotten at all.

The entwinement between language and society emerge the idea of language

within the society. Thus they create a theory which contributes to the proliferation

of language. Sociolinguistic is the study that covers language and society in one

place. This study investigates the relation between language and society--a branch

of both linguistics and sociology. Furthermore, sociolinguists discover several

ideas to adhere their theory about sociolinguistic. One of their discoveries is

speech community. The overview of speech community is social group which

share language variety. A Speech community is a group of people who share a

set of norms and expectations regarding the use of language.

Definitions of speech community tend to involve varying degrees of emphasis on

the following:

Shared community membership

Shared linguistic communication

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Early definitions have tended to see speech communities as bounded and localized

groups of people who live together and come to share the same linguistic norms

because they belong to the same local community. It has also been assumed that

within a community a homogeneous set of norms should exist. These assumptions

have been challenged by later scholarship that have demonstrated that individuals

generally participate in various speech communities simultaneously and at

different times in their lives each of which has a different norms that they tend to

share only partially, communities may be de-localized and unbounded rather than

local, and they often comprise different sub-communities with differing speech

norms. With the recognition of the fact that speakers actively use language to

construct and manipulate social identities by signalling membership in particular

speech communities, the idea of the bounded speech community with

homogeneous speech norms has become largely abandoned for a model based on

the speech community as a fluid community of practice.

A speech community comes to share a specific set of norms for language use

through living and interacting together, and speech communities may therefore

emerge among all groups that interact frequently and share certain norms and

ideologies. Such groups can be villages, countries, political or professional

communities, communities with shared interests, hobbies, or lifestyles, or even

just groups of friends. Speech communities may share both particular sets of

vocabulary and grammatical conventions, as well as speech styles and genres, and

also norms for how and when to speak in particular ways.

History of definitions 

The adoption of the concept of the "speech community" as a unit of linguistic

analysis emerged in the 1960s.

John Gumperz 

John Gumperz described how dialectologists had taken issue with the dominant

approach in historical linguistics that saw linguistic communities as homogeneous

and localized entities in a way that allowed for drawing neat tree diagrams based

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on the principle of 'descent with modification' and shared innovations.

Dialectologists rather realized that dialect traits spread through diffusion and that

social factors were decisive in how this happened. They also realized that traits

spread as waves from centers and that often several competing varieties would

exist in some communities. This insight prompted Gumperz to problematize the

notion of the linguistic community as the community that carries a single speech

variant, and instead to seek a definition that could encompass heterogeneity. This

could be done by focusing on the interactive aspect of language, because

interaction in speech is the path along which diffused linguistic traits travel.

Gumperz defined the community of speech:

Any human aggregate characterized by regular and frequent interaction by means

of a shared body of verbal signs and set off from similar aggregates by significant

differences in language usage.

—Gumperz (1964)

This definition gives equal importance to the structural and interactional layers,

and does not aim to delineate either the community or the language system as

discrete entities. The community is a group of people that frequently interact with

each other. This is not a definition of a discrete group because frequency of

interaction is relative and graduated, and never stable. The definition of the

language system is also not exclusive because it is defined as being set off from

other systems by significant differences in usage.Furthermore Gumperz refines

the definition of the linguistic system shared by a speech community:

Regardless of the linguistic differences among them, the speech varieties

employed within a speech community form a system because they are related to a

shared set of social norms.

—Gumperz (1964)

Here Gumperz again identifies two important components of the speech

community: its members share both a set of linguistics forms and a set of social

norms that govern the use of those forms. Gumperz also sought to set up a

typological framework for describing how linguistic systems can be in use within

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a single speech community. He introduced the concept of linguistic range, the

degree to which the linguistic systems of the community differ so that speech

communities can be multilingual, diglossic, multidialectal

(including sociolectal stratification), or homogeneous - depending on the degree

of difference among the different language systems used in the community.

Secondly the notion of compartmentalization described the degree to which the

use of different varieties were either set off from each other as discrete systems in

interaction (e.g. diglossia where varieties correspond to specific social contexts, or

multilingualism where varieties correspond to discrete social groups within the

community) or whether they are habitually mixed in interaction (e.g. code-

switching, bilingualism, syncretic language).

Noam Chomsky 

Gumperz' formulation was however effectively overshadowed by Noam

Chomsky's redefinition of the scope of linguistics as being :

concerned primarily with an ideal speaker-listener, in a completely homogeneous

speech-community, who knows its language perfectly and is unaffected by such

grammatically irrelevant conditions as memory limitations, distractions, shifts of

attention and interest, and errors (random or characteristic) in applying his

knowledge of the language in actual performance.

—Chomsky (1965:3)

Where Gumperz formulation was designed to incorporate heterogeneity, by

focusing on shared norms of language use rather than a shared linguistic system,

Chomsky's definition explicitly rejected it. Chomsky argued that linguistic

competence was logically prior to linguistic performance, and that competence

was necessarily homogeneously distributed among all speakers of a linguistic

community, or language acquisition wouldn't have been possible.

William Labov 

Another influential conceptualization of the linguistic community was that

of William Labov, which can be seen as a hybrid of the Chomsky an structural

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homogeneity and Gumperz' focus on shared norms informing variable practices.

Labov wrote:

The speech community is not defined by any marked agreement in the use of

language elements, so much as by participation in a set of shared norms: these

norms may be observed in overt types of evaluative behavior, and by the

uniformity of abstract patterns of variation which are invariant in respect to

particular levels of usage.

—Labov (1972:120–1)

Like that of Gumperz, Labov's formulation stressed that a speech community was

defined more by shared norms than by shared linguistic forms. But like Chomsky,

Labov also saw each of the formally distinguished linguistic varieties within a

speech community as homogeneous, invariant and uniform. Labov's model was

designed to see speech varieties as associated with social strata within a single

speech community, and it assumed each stratum to use a single variety with an

well-defined, uniform structure. This model worked well for Labov's purpose

which was to show that African American Vernacular English could not be seen

as structurally degenerate form of English, but rather as a well defined linguistic

code with its own particular structure. Labov's model was designed to explain

variation between social groups within a single speech community, and for this

reason it assumed a structural integrity of the linguistic system of each social

group, and it also assumed each social group within the speech community to

form a neatly bounded unit definable in terms of discrete and correlatable

variables, such as ethnicity, race, class, gender, age, ideology, and specific formal

variables of linguistic usage.

Critique 

Probably because of their considerable explanatory power, Labov's and

Chomsky's understandings of the speech community became widely influential

in linguistics. But gradually a number of problems with those models became

apparent.[6]

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Firstly, it became increasingly clear that the assumption of homogeneity inherent

in Chomsky and Labov´s models was untenable. The African American speech

community which Labov had seen as defined by the shared norms of AAVE, was

shown to be an illusion, as ideological disagreements about the status of AAVE

among different groups of speakers attracted public attention.

Secondly, in the eagerness to describe all kinds of variation in communities with a

shared linguistic standard, the concept of the speech community was extended to

include very large scale communities such as entire nation states, or the entire

international community of English speakers. By over-extending the concept in

this way Gumperz' basic requirement that the community be united by routine

interaction between its members could no longer be meaningfully evoked.

Thirdly, while Chomsky and Labov's models eschewed the possibility of

significant variation taking place at the level of the individual, research

in interactional sociolinguistics made it increasingly clear that intra-personal

variation is common. It also became clear that choice of linguistic variant is often

a situational choice made in relation to a specific speech context, than it is an

expression of a permanent social identity, such as class, gender, or age.

Finally, the models of speech communities that assumed a set of shared norms

that differed slightly among different social classes, were criticized for assuming

that each individual have equal access to all linguistic forms, but just choose to

produce the kind of speech associated with their particular social group. This

assumption did not take account of power differentials within the community that

sometimes work to restrict individual speakers' access to speech forms of other

social groups, or which impose certain linguistic varieties on certain groups and

individuals.

The force of these critiques led to a general unease with the concept of "speech

communities" because of the many contradictory connotations of the term, and

because of the general turn in anthropology towards looking at social organization

in terms of hierarchy and power relations rather than studying social coherence

and the construction of shared norms. Some scholars recommended abandoning

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the concept altogether as a preexisting object that can be studied instead

conceptualizing it as "the product of the communicative activities engaged in by a

given group of people. Others have proposed simply acknowledging the

community's ad hoc status as "some kind of social group whose speech

characteristics are of interest and can be described in a coherent manner".

Practice theory 

Practice theory, as developed by social thinkers such as Pierre Bourdieu, Anthony

Giddens and Michel de Certeau, and especially the notion of the community of

practice as developed by Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger has been influentially

applied to the study of the language community by linguists such as William

Hanks and Penelope Eckert

Eckert's primary interest was in finding an approach to sociolinguistic variation

that didn't presuppose any social variable as a given (e.g. class, gender, locality).

Instead she aimed to build a model which was able to discover which variables are

in fact the ones that matter to the group of individuals in question, the common

purposes around which communities organize themselves. For Eckert the crucial

defining characteristics of the community is a persistence of over time and

commitment to shared understanding.

Eckert wished to focus on the subgroups and how tension between the goals and

practices of subgroups that coexisting within a macro-community dynamically

interrelate and generate social change. She acknowledges that Gumperz' definition

of the speech community is not incompatible with the practice approach, but

rather complimentary to it, and she suggests to study the two simultaneously as

they mutually affect each other. Eckert's perspective on the community of practice

privileges the study of how social identity is produced, and as such it studies

language primarily as it relates to questions of identity.

Hanks' concept of the linguistic community as defined by linguistic practices is

different from that of Eckert and Gumperz, in that rather than studying the

dynamics of identity production, it studies the ways in which shared practices

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relate to the production of linguistic meaning. Where Eckert primarily studies how

communities of practice employ linguistic practices informed by shared

ideologies to demarcate themselves from other such communities, Hanks studies

how linguistic practices are related to a variety of inhabitable positions within the

different social fields that are constructed through shared practices.

Language Variation 

The notion of speech community is most generally used as a tool to define a unit

of analysis within which to analyse language variation and

change. Stylistic features differ among speech communities based on factors such

as the group's socioeconomic status, common interests and the level of formality

expected within the group and by its larger society.

In Western culture, for example, employees at a law office would likely use more

formal language than a group of teenage skateboarders because most Westerners

expect more formality and professionalism from practitioners of law than from an

informal circle of adolescent friends. This special use of language by certain

professions for particular activities is known in linguistics as register; in some

analyses, the group of speakers of a register is known as a discourse community,

while the phrase "speech community" is reserved for varieties of a language or

dialect that speakers inherit by birth or adoption. The elaboration of speech

community will be then presented in this paper.

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CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW

Language is defined as an aspect to bring out some thought and emotions. Not

only to reveal several thoughts and emotions, language as a system to

communicate as well. Using arbitrary signals, such as voice sounds, gestures, or

written symbols, language escalates its function in the society.

To emphasize the idea of language as a communication that inherent to society,

Oxford Dictionary.com has defined the language as well. According to Oxford

page, language is a method of human communication, either spoken or written,

consisting of the use of words in a structured and conventional way used by a

particular country or community. But overall the idea of language is still the same,

a method in the communication which involves particular community.

This involvement encourages a theory named as sociolinguistic, a study for

evaluating language and its role in the society. To investigate more about this kind

of theory, let examine several definition of sociolinguistics according to experts.

1. P. Trudgill (1974: 32), Sociolinguistics:

"Sociolinguistics.. is that part of linguistics which is concerned with

language as a social and cultural phenomenon. It investigates the field of

language and society & has close connections with the social sciences,

especially social psychology, anthropology, human geography and

sociology."

2. Wm. Downes (1984: 15), Language and Society:

"Sociolinguistics is that branch of linguistics which studies just those

properties of language and languages which REQUIRE reference to social,

including contextual, factors in their explanation."

3. Janet Holmes (1992, 16), An Introduction to Sociolinguistics:

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"The sociolinguist’s aim is to move towards a theory which provides a

motivated account of the way language is used in a community, and of the

choices people make when they use language."

4. Florian Coulmas (1997), Handbook of Sociolinguistics "Introduction" (1-11)

The primary concern of sociolinguistic scholarship is to study

correlations between language use and social structure… It attempts to

establish causal links between language and society, [asking] what language

contributes to making community possible & how communities shape their

languages by using them… [It seeks] a better understanding of language as a

necessary condition and product of social life… Linguistic theory is… a

theory about language without human beings.

Based on those sociolinguistics definitions, vividly we can see there is a

connection between the language and the society which furthermore examine as a

speech community. Speech community is defined as a group of people who form

a community and share the same language or a particular variety of language. The

communication happens with one another, steadily hearing one another’s speech

and following the same conversation patterns/norms.

Here we divide several points regarding to the speech community.

I. Defining speech community

As the definition of speech community mentioned before, this term regulates

on how a particular community share the same language which followed by a

conversational patterns/norms. An expert named Lyons in 1970 also defined

that speech community is individuals who share the same language or dialect.

But just stick on this basic definition is not significantly strong enough to

defining the speech community as a whole. We have to consider several

categories which influence the speech community:

1. Guilty of Circularity

It is term which is used for people who use same language but they have

different conversational patterns/norm. This circumstance happens when

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one community is isolated from another community. Taken an example

of an African-American and an Australian, they share same language

which is English. But the way they pronounce it is different. The cause of

the different locates on the place where they live. An African-American

originally comes from Africa meanwhile an Australian comes from

Australia. The distinctions of place which isolate them create different

way of using English.

2. Social Class Grouping

Labov (1972), an expert of sociolinguistics, discovered that whilst

selected linguistic variables were being pronounced differently by

members of the different social class groupings. When examining

different speech styles, speakers from all social class groups style-shifted

in the same way, using more variants that were non-standard when

speaking in the most informal style, and vice versa.

Therefore, whilst speakers were using language in different ways, there

was evidence of shared evaluations, with speakers from all the differing

social classes evaluating the standard language forms in the same way,

using the most prestigious forms with greater frequency in the most

formal and therefore the most self-conscious situations.

The different between the social classes emerge a consensus model of

society, whereby those lower-class speakers simply share the values of the

upper middle classes. Because there is a gap in the society, this conflict

model (Milroy and Milroy 1997b) which posits that there are distinct

divisions existing between unequal social groups in society, maintained by

language ideologies, which result in conflict.

3. Model of a speech community

The membership of different speech communities, as well as acknowledge

that speech communities may very well overlap with one another. In order

to come up with a comprehensive model of a speech community, Patrick

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(2001: 591) conceptualized a concept of ‘nesting’. Santa Ana and Parodi

(1998) develop nesting, in conjunction with adapting and reworking

Labov’s model. They characterize four ‘nested fields’, used to signify

points where groups of speakers are embedded with one another (1998:

23) ‘locale’, ‘vicinity’, ‘district’ and ‘national’

II. Social networks

Social networks focus on the social ties that specific speakers have with

each other, and examines how these ties affect speakers’ linguistic usage.

(Milroy 2001:550) We calculated the social network model by measuring its

strength, by classifying whether networks are “dense” or “loose” or “uniplex”

or “multiplex”. A network is dense if person (member) that you interact with

really interacts with each other. It is loose if person that you interact with

does not interact with each other.

It is multiplex, if the members know each other in more than one way,

example they work together, or they are family – otherwise it is uniplex.

Dense and multiplex social networks tend to support localized linguistic

norms; they function as a method of norm reinforcement. Linguistic and other

social norms are maintained by these members of network. In contrast, in

loose and uniplex social network, there will be language change, lack of norm

reinforcement. Milroy and Gordon (2003) argue that migration, war,

industrialization and urbanization have caused disruption of close-knit,

localized network.

III. Communities of practice

There is a distinct focus on examining language as a form of practice.

Communities of practice can develop out of formal or informal enterprises.

Communities of practice can survive changes in membership, they can be

small or large, and they can come to existence and go out of existence.

Eckert (2000), a community of practice is defined simultaneously by its

membership and by the shared practices that its member partake in Eckert and

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McConnel-Ginet (1999) point out that the notion of a community of practice

can also extend to more global communities, such as academic fields,

religions or professions. They point out that owing to the “size” and

“dispersion” of these global communities, “face to face interactions never link

all members” and “their ‘focal’ practices are somewhat diffuse”. Wenger

(1998) expands upon the community of practice framework by producing a

set of useful criteria. He first defines three dimension of ‘practice’ that need

to be fulfilled in order to make up ‘community practice’: ‘mutual

engagement’: a ‘joint negotiated enterprise’ and a ‘shared repertoire’.

He then further details the concept by proposing that the following

fourteen points operate as indicators that a community of practice has

formed’:

1. Sustained mutual relationships – harmonious or conflictual.

2. Shared ways of engaging in doing things together.

3. The rapid flow of information and propagation of innovation.

4. Absence of introductory preambles, as if conversations and interactions

were merely the continuation of an on-going process.

5. Very quick set-up of a problem to be discussed.

6. Substantial overlap in participants’ descriptions of who belongs.

7. Knowing what others know, what they can do, and how they can

contribute to an enterprise.

8. Mutually defining identities.

9. The ability to assess the appropriateness of actions or products.

10. Specific tools, representations and other artifacts.

11. Local lore, shared stories, inside jokes, knowing laughter.

12. Jargon and short cuts to communication as well as the ease of producing

new ones.

13. Certain styles recognized as displaying membership.

14. A shared discourse reflecting a certain perspective on the world.

(Wenger 1998: 125–6)

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IV. Comparing the Framework

Overall, when comparing the three approaches, the social network and

communities of practice models immediately appear to have more in common

with each other than with the speech communities framework. Both tend to

favour qualitative methods for data collection, and the most high-profile

figures from these approaches (Milroy for social networks and Eckert for

communities of practice) have both used participant observationwhen

collecting data in their studies in Belfast and Detroit respectively. Both

frameworks also explicitly detail how membership of groups is constructed,

which the speech community model does not do even when it considers

simultaneous membership of speech communities.

Despite these differences, when considering social networks and speech

communities, there are distinct parallels between dense multiplex networks

and Saville-Troike’s (2003) ‘hard-shelled’ speech communities defined

above, with both categories demonstrating how high forms of integration and

lack of influence from outsiders result in an established set of stable norms.

When comparing speech communities with communities of practice, Holmes

and Meyerhoff (1999) highlight that whilst speech communities have their

membership defined externally, membership is constructed internally within

communities of practice, which also differ by stressing shared

social/instrumental goals. For example, in a workplace community of

practice, individuals regularly engage in social practices such as business

meetings (Mullany 2006). They mutually define themselves as community of

practice members when interacting in these social practices, and they

simultaneously demonstrate that they share social/ instrumental goals,

reflected through linguistic practices such as responding appropriately to the

meeting agenda when allocated a turnin a meeting. The speech communities

model does not require any mutual engagement in order to signify

membership or any sharing of social/instrumental goals, owing to its

disparate nature.

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Holmes and Meyerhoff (1999) point out that social networks and

communities of practice can be distinguished by considering speaker contact.

Whilst the social network approach includes people who ‘have limited or

infrequent contact’, a community of practice requires ‘regular and mutually

defining interaction’ (1999: 179–80). Milroy and Gordon (2003) have also

considered social networks with communities of practice, arguing that the

differences between them are primarily of focus and method. Whilst social

networks aim to discover social ties which are important to an individual,

communities of practice seek to identify the ‘clusters that form the crucial

loci of linguistic and social practice’ (2003: 119).

Despite these differences, Holmes and Meyerhoff (1999: 180) suggest that a

possibility for future research may be to come up with an ‘index of an

individual’s degree of integration into a Cof P’ which may then be compared

with the categories that have been devised in order to measure the ‘different

degrees of integration into social networks’. This would be an interesting and

fruitful line of further enquiry which draws upon the strengths of both

frameworks.

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CHAPTER III

DISCUSSION

Every person belongs to a speech community, a group of people who speak the

same language. Estimates of the number of speech communities range from 3,000

to 7,000 or more, with the number of speakers of a given language ranging from

many millions of speakers down to a few dozen or even fewer. The following list

probably includes (in approximate descending order) all languages spoken

natively by groups of more than 100 million people: North Chinese vernacular

(Mandarin), English, Spanish, Arabic, Hindi or Urdu, Portuguese, Bengali or

Bangla, Russian, French, Japanese, German, and Malay or Bahasa Indonesia.

Roughly 120 languages have at least a million speakers, but some 60% of the

world's languages have 10,000 or fewer speakers, and half of those have 1,000 or

fewer speakers.

Many persons speak more than one language; English is the most common

auxiliary language in the world. When people learn a second language very well,

they are said to be bilingual. They may abandon their native language entirely,

because they have moved from the place where it is spoken or because of politico-

economic and cultural pressure (as among Native Americans and speakers of the

Celtic languages in Europe). Such factors may lead to the disappearance of

languages. In the last several centuries, many languages have become extinct,

especially in the Americas; it is estimated that as many as half the world's

remaining languages could become extinct by the end of the 21st cent.

There are several speech communities in Indonesia. Those speech communities

are based on the ethnicity. They are Banjarese, Javanese, Bugis, Batak,

Minangkabau, Balinese, Sundanese, Madurese.

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CHAPTER IV

CONCLUSION

Britain and Matsumoto (2005) observe a general trend away from the speech

communities model towards the communities of practice model in recent years

owing to transitions in sociolinguistic theorizing. They argue that such a change

reflects the long-standing historical debate between structure and agency in

the social sciences in general. Instead of favouring a top-down approach which

focuses on social structure, as is the case with the speech communities model,

over the last forty years they observe a ‘gradual shift’ towards a bottom-up model,

whereby the focus is now on specific individual identitiesbeing jointly negotiated

with one another whilst performing different practices.

Britain and Matsumoto credit this change in focus to Le Page and Tabouret-

Keller’s (1985) work on individual identity (see Chapter 12). However, this top-

down/bottom-up dichotomy oversimplifies the picture somewhat. Advocates of

the communities of practice approach are quick to point out that individuals do

not have total autonomy to choose how they use language, and constraints

imposed by societal power structures which govern how language is used within

specific communities of practice are evident. For example, both Eckert (2000) and

Mills (2003) use Bourdieu’s (1991) notions of habitusand the linguistic marketto

demonstrate how constraints are placed on language use within communities of

practice.

Patrick (2001) makes an important practical point about sociolinguistic research in

general when he states that ‘the legitimacy of analytical choices [. . .] depends

upon selection of the research question, in addition to the site’ (2001: 589). He

also reiterates a crucial point which can be applied to all three frameworks, that it

is essential for researchers to remember that speech communities (or social

networks, or communities of practice) do not already exist as ‘predefined entities

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waiting to be researched’ (2001: 593); instead it is essential to view them as tools

which researchers constitute themselves.

Whilst there may have been an observable move towards the communities of

practice approach, Patrick (2001) firmly argues that there is still a place for a

speech communities model in current sociolinguistic research, though he does

acknowledge that this may need to be in conjunction with social network or

communities of practice approaches. Indeed, moving away from dichotomous

thinking in order to consider more integrated community frameworks may be of

real value to the discipline in future research.

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REFERENCES