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Social-Status Ranking: A Hidden Channel to Gender Inequality under Competition Arthur Schram, Jordi Brandts, Klarita Gërxhani January 14, 2018 Abstract Competition involves two main dimensions, a rivalry for resources and the ranking of relative performance. If socially recognized, the latter yields a ranking in terms of social status. The rivalry for resources resulting from competitive incentives has been found to negatively affect women’s performance relative to that of men. However, little is known about gender differences in the performance consequences of social-status ranking. In our experiments we introduce a novel design that allows us to isolate the effects of status ranking from those caused by a rivalry for resources. Subjects do a time-limited task where they need to search for numbers and add them up. Performance is straightforwardly measured by the number of correct summations. When there is no status ranking we find no gender differences in the number of attempted summations or in performance. By contrast, when there is status ranking men significantly increase the number of attempted summations as well as the number of correct summations. Remarkably, when women are subjected to status ranking, they significantly decrease the number of attempted summations. The net result is striking. With status ranking men attempt more summations and correctly solve many more than women. These differences are markedly large and statistically highly significant. Our results suggest that increased participation in competitive environments could harm women’s labor market success along a hidden channel. Keywords: Status, competition, gender, experiments JEL codes: C91, J16 Acknowledgments Much of the work reported in this paper was done while the first and third authors were visiting the University of Pompeu Fabra and the Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica in Barcelona. We are grateful to both institutions for their hospitality. We also thank the Research Priority Area Behavioral Economics of the University of Amsterdam, the Spanish Ministry of Economics and Competitiveness through Grant: ECO2014-59302-P and through the Severo Ochoa Program for Centers of Excellence in R&D (SEV2015-0563) and the Generalitat de Catalunya (Grant: 2014 SGR 510) for financial support, Veronica Benet-Martinez for providing us access to the laboratory of the Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona, and Pablo Lopez-Aguilar, Eva Maciocco, Elia Soler Pastor, Silvia Soriano and Imma Triano for help in organizing the experiments. We are grateful to seminar participants at University Ca’ Foscari in Venice, University of Padua, University of Amsterdam, Heidelberg University, European University Institute, and the Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, and Jos Bosch, Thomas Buser, Marii Paskov, Christina Rott, Aljaz Ule, and Matthijs van Veelen for comments at various stages of this project. Authors Arthur Schram (corresponding author) Jordi Brandts Klarita Gërxhani Robert Schumann Center for Advanced Studies, EUI, Italy and CREED, Amsterdam School of Economics University of Amsterdam, P.O. Box 15867 1001 NU Amsterdam The Netherlands Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica (CSIC) and Barcelona GSE Campus UAB 08193 Bellaterra (Barcelona) Spain Department of Political and Social Sciences European University Institute Via dei Roccettini 9 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI), Italy phone +31-20-525.4252 [email protected] phone +34-93-580.6612 [email protected] phone +39-055-468.5470 [email protected]

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Page 1: Social-Status Ranking: A Hidden Channel to Gender Inequality … · 2018. 10. 18. · ranking among the other participants in the group. This allows the peer to compare performances

Social-StatusRanking:

AHiddenChanneltoGenderInequalityunderCompetition

ArthurSchram,JordiBrandts,KlaritaGërxhani

January14,2018

AbstractCompetition involves twomaindimensions, a rivalry for resources and the ranking of relativeperformance. If socially recognized, the latter yields a ranking in terms of social status. Therivalry for resources resulting from competitive incentives has been found tonegatively affectwomen’sperformancerelativetothatofmen.However,littleisknownaboutgenderdifferencesin the performance consequences of social-status ranking. In our experimentswe introduce anoveldesignthatallowsustoisolatetheeffectsofstatusrankingfromthosecausedbyarivalryfor resources. Subjectsdoa time-limited taskwhere theyneed to search fornumbersandaddthem up. Performance is straightforwardly measured by the number of correct summations.When there is no status ranking we find no gender differences in the number of attemptedsummations or in performance. By contrast, when there is status ranking men significantlyincrease the number of attempted summations aswell as the number of correct summations.Remarkably, when women are subjected to status ranking, they significantly decrease thenumberof attempted summations.Thenet result is striking.With status rankingmenattemptmoresummationsandcorrectlysolvemanymorethanwomen.Thesedifferencesaremarkedlylarge and statistically highly significant. Our results suggest that increased participation incompetitiveenvironmentscouldharmwomen’slabormarketsuccessalongahiddenchannel. Keywords: Status, competition, gender, experiments JEL codes: C91, J16 Acknowledgments Muchoftheworkreportedinthispaperwasdonewhilethefirstandthirdauthorswerevisitingthe University of Pompeu Fabra and the Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica in Barcelona. We aregrateful to both institutions for their hospitality. We also thank the Research Priority AreaBehavioral Economics of theUniversity ofAmsterdam, the SpanishMinistry of Economics andCompetitiveness throughGrant:ECO2014-59302-Pand through theSeveroOchoaProgram forCentersofExcellenceinR&D(SEV2015-0563)andtheGeneralitatdeCatalunya(Grant:2014SGR510)forfinancialsupport,VeronicaBenet-MartinezforprovidingusaccesstothelaboratoryoftheUniversitat Pompeu Fabra inBarcelona, andPablo Lopez-Aguilar, EvaMaciocco, Elia SolerPastor,SilviaSorianoandImmaTrianoforhelpinorganizingtheexperiments.Wearegratefultoseminar participants at University Ca’ Foscari in Venice, University of Padua, University ofAmsterdam,HeidelbergUniversity,EuropeanUniversityInstitute,andtheUniversidadCarlosIIIdeMadrid,andJosBosch,ThomasBuser,MariiPaskov,ChristinaRott,AljazUle,andMatthijsvanVeelenforcommentsatvariousstagesofthisproject. Authors Arthur Schram (corresponding author)

Jordi Brandts Klarita Gërxhani

Robert Schumann Center for Advanced Studies, EUI, Italy and CREED, Amsterdam School of Economics University of Amsterdam, P.O. Box 15867 1001 NU Amsterdam The Netherlands

Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica (CSIC) and Barcelona GSE Campus UAB 08193 Bellaterra (Barcelona) Spain

Department of Political and Social Sciences European University Institute Via dei Roccettini 9 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI), Italy

phone +31-20-525.4252 [email protected]

phone +34-93-580.6612 [email protected]

phone +39-055-468.5470 [email protected]

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1.Introduction

Gender differences in behavior under competitive pressures on the one hand,

andinattitudestowardscompetitionontheother,havebeenrecognizedforover

adecadenow(Gneezyetal.2003,NiederleandVesterlund2007,Balafoutasand

Sutter2012,Wozniaketal.2014,Brandtsetal.2015).Theexistingliteraturehas

predominantly focusedononeparticulardimensionof competition,which is a

rivalry for resources (Stigler1987).There is,however, anotherdimension that

seems to have escaped scholarly attention. Competition typically entails a

rankingofrelativeperformance,sincehigh-rankingperformancedeterminesthe

winner(s) in competitive environments. If socially recognized, such a perfor-

mancerankingyieldsarankingintermsofsocialstatus,asdefinedbyBalletal.

(2001). This ‘social’ aspect of the recognition is important. If a ranking is only

privatelyknown,thennosocialstatusisinvolved.

Competition often creates a social-status ranking amongst the competitors.

For example, competition for highly regarded jobs or promotions involves a

rivalry for resourceswhere some people are successful and others not; but it

also implies applicants being ranked relative to others with the successful

applicant obtaining higher social status than thosewho did not get the job or

promotion.Thisrankingissocialbecausethesuccessfulapplicantisknownand

theemployer(andoftenothers)knowsthosewhodidnotsucceed.1

Inthispaperwestudygenderdifferencesinthereactiontostatusrankingin

isolation from the rivalry dimension of competition. In particular,we focus on

how performance is affected by the anticipation that onewill be compared to

othersbyapeerandcomparethis tocaseswherenosuchsocialrankingtakes

place.

Little isknownabouttheconsequencesforgender inequalityofthestatus-

ranking dimension of competition as such. In natural environments rivalry for

resourcesandstatusrankingaretypicallyinterlinked.However,therearemany

instances inwhichthestatusranking ismuchmoresalientthaninothers.This

holds, forexample, inprofessions thatareat leastpartiallyprotected from the

market like the judiciary, themilitary, NGOs, the churches and universities. In

1Intheremainder,wewilloftenusethesingleterm‘status’whenreferringtosocialstatus.

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theseorganizationspeopleinhighpositionstypicallyenjoyhighstatus,whereas

the payoff differences with respect to people in lower positions are often not

large.2

Evenifonecouldnotdistinguishinthefieldbetweenrivalryforresourcesand

status ranking, the two are in principle distinct phenomena that can have

differential effects and, hence, could affect men’s and women’s behavior

differently. A better understanding of gender differences in performance

thereforerequiresananalyticaldistinctionbetween the twodimensions.Aside

fromimprovingourunderstanding,itisimportanttonotethatthisdistinctionis

alsohighly relevant fromapolicyperspective.The likelihoodof successofany

policyaimingtodiminishthegendergapmaydependverymuchonwhethera

rivalry for resources or status ranking are causing performance differences.

Considerapolicyaiming to reduce the rivalry for resourceswhilemaintaining

the social ranking of performance. An organization could, for example, reduce

the restrictions on the number of promotions and base them solely onmerit,

independently of how many others are promoted. Being promoted will then

increaseone’ssocialstatuswithoutreducingotherhighperformers’chances,i.e

withouttherebeinganyrivalryforresources.Ifthecauseofthegendergaplies

intheeffectsofsocialranking,thenthispolicyislikelytofail.

Itiswelldocumentedthatattitudestowardsstatusdifferacrossgender,with

menusually found to attributemore importance to status thanwomen (Frank

1999,Carlssonetal.2009,MujcicandFrijters2013),thoughthereversehasalso

beenreported(Johansson-Stenmanetal,2002,Alpizaretal.2005).Here,wedo

notfocusontheimportanceattributedtostatusperse.Instead,weaddressthe

complementary matter of gender differences in performance given that one

knows that a performance comparison will take place that will reflect one’s

status ranking. The anticipation of a social ranking has been shown to affect

performance (De Botton 2004, Wilkinson and Picket 2010), but gender

differences in this effect have not been addressed. What we do know is that,

whenmenandwomenare´forced´tocompeteforresourcesandtherankingof

performanceisnotmadesalient(i.e.,thestatusdimensionofcompetitionisnot 2Of course, the status related to certainpositionsmightyield futuremonetarybenefits. Statusperse,however,canbean importantmotivatingfactor forperformance.Forevidencefromthefield,seeBlanes-i-Vidal&Nossol(2011)andBarankay(2012).

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obvious),thenperformancediffersacrossgenderforsomeenvironmentsbutnot

for others (Niederle and Vesterlund 2011). This leaves open the question

whether the performance differs between men and women when the status-

rankingdimensionismoresalient.

We use laboratory experiments to isolate the effects of status ranking. Our

designmakesitpossibletoholdconstanttherivalry-for-resourcesdimensionof

competitionand tovary thedimensionweare interested in.Ourexperimental

designhastwotreatments,differingonlyinthesecondofthreeparts.3Forboth

treatments, part 1 consists of a task where participants’ monetary payoff is

based purely on the individual score (i.e., performance), so that there is no

competitive aspect to the incentive scheme. There are two groups of

participants. One group does the task of part 1 and then skips part 2. Their

performanceonthetaskservesasabenchmarktowhichwecomparethatofthe

participants intheothergroup.Theparticipants intheothergroupalsodothe

taskinpart1andtheninpart2havetoreporttheirscorestoapeerseatedina

separateoffice.Thispeerdoesnotknowwhattaskwasundertaken.

We conduct two treatments in a between-subject design. In the ‘Status

Ranking’ treatment (SR), each participant in part 2 individually and privately

reportstothesamepeerand(truthfully)readsaloudhis/herscoreaswellasthe

ranking among the other participants in the group. This allows the peer to

compareperformancesinthetask.Thisparticularwayofmakingtherankpublic

(‘social’)aimsatcreatingsocialrecognitionbymakingitsalientandtangibleto

participants. As argued above, status ranking does not stem from receiving

feedbackaboutrelativeposition;itistherecognitionofone’srankingbyothers

thatcreatesasocialstatus.

Inthe‘Conformity’treatment(CF),eachparticipantreportstoadifferentpeer

and (truthfully) reads aloud the score, but not the rank. This treatment

distinctionuses the fact that status is inherentlypositional to isolate themere

effects of having to report one’s result to a stranger from the effects of social-

statusranking,i.e.,beingcomparedtoothersbyastranger(apossibilitypointed

outbyHeffetzandFrank2008).Importantly,inbothtreatmentsallparticipants 3Part3 consists of dictator games (Hoffmanet al. 1994).Thiswasdesigned to investigate theconsequencesofhavingbeenpubliclyrankedforsubsequentbargainingenvironments.Becauseitisbeyondthescopeofthepaper,thispartisdescribedandanalyzedinappendixB.

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who have to report to a peer are informed about this before starting on the

summationtask.

Ourresultsshowmarkedlydistinctoutcomesformenandwomen.Forthose

participantswhodonothavetoreporttoapeerandforthoseunderconformity

(CF),genderdifferencesinperformancearesmallandinsignificant.Incontrast,

understatusranking(SR)menattemptmany(andsignificantly)moresumma-

tionsandsolvemanymorecorrectly thanwomen.Whenwomenknowbefore-

handthatasocialrankingoftheirperformancewilltakeplace,theyreducethe

number of attempted summations. In this sense men perform better than

women.Wecanunequivocallyattributetheobservedperformancedifferencesto

thesocial ranking,becausenogenderdifference isobservedwhen theydonot

report theirscore,norunderconformity,whereparticipantsreport theirscore

toathirdpartywhocannotcomparethisscoretothatofothers.

Theremainderofthispaper isorganizedasfollows.Thenextsectionbriefly

reviews the literatures on gender differences in preferences for competition,

stereotypethreat,andstatusrankingsandrelatesthemtothisstudy.Section3

presentsour experimentaldesignandprocedures, and section4describesour

results.Aconcludingdiscussionisofferedinsection5.

2.StateoftheArt

There is by now an extensive literature on gender differences in behavior in

relationtocompetition(foroverviews,seeCrosonandGneezy2009orNiederle

andVesterlund2011). This has addressedbothperformancedifferenceswhen

men andwomen compete and genderdifferences in thewillingness to enter a

competitive environment. In this literature, the focus is on the rivalry-for-

resources aspect of competition. A competitive environment typically involves

one or a few of the best performers obtaining amonetary prize, whereas the

otherparticipantsdonotearnanything.

Regardinggenderdifferencesinbehaviorundercompetitivepressures,afirst

influential study(Gneezyetal.2003)shows foramaze-solving task thatwhen

forced to compete for resourceswomen do not perform better than in a non-

competitive environment where earnings are based solely on individual

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performance. In contrast, such competition strongly improves performance by

men.Thisresultisonlyobservedwhenmenandwomenparticipateinamixed-

gender competition, however. A similar effect is observed when 10-year olds

competeinrunningcontests(GneezyandRustichini2004).4Withrespecttothe

issueofgenderdifferences inattitudes towardscompetition, theseminalwork

by Niederle and Vesterlund (2007) establishes that women have a lower

willingnesstoentercompetitionthandomen.

The firststudies linkingexperimentalmeasuresofcompetitiveness toactual

education and labor market outcomes have only recently started to appear.

Theseshowthat(differencesin)competitivenesshelpexplainwhywomensort

out of jobswith competitive compensation regimes (Flory et al. 2014);predict

whetherChinesestudentschoosetoparticipateinacompetitiveentryexamfor

prestigious universities (Zhang 2013); predict future salary expectations of

Americancollegestudents(Reubenetal.2017);andcanpartiallyexplaingender

differencesinacademiccareerchoicesofDutchhighschoolstudents(Buseretal.

2014).5

To the best of our knowledge, nothing is yet known about the differential

gender impact of the status-ranking dimension of competition. In previous

studies,thestatusrankingaspectofcompetitionwasinasense‘hidden’,withthe

focus being primarily on the possibility ofwinning amonetary prize by being

amongstthebestperformers.

Thepsychologyliteraturehasofferedvariousexplanationsforeffectsofstatus

rankingperseandforgenderdifferencesintheseeffects.Webrieflydiscussthe

related conceptsof ‘social evaluative threats’ and ‘stereotype threat’.A concei-

vableeffectofstatusrankingforbothmenandwomenisthatitcreatesanxiety

aboutananticipatedcomparison.Thisanxietycanbecausedby‘socialevaluative

threats’, i.e., situations where the social self in humans is endangered. Such

threatsgiverise to large levelsof individualcortisolresponsesduetoa fearof

4 Subsequent research has shown that these performance effects depend on the task underconsideration(Güntheretal.2010,Shurchkov2012,Bohnetetal.2016).5 Various policies have been suggested to address the gender gap in entry into competition.Theseincludequota(BalafoutasandSutter2012,Niederleetal.2013),theprovisionoffeedbackon relative performance (Wozniak et al. 2014), reduced time pressure (Shurchkov 2012),participation in teams (Dargnies 2012), advice (Brandts et al. 2015), and ‘evaluation nudges’(Bohnetetal.2016).Alloftheseaddresstheeffectsobservedwhenthereisrivalryforresources.

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failureintheeyesofothers(DickersonandKemeny2004).Thereis,however,no

evidence that these physiological responses are gender related.6 This, and the

lackofpreviousstudiesongender-specificperformanceeffectsof(social)status

anxiety are somewhat surprising, because there is ample evidence of gender

differences in ‘stereotype threat’, i.e., cultural beliefs about gender-specific

performance.Suchstereotypethreatscancausedistinctsocialevaluativethreats

formenandwomenandmaythereforedifferentiallyaffectperformance.Indeed,

stereotypethreatisconsideredtobeanimportantcauseofgenderdifferencesin

self-assessment of ability and career aspirations (with men scoring higher in

both;Correl2004,Thébaud2010,Reubenetal.2012).

Stereotypethreatmayleadtoevaluationanxietywhenconductingtasksthat

are considered to be negatively associated with one’s gender (Steele 1997).

Simply knowing that a negative gender stereotype exists may be sufficient to

causeanxiety(Goffman1963,HowardandHammond1985,SteeleandAronson

1995), which inhibits performance (Sarason 1972, Hunt and Hillery 1973,

Michaelsetal.1982,WigfieldandEccles1989,O’BrienandCandall2003).Hence,

stereotype threat could conceivably cause gender differences, both in the

performance under competition for resources and in the effects of anticipated

status ranking. In our study,we exclude this possibility.We are careful not to

primestereotypethreat.Furthermore,ourdesignallowsustoisolateanyeffects

of pre-existing stereotype threats related to gender. The results, however,

indicatenoevidenceofsucheffects.

There are a few non-laboratory studies that look at the effects of giving

rankinginformationtoworkerswithoutpecuniaryconsequences.Blanes-i-Vidal

andNossol(2011)studydatafrompersonnelrecordsforwarehouseworkersof

aGermanwholesaleandretailorganization, inwhichworkerswerepaidpiece

rates and received private ranking information on their pay and productivity.

Using a quasi-experimental research design they find that providing this

information leads to a large increase in workers’ productivity. In contrast,

6Inongoingresearch,twooftheauthorscollaboratewithCarstendeDreutolookmorespecifi-callyatwhethervariation inperformancecanbeexplainedbyphysiologicalreactionstostatusranking.Inalaboratoryenvironmentsimilartotheoneusedhere,implementedattheUniversityof Amsterdam, saliva samples were collected to enable a study of hormonal reactions. SeeAppendixCformoreinformation.

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Barankay(2012)findsanegativeeffectofprovidingrankingaboutfeedback.He

presentstheresults fromarandomizedcontrol trialwithfurnituresalespeople

whoareprivatelyinformedabouttheirperformancerank.Hefindsthatprivately

giving rank information without any pecuniary consequences decreases sales

considerably formen, but not for women. Note that the private nature of the

ranking information inbothof these fieldexperimentsmeans that theydonot

measuretheimpactofsocial-statusrankingthatweareinterestedin.

3.ExperimentalProceduresandDesign

The experiment was run at the laboratory of the Universitat Pompeu Fabra

(UPF)inBarcelonabetweenApril2014andMay2016.Thereweresixsessions

with13 and sixwith18participants, for a total of 186participants; 144were

‘active’participants (A-andB-players;seebelow),while theresthadapassive

role(C-players;seebelow).Allparticipantswererecruitedonavoluntarybasis

fromtheUPFsubjectpoolusingtheORSEErecruitmentsoftware(Greiner2004).

If more volunteers showed up than needed for the session, participants were

randomlyselectedandtheremainderwassentoffwitha€7show-upfee.

Theexperimentwaspartly computerized.7 Instructionswerehandedouton

paper and are reproduced in part I of the Supplementary Material (SM). The

experiment consists of three parts. In part 1 (computerized), participants

undertake an individual task. In part 2 (not computerized), some active

participantsarerequiredtoreporttheirresulttootherwiseinactiveplayers.Part

3(computerized;discussedinAppendixB)involvespairsofparticipantsplaying

dictatorgames.Instructionsforparts2and3weredistributedaftercompletion

ofthepreviouspart.

Sessionslastedapproximately50minutes.Attheendofeachsession,partici-

pants were paid their earnings (which were contingent on their decisions in

parts1and3)inprivate.Foractiveparticipants,averageearningsincludingthe

€7show-upfeewere€23.47(€24.08),ex(in)cludingtwooutliers(asexplained

below).Inactiveparticipantsreceiveda€20participationfee.

7TheexperimentalsoftwarewasdevelopedinDelphiattheCenterforResearchinExperimentalEconomics and political Decision making (CREED) by CREED programmer Jos Theelen. It isavailableuponrequest.

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3.1.PlayerTypes

Beforeenteringthelaboratory,participantsarerandomlyallocatedtothethree

typesofplayers,denotedbyA,BandC.OnlytypesAandBenterthelaboratory

and do the tasks described below. C-players are taken to separate rooms and

remain inactive throughout the experiment. In every session there are six A-

players and six B-players. Depending on the treatment (see below), there are

eithersixoroneC-player.

3.2.Task

Part1 is thesame inallsessionsand is takenfromWeberandSchram(2016).

Participantsarepresentedwithasequenceofpairsof10x10matricesfilledwith

two-digit numbers. Thesematrices appear at the lower half of their computer

monitor(Figure1).

Figure1:ScreenshotPart1

Notes. The instructions inform participants that the numbers in the cells were ‘randomlygenerated’(cf.SM).Drawingfromauniformdistributionwouldhaveledtoahighprobabilityofveryhighsums.Toavoidthis,foreachcell,wefirstdrewarandomnumberbetween40and99,sayX.Then,wedrewa randomnumber (uniformly)between10andX.This gives a far lowerprobabilityofhighnumbers(thechanceofanumberbeing75ormoreisapproximately0.06).

Foreachpairofmatriceseachparticipanthastoindividuallysearchtofindthe

highestnumberintheleftmatrixandthehighestnumberintherightmatrixand

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to calculate the sum of these two numbers. This summust be entered in the

windowatthecenter-topofthemonitor.8Acorrectansweryieldsoneeuro.We

applythispiece-rateremunerationinallofourtreatments.Afteranumberhas

been entered, two new matrices appear, regardless of whether the sum was

correctornot.Thetaskcontinuesfor15minutes.Thepiecerateremuneration

that we apply aims at minimizing the rivalry for resources in all of our

treatments.Anytreatmentdifferencesthatmightoccurcanthenbeattributedto

thesocialstatusdimensionofcompetition.

B-players are instructed about the summation task and perform the task

withoutfurtherinteractionwithotherplayers.A-playersareinformedbeforethe

task that theywill be required to report their performance to a C-player after

completion.Performanceismeasuredasthenumberofcorrectsummations.The

A-playerinstructionsalsoemphasizetheimportanceofdoingwellinthistaskby

mentioning that it has been shown to correlate positively with success in

professionallife.9Participantsweretoldthatwewouldprovideevidenceofthis

claim upon request after the experiment. For this purpose, we had available

copiesofKoedelandTyhurst(2012),whichisaresumestudylinkingmathskills

tolabormarketoutcomes.

After finishing the instructions, each A-player is individually taken to a C-

playerandreadsaloudatextstatingthats/hewillreturnafterthetasktoreport

her/hisscore(i.e.,performance).Thisisdonetocreatetheanticipationofhaving

8 Alternatively, we could have used the summation task applied in Niederle and Vesterlund(2007).Shurchkov(2012, fn21),however, reportsevidenceofastereotype threat in this task,wherewomenfeelapriorithatmenhaveanadvantage.Toavoidthis,wedecidedtouseataskthatoneofushassuccessfullyappliedbefore(WeberandSchram2016).InthispreviousstudytherewasnoevidenceofgenderdifferencesandourdataforB-playersconfirmthis.Thisiswhywebelieve there tobenostereotype threat for the taskweused.Thisbelief findssupport inarecentapplicationofthesametaskinanexperimentweraninBologna.There,wealsoelicitedbeliefsaboutmaleandfemaleperformanceinthistaskbylettingsubjectsguesswhethermenorwomenhadthehighermeanscore(witha fiveeuroprize foracorrectguess).Thisshowednoevidence of expected performance differences; out of 30 participants, 17 (13) thoughtwomen(men)wouldscorebetter.9Thisemphasiswasmadetostresstheimportanceofstatusrankingbasedontheperformancein the particular task we used. After an analysis of results obtained in early sessions, somecolleaguessuggestedthat the fact thatA-playersbutnotB-playersweregiventhis informationmightcauseastereotypethreatthataffectsgenderdifferencesobservedamongstA-players.Forthisreason,inlatersessionstheB-playerswerealsoprimedwiththistextinthesamewayastheA-players.Theydidnotparticipateinpart2(hence,didnotreporttotheirpeers).Weobservednogendereffectsfortheseparticipants(moredetailsareavailableuponrequest).Weconcludethattheemphasisdoesnotinitselfinducestereotypethreat.Thisalsosuggeststhatinretrospectitwasunnecessarytoprovidethisinformationaltogether.

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tolaterreporttotheC-player.ThetextusedisgiveninSM.Theexperimenters

takingtheA-playerstoseethecorrespondingC-playerwerealwaysamananda

woman.

3.3.Treatments

Westartwiththedistinctionbetweentwotreatmentsthatdifferonlyinwhether

C-playersareabletocomparetheperformanceofA-players.Thesearedenoted

as the ‘Status Ranking’ (SR) treatment and the ‘Conformity’ treatment (CF-NR,

which denotes ‘Conformity-No Ranking’). In SR, there is only one C-player. In

part2of theexperiment,eachA-playerreports(oneatatime)tothisC-player

andreadsaloudthenumberofcorrectsummationsandtheownrankamongst

theA-players(cf.theupperpanelofFigure2).

The conformity treatmentwasdesignedwith the idea that simply reporting

one’s score to a peer might already induce social evaluative threat and affect

behavior. In section 3.3 of their excellent overview of the literature on status,

Heffetz and Frank (2008)write: “Indeed ifwe assume that status depends on

actions, status-seeking individuals are expected to change their behavior in

predictablewaysdependingonwhethertheiractionsarevisible toothers.The

observationthattheyoftendo,however,isconsistentnotonlywithpreferences

for status,butalsowithanypreferenceswhereothers’opinionsare important

(e.g. because of considerations of reputation, shame, fear of punishment, etc.).

This shouldbeborne inmindwhen interpreting theevidencebelow.” Inother

words, our status-ranking treatmentmay confound the effects of social status

withothereffectsrelatedtoawishto‘conform’toapeer’sopinions.10Tostudy

thestatuseffectinSR,weuseCFtoisolatesuchothereffects.

To control for such ‘conformity’ effects,weuse theCF-NR treatment,where

there are six C-players, each seated in a separate room. Each A-player in this

treatment reports (one at a time) to a different C-player and reads aloud the

number of correct summations, but does not report anything related to the

player’sranking(seethelowerpanelofFigure2).Whenreporting,A-playersuse

printed(truthful)textsprovidedbyus(cf.SM).InbothSRandCF-NR,B-players

10 We believe the term ‘conformity’ to be adequate to capture the idea that people may beinfluencedbyothers’opinionsindependentlyfromanystatusconcerns.

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Figure2:ExperimentalDesign

Notes.A-andB-playersindividuallydothesummationtask.ThenA-playersreportprivatelytoC-player(s)(indicatedbyarrows).PanelAshowstheStatusRanking(SR)treatmentwhereeachA-player individually goes to the (same) C-player and reports his or her own score and rankamongst A-players. Panel B shows the Conformity (CF) treatment where each A-playerindividuallygoestohisorher‘own’C-playerandreportsthescore.

donotreporttoC-players.Theirperformanceservesasabehavioralbenchmark

ofisolatedplaywithoutreporting.

NoteatthisstagethattheremaybetwodifferencesbetweentheCF-NRand

SR treatments. In SR, the social ranking is not only known to others (i.e., C-

players),butalsototheA-playersthemselves.InCF-NR,A-playersdonotknow

(and, hence, cannot report) their social ranking. To separate the effects of

reportingandknowingtheownsocialranking,weaddatreatmentinwhicheach

A-player is informed about her own rank but knows that every A-player will

report to a distinct C-player, i.e., there is no social ranking. We denote this

treatmentbyCF-PR(‘Conformity-PrivateRanking’).

Inalltreatments,C-playerinstructionsinformthemthattheywillbetoldthe

result of either one (CF-NR/CF-PR) or six (SR) participants. They are not in-

B:Conformity

A:StatusRanking

C

A1 A2 A3 A4 A5 A6

B1 B2 B3 B4 B5 B6

C

A1 A2 A3 A4 A5 A6

B1 B2 B3 B4 B5 B6

C C C C C

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formedaboutthetask,butaretoldthathighscoresindicatebetterperformance

thanlowscores.11A-playersknowthattheC-playersdonotknowthetask.After

allA-playershavereportedtheirscores,C-playersarepaid€20anddismissed.

Thechoice to induce social rankingviaa face-to-faceencounterwithapeer

deserves further discussion. Of crucial importance is that –as argued above–

social status requires that the ranking is public (i.e. socially recognized).12 An

alternativewouldhavebeentoorganizetheinteractionbetweentheA-andthe

C-playerthroughthecomputer.Thiswouldhave,however,seriouslyreducedthe

saliencyofthesocialaspectofstatusintheSRtreatment.Adisadvantageofour

approach may be that face-to-face interaction introduces various possible

channels through which our main results might emerge. We hope to have

diminished the number of channels by introducing only minimal contact

betweenthetwoparticipantsinvolved(theA-playerreadsaloudaone-linetext

prepared by us and the C-player is not allowed to respond). We consider a

further investigation of possible channels bywhich this face-to-face encounter

mightcausetreatmenteffectsaninterestingtopicforfutureresearch.13

3.4.Pilot

Before running the 12 sessions of this experiment, we organized four pilot

sessions (in March 2014). These differed from the final experiment on two

accounts.First,participantsweregiventenminutesinsteadof15minutestodo

the summation task. We increased the amount of time given to create more

leeway for differences in performance. Second, A-players did not go to the C-

playersbetweenreadingtheinstructionsforpart1andstartingthesummation

task.We introduced this tomake the reporting of their result to a peermore

prominent.

11WedonotinformC-playersaboutthetaskinordertoavoidthemformingopinionsaboutwhatisa‘good’score.SuchopinionscouldgenerateafeelingofrankingevenintheCFtreatments,inthesenseofaperformancelevelabove/belowacertainlevelbeingjudgedasgood/bad.12 Social rankingmight conceivably also occur via the experimenters. The sessionswere orga-nized in away, however, thatmade it obvious to the participants that no experimenter couldobservetheirrank.Moreinformationisavailableuponrequest.13 As suggested by an anonymous reviewer, the face-to-face encounter between the twoparticipantsmightcreatearivalry forresources in theSR treatment ifA-playersbelieve thatahighrankinthetaskmightaftertheexperimentbringthemfavorsbytheC-player.Thoughwedonot believe that thiswould cause the large treatment effects thatwe report below,we cannotexcludethispossibility.

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4.Results

Ourpresentationoftheresultsfocusesongenderdifferencesinperformancein

the various treatments, distinguishing between attempted summations and

performance (i.e., thenumberof correct summations).Because all tests reflect

pairwise comparisons between independent samples of individuals, we use

(two-sided) permutation (a.k.a. randomization) t-tests using Monte-Carlo

resampling with 5000 repetitions (henceforth, PtT) throughout the analysis.14

PtT do not make assumptions about the underlying distributions and the

numberofobservationsneededfortrustworthyinferenceis(much)lowerthan

for the testsmore commonly used in experimental work. For example,Moir’s

(1998)studyinthisjournalalreadyshowsthesuccessofthesetestswithasfew

as eight observationsper treatment cell.Ournumbersof observationsper cell

vary between 16 and 52 (note that by designwe havemore observations for

players of typeB) and all tests of ourmainhypotheses are basedon26 to72

observations.WeprovideafurtherdiscussionofourtestsinAppendixC,which

also provides supportive evidence for our results using data from related

experimentsinAmsterdam(cf.fn.6).

In presenting our results, we first investigate whether privately knowing

one’sownrankhasaneffectonthenumbersofattemptsandperformance.We

then continue with considering the effects of social-status ranking on the

numberofattemptsandperformance.Anoverviewofoursummarystatisticsis

presented in Appendix A and Appendix B reports the effects of experienced

statusrankingonchoicesinthedictatorgame.

4.1.TheEffectsofPrivateRankingInformation

To check whether knowing one’s relative position (without anyone else

knowing)hasaneffect,wecomparetheCF-NRandCF-PRtreatments.Figure3

comparesattempsandperformanceacrossgender for these two treatments. It

showsthattheorderingbetweenmenandwomenonbothmeasuresisreversed 14See,forexample,Moir(1998).Wepreferthepermutationt-testoverthemorecommonMann-Whitneytestbecausethelattertestsfordifferencesindistributionsoftwoindependentsamples.Wearemorepreciselyinterestedindifferencesinthemeansofthedistributions.Nevertheless,the results presented here are robust to using Mann Whitney or t-tests instead of thepermutationt-test.

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whensubjectsknowthattheywillbeprivatelyprovidedwithinformationabout

theirrankingamongsttheA-players.Differencesaresmall,however.Noneofthe

within-genderdifferencesinattemptsorperformancebetweenCF-NRandCF-PR

arestatisticallysignificant(PtT;allp>0.24;N=20forwomen,N=16formen).

More importantly, there are no significant gender differences in attempted

summationsorperformanceforeitherconformitytreatment(PtT;attempts: in

CF-NRp=0.374,N=18;inCF-PRp=0.292,N=18;performance:inCF-NRp=

0.242,N=18;inCF-PRp=0.509,N=18).Forthisreason,wepoolthedatafor

theCF-PRandCF-NRtreatmentsfromhereonwards,unlessindicatedotherwise.

Figure3:AttemptsandPerformanceinConformityTreatments

Notes. Bars show number of attempts at calculating summations (left) andperformance (number of correct summations, right), separately for women andmen.CF-NR:Conformitytreatmentwithoutknowingownrank;CF-PR:Conformitytreatmentwithknowingownrank.Errorbarsshow95%confidenceintervals.

4.2.TheEffectsofAnticipatedStatusRanking

Whenfurtheranalyzingthedata,weleaveouttwooutliersintheSRtreatment

with more than 100 attempted summations (see SM, part II). Including them

wouldfurtherstrengthenourresults.Figure4presentsthemainresultsofthis

paper. The results for type B show that women make insignificantly more

attemptsandhaveinsignificantlylowerperformancethanmenwhentheydothe

summationtaskswithouthavingtovisitaC-player(PtT;p=0.757forattempts,

p = 0.887 for performance; in both cases N = 72). This is an important

7911131517192123

CF-NR CF-PR CF-NR CF-PR

attempts performance

women

men

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benchmark indicating that for this task our participants experience no

unaccounted-forstereotypethreatrelatedtogender(cf.section2).15

In the conformity treatments –i.e., when participants know that they will

reporttheirresulttoapeerbutalsoknowthatthisC-playerwillnotbeableto

compare this result to others’ performance– the differences betweenmen and

womenareverysmallandstatisticallyinsignificant(PtT;p=0.951forattempts,

p=0.658forperformance;inbothcasesN=36).

Figure4:AttemptsandPerformance

Attempts Performance

Notes.Barsshowthenumberofattemptsatcalculatingsummations(leftpanel)andperformance(number of correct summations, right panel), separately for women andmen. CF: Conformity(CF-NRandCF-PRpooled);SR:StatusRanking.Errorbarsshow95%confidenceintervals.

The most remarkable result is observed for the treatment where A-players

report to a C-player and know that this peer will be able to compare their

performancetoothers(SR).Here,womenmakemanyfewerattemptsandhave

much lower performance than men and these gender differences are highly

significantforbothattempts(PtT;p<0.001;N=34)andperformance(PtT;p<

0.001;N=34).TheobservedgenderdifferenceinperformanceinSRisadirect

consequence of the difference in attempts because the fraction of attempted

15ForconformityorstatusrankingtohaveadifferentialeffectitisnotpersenecessarythatthereisnogendergapinthebehavioroftheBplayers.BeforewestartedourworkourmotivationwastofindoutwhetherCorSRleadstodifferentbehaviorthaninthebenchmarkwithouthavingaclearhypothesisaboutwhatbenchmarkbehaviorwouldbe.

12141618202224

CF SR

typeB typeA

women

men

8

10

12

14

16

CF SR

typeB typeA

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summationsthatiscorrectdoesnotdifferbetweenmenandwomeninSR(PtT;p

=0.789;N=34).16

The ‘dif-in-dif’ result shown in Figure 4 is a direct consequence of the

differenceinthewaymenandwomenreacttotheintroductionofconformityor

status ranking.When introducing conformity inCF (having to report toothers

withoutbeingcompared),womenslightlyincreasetheirattemptsbuthavelower

performance(comparedtothebehaviorofB-playerswhodonotreport).These

differences are far from statistically significant, however (PtT; p = 0.548 for

attempts, p = 0.692 for performance; in both cases N = 72).17 Men (slightly)

increasetheirnumberofattemptsandhavealmostthesameperformance;again

theseeffectsarestatisticallyinsignificant(PtT;p=0.496forattempts,p=0.933

forperformance;inbothcasesN=36).18

When introducing social-status ranking in SR, a comparison to the ‘non-

reporting’ B-players shows that women reduce their number of attempts and

performance, while men strongly increase attempts and performance. For

women,thefirsteffectisstatisticallysignificant(PtT;p=0.044,N=68)whilethe

effect on performance is insignificant (PtT, p = 0.172, N=68). For men, both

effects are statistically significant (PtT; p = 0.003 for attempts, p = 0.050 for

performance; in both casesN=38). These results allowus to conclude that the

gender difference we observe in a situation where anticipated status ranking

may affect behavior is caused by men increasing the number of attempted

summationsandwomendecreasingit.

To investigate the effect of status ranking within gender, the most direct

comparison is between our treatments CF-PR and SR. Recall that the only

differencebetweenthesetwoisthateachparticipantreportshisorherscoreto

adifferentpeerinCF-PRwhileallsixparticipantsreporttothesameC-playerin

SR.Theeffectswefindareremarkable.Ananticipationofstatusrankingmakes

women significantly reduce the number of summations they attempt (PtT for

attempts,p=0.010,N=26).Thereductioninperformanceisnotsignificant(PtT

16 In the follow-up experiments in Amsterdam (see fn. 6), the patterns observed here wereconfirmed(cf.AppendixC).17AsimilarlackofsignificanteffectsisobservedwhenconsideringtheCFtreatmentsseparately(inCF-NR:p=0.731,p=0.428,N=62,respectively;inCF-PR:p=0.163,p=0.854,N=62).18 Similarly, there areno significant effectswhen considering theCF treatments separately (inCF-NR:p=0.163,p=0.370,N=28,respectively;inCF-PR:p=0.875,p=0.411,N=28).

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for correct, p = 0.221, N = 26). For men, the numbers of attempts and

performancebothincreasesignificantly(PtT,p=0.047forattempts,p=0.028for

correct,inbothcasesN=26).

5.Conclusions

Ourexperimentalstudyabstractsfromrivalryforresourcesandfocusesonthe

effectsofsocialstatusresultingfromthesocialrankingofperformances.Wefind

thatmenmakemoreattemptsandincreasetheirperformanceinanticipationof

status ranking.Women, on the other hand,make fewer attempts and perform

morepoorlywhentheyknowtheywillbecomparedtoothers.Thisresultsina

largeandstatisticallyhighlysignificantgendergap.

Our findings suggest that anticipated ranking of social status alone is an

important element in observed gender differences in real-world competitive

environments. Previous studies have shown that women tend to ‘opt out’ of

competitive situations (Niederle and Vesterlund 2007). Our results imply that

findingwaystomakewomen‘optin’maynotsufficetobridgethegendergap.In

fact, our study shows that –if the status ranking inherent to competition is

salient–forcinganopt-inwillmakewomenslowdownintryingtoperformtheir

taskandwillmakemenexcel.

Thoughbeingcomparedtoothersisparticularlydisadvantageoustowomen,

the aggregate effect across men and women may not be negative. In our

experiments, total productivity (measured by the total number of correct

summations for oneman and onewoman) is on average 22.8 for participants

who do not report to anyone, 22.5 for those in conformity and 23.7 for those

anticipatingstatusranking.Thissuggeststhatsuchrankinghasnegativeeffects

on gender equalitywithout negatively affecting economic efficiency. Efficiency

and equity could both be enhanced if one could diminish the effect of social-

statusrankingonwomenwhilemaintainingthestimulatingeffectithasonmen.

Ourfocusinthispaperhasbeenongeneratingcausalevidenceonthegender

effects of social-status ranking. The question arises what are the mechanisms

underlying thisphenomenon.Tentative interpretationsofour findingsare that

either women choke under status pressure, or that status ranking with peers

demotivateswomen.Thefactthatinanticipationofstatusrankingwomenmake

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fewerattemptshintsatthelatter,thoughitraisesthefollow-upquestionofwhy

this demotivation occurs. It is also possible that women simply becomemore

careful inperformingtheirtask, inthesenseofponderingtheirdecisionsmore

before submitting them to the computer. Finally, the observability inherent in

socialstatuscomparisonmightinduceinwomenadesiretoconformtoagender

norm(similartothe‘actingwife’phenomenonreportedinBursztynetal2017).

Atthisstageitisunclear,however,whythiswouldappearinourStatusRanking

treatment and not in Conformity. A solid explanation of the effects we find is

beyond the scope of this paper, but it deserves further investigation in future

research.

Given the increasing labor participation of women, such gender differences

and the ‘hidden’ factor of social-status ranking under competition need to be

addressed. A first step would be to reduce for women the performance

comparisonwithothersinworkingenvironments.Thiscanbedone,forexample,

via fixed promotion standards based on individual performance without

comparisontopeers.AnexampleofthispracticeisthatinmanyNorthAmerican

universities, tenure decisions are not made in direct comparison to other

candidates who are simultaneously up for tenure, but to a set of standards

expected for a tenuredposition.Our results suggest that that if thisprocedure

reduces thesalienceofstatusranking, it lead tobetterperformancebywomen

than in universities where they have to applyand compete for vacant tenure

positions(asisoftenthecaseinEurope).

Finally, to thebest of ourknowledge, this is the first study that isolates the

effectof social-status ranking from the rivalrydimensionof competition.More

researchisneededtoestablishtheconsequencesofwhatwefindhere,thateven

whenrivalryforresourcesisheldconstant,simplybeingcomparedtoothershas

an opposite effect on men and women, leading to gender differences in

performance and resource allocations. An interesting direction for future

researchwouldbetomakebothdimensionsofcompetitionsalient.Ourhunchis

that they would reinforce each other in creating more advantageous

environmentsformenthanforwomen.

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OnlineAppendices

A. SummaryStatistics

B. StatusRankingandEntitlementinBargaining

C. Permutationt-TestsandtheRobustnessofourResults

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Appendices

A.SummaryStatistics

TableA.1showsparticipants’characteristicsacrosstypesandtreatments.

TableA.1:Participants’Characteristics

TypeB TypeA-CF/NR

TypeA-CF/PR

TypeA-SR

Women 0.72 0.56 0.56 0.47Economics 0.37 0.33 0.36 0.44Age 21.9 21.8 23.2 21.7N 72 18 18 36Notes. Women: fraction of female participants; Economics:fractionofparticipantswithamajorineconomicsorbusiness;Age:averageage;N:numberofparticipants.

Table A1 shows that the fractions of participants with a major in economics andbusinessaresimilaracrosstypes.Wedistinguishbetweenthesemajorsbecausethesearethefieldsinwhichstudentsaremostlikelytohaveexperiencedtaskssimilartothesummation task. The differences are statistically insignificant (Fisher’s exact test,p=0.11). The average age is also statistically indistinguishable across types (Kruskal-Wallis,p=0.44).The distribution of women is similar across A-types. The differences are statisticallyinsignificant (Fisher’s exact test, p=0.86). Women seem somewhat over-representedamongst B-types however. Across all four categories, the differences are marginallysignificant(Fisher’sexacttest,p=0.07).Notethatthisdoesnotcauseproblemsforouranalyses,becausetheyalleithercomparegenderswithintypesorcomparetypeswithingender.

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B.ExperiencedStatusRankingandBargaining

Themaintextfocusesontheeffectsofananticipatedstatusranking.Here,wediscusstheeffectsofexperiencedstatusranking.Theliteratureonsucheffectsisscarce.MostinfluentialineconomicshasbeentheworkbyBallandEckel(1996,1998)andBalletal(2001).Intheirexperiments,highstatusisinducedtosomeparticipantsbycallingthemforward and awarding themwith a gold star. In subsequent interactions, high-statusparticipantsobtainalargershareoftheresourcesthanlow-statusparticipants.Thisisobservedbothintheultimatumgame(BallandEckel1996,1998)andinmarkets(Balletal.2001).Theinterpretationgiveninthesepapersisthatahighsocialstatuscreatesafeelingof‘entitlement’toresources,evenifthestatusisunrelatedtothetaskinwhichthe resources are generated (Ball et al. 2001). These studies do not address possiblegenderdifferencesinthiseffect.DesignInpart3ofourexperiment,eachA-playerispairedwithaB-playerandeachB-playerispairedwithadifferentA-player.This is illustrated inFigureB.1.Thispairing schemeaims at avoiding direct-reciprocity influences on participants’ behavior. Each partici-pant plays two dictator games, once as a dictator, once as a recipient. The dictatordivides€10betweenherselfandtherecipientwithwhichsheispaired.Forexample,A2divides€10betweenherselfandB2andB6divides€10betweenherselfandA1.Afteralldecisionshavebeenmade,arandomdrawdetermineswhetherdictatordecisionsbytheA-playersortheB-playersarepaidout.

FigureB.1:Dictatorpairing

Notes.Arrowsgivepairings,pointingfromthedictatortotherecipient.

ResultsWe first investigate whether our data replicate Ball et al. (1996, 1998, 2001)’s‘entitlement’ results. In our experiment bargaining is represented in its most simpleform: the dictator game. The Ball et al. entitlement results predict that having beenrankedhighly in thesummationtaskwillmakeoneoffer lessasadictator.Wewouldthen expect lower offers by the top-ranked participants of type A-SR than for top-ranked typesBorA-CF.This isbecause the former typeknows that they scoredwellwhen being socially ranked and the latter types scored well but were not sociallyranked(infact,typesA-CF-NRandtypesBdidnotevenknowtheirranks).Onaverage,theamountofferedbythesetop-rankedtypesis3.00,3.33and1.88fortypeB,typeA-CF and type A-SR, respectively. As predicted, we find that those who were socially

A1 A2 A3 A4 A5 A6

B1 B2 B3 B4 B5 B6

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rankedofferedleastinthesubsequentbargaining.iThepairwisedifferencesindictatorgiving between the socially ranked (and top-3) dictators and each of the other twocategoriesismarginallystatisticallysignificant(PtT,p=0.065,N=55whencomparingtypeA-SRtotypeB;p=0.095,N=34whencomparingtypeA-SRtotypeA-CF).ThisisinlinewiththeentitlementresultsbyBalletal.(1996,1998,2001).FigureB.2showsperplayertypetheaverageamount(outof€10)givenbymenand

womentotherecipient,separatelyforplayerswitharankinthetop3andthoseinthebottom3.

FigureB.2:DictatorAllocations

Notes.Barsindicatetheamountineurosgivenbythedictatortotherecipient(s)hewaspairedto.Rank1,2,3(4,5,6)indicatesthattheparticipantwasamongstthetop3(bottom3)inowngroup in terms of performance. Recall that only type A-SR and type A-CF-PR players knewtheir rank. The numbers of observations are larger than or equal to eight in all categories,exceptmen in typeA-SRwithrank4-6(N=5)andwomenintypeA-SRwithrank1-3(N=3).Tieswere treatedas follows. InCFandSR theparticipant that reached the (tied)numberofcorrect solutions firstwas rankedabove theother. For typeB, all those tiedweregiven thesamerank.Errorbarsshow95%confidenceintervals.

At first sight, the largest differences between men and women are observed forparticipantswhohadbeensubjectedtosocialranking(notethatthenumbersofhighlyrankedwomenandlowlyrankedmeninSRarelow,however).Irrespectiveofwhetherthey scored highly or lowly, men seem to give less than women after having beensocially ranked.We again test for genderdifferencesusingpermutation t-tests. TableB.1presentsthep-valuesthatthesetestsyield.

iKnowing (only)privately thatonehasahighrankdoesnotmakeonegive less.Thenineparticipantswithatop-3rankintypeA-CF-PRgaveonaverage4.0inthedictatorgame,whilethenineparticipantswithatop-3rankintypeA-CF-NRgave2.67.Thisdifferenceisstatisticallyinsignificant(PtT,p=0.363,N= 18). This suggests that the social aspect of ranking is important for Ball et al’s entitlement effect tooccur.NotethatthesocialaspectisakeypartofthestatusinducementprocedureinBalletal.(2001).

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

rank1,2,3 rank4,5,6 rank1,2,3 rank4,5,6 rank1,2,3 rank4,5,6

typeB typeA-CF typeA-SR

women men

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TableB.1:TestResultsforGenderEffectsinDictatorAllocations

TypeB TypeA-CF TypeA-SRAll 0.616

N=720.300N=36

0.001N=34

Top3 0.264N=39

0.458N=18

0.180N=16

Lower3 0.660N=33

0.564N=18

0.017N=18

Note.Cellsshowthep-valueofanPtTtestonequalmeancontributionsbymenandwomenforthetypedepictedinthecolumnandtheranksdepictedintherow.

The results in Table B.1 show only few gender effects in dictator giving. The oneimportant exception is thatmenwho have scored badly in the summation task (i.e.,lower half in the ranking) offer significantly less than women after having beensubjectedtosocialranking.Thesizabledifferencebetweenmenandwomenobservedfortop-rankedsubjects(cf.FigureB.2)inSRisstatisticallyinsignificant,possiblyduetothe lownumberofwomen in thesample. Inshort,mentendtogive less thanwomenwhenranked,butespeciallysoafterhavingbeenpubliclyrankedlowly.

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AppendixC:RobustnessofourResultsThe numbers of observationswe use for our statistical tests are at the lower end ofwhat one typically observes in the experimental literature. In this appendix, we firstarguethattheyneverthelessallowforvalid inferencewhenusingpermutationt-tests.Then, we use additional data obtained from a related experiment to show that ourconclusionsarerobusttoenlargingthedataset.Permutationt-testsPermutation (a.k.a. randomization) tests (Fisher 1935) are based on reshufflingtreatmentlabelsinadataset.Considerthecaseofat-testfordifferencesinmeans.Theideaforreshufflingstartsfromnotingthatanobservedt-statisticmaybeseenasadrawfromall possible t-statistics. TableC.1provides an example.Assume thatweobservetheheight(incm)ofthreemenandthreewomenasdepictedinthefirstrow.Wewanttoinvestigatewhethermenaretallerthanwomen.

TableC.1:Anexampleofpermutationt-tests Men Women t-statistics p-valueObserved 176,182,190 164,168,170 3.47 0.03Shuffle2 164,182,190 176,168,170 0.91 0.41….. Shuffle20 176,168,170 176,182,190 3.47 0.03Applying a t-test to the observed heights would lead us to believe that men aresignificantlytalleratthe5%-level.Thelownumberofobservations(six)shouldmakeone doubt the normality assumption underlying this t-test, however. There are 20possibledistributionsofthesixheightsbetweenthreemenandthreewomen.Ofthese(only)theobserveddistributionand‘shuffle20’giveat-valueof3.47orhigher.Evenifheightsaredistributedrandomlybetweenmenandwomen,thereisthena10%chancethatat-testwouldconcludethatmenaretaller.Thisisanexactprobability.ThisFishertestshowsusthat–basedonthesesixobservations–wecannotconcludethatmenaretallerthanwomen.iiForoursample, thereare toomanyobservations tocheckallpossiblereshufflesof

thedata.Inthiscase,onecanrandomlydrawasetofthese(inourcasewetook5000reshuffles, or ‘permutations’) and use the distribution of the resulting t-statistics toinvestigate how likely the observed value is to occur. Because of this Monte-Carloresampling,p-values are estimatedwith amargin of error. In caseswhere the upperboundof the95%confidence interval for thep-valueexceeded thechosensizeof thetest,wethereforeincreasedthenumberofreplicationsuntilthestandarderrorofpwasbelow0.0015.Becausethistestisbasedonexactstatistics,thenumbersofobservationsneededis

muchlowerthanintraditionalparametricandnon-parametrictests.Forgivensamplesize, the testhas thehighestpower in comparison to related tests (Siegel1956,Moir1998).Moir(1998)reportsaMonte-Carlostudythatshowsveryreliableresultsforasfewaseightobservationspertreatmentcategory.Thesmallestcellcountwebaseourtestsonis16.

iiThisexampleismerelyanillustrationofhowtheexacttestworks.Infact,withsixobservationsandtwocategories,onecannotachieveahighersignificancelevelthan10%.

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TheAmsterdamSessionsWeranarelatedexperimentattheCREEDlaboratoryinAmsterdaminJune,2015.Themainpurposeof this study is to investigate thephysiologicalmechanisms involved inthe effects of status ranking. For this reason, we also gathered saliva samples.Otherwise, the sessions and treatmentswere structured exactly like in theBarcelonaexperiment.Theresultsof theAmsterdamexperimentwillbepresented inaseparatestudy. We thank our co-author Carsten de Dreu for agreeing to let us report somebehavioralfindingshere.96subjectsparticipatedineightsessions(fourCF-PRandfourSR).Addingtheseto

theBarcelonadatagivesus236observationsandcellcountsbetween23and69.FigureC.1showstheobservednumbersofattemptsandperformance.Byandlarge,theresultsmirrorthoseobservedinBarcelonaalone.

FigureC.1:AttemptsandPerformance

Attempts Performance

Bothforattemptedsummationsandperformance,whenthereissocial-statusranking,thedifferencebetweenmenandwomen ishighlysignificant (PtT,p<0.01,N=58 inboth cases). The biggest difference between Figure E.1 and Figure 4 in themain textappearstobethata(smaller)genderdifferencemayalsoexistfortypesBandA-CF.Forattempts,thedifferencesobservedinFigureE.1arenotsignificant,however(PtT, p=0.25,N =119 for typeB;PtT, p = 0.66,N =60 for typeA-CF).Forperformance, thegendereffectsaremarginallysignificant(PtT, p= 0.09,N=119 for typeB;PtT, p=0.09,N=60fortypeA-CF).Whenaggregatingthedataacrossthetwolocations,oneneedstotakeintoaccount

that there were differences between the two subject pools. In particular, Dutchparticipantswereacross-the-boardbetter atdoing the summation taskand relativelymoreeconomistsparticipatedinAmsterdamthaninBarcelona.Becausesuchdifferen-cesmight interactwith gender effects,we ran linear regressionsof performance (i.e.,thenumberofcorrectsummations)onaseriesofbackgroundvariables,includinggen-der.Wedidsoseparatelyforeachtypeofplayer.TheresultsarepresentedinTableC.2.These results provide further evidence of the effects observed in the Barcelona

experiment.Aftercorrectingforbackgroundvariables,weonly findsignificantgenderdifferences when participants were subjected to social-status ranking. There are nogendereffects inperformancewhensubjectsdonotreport theirscore toanyone,norwhen they each report todifferentC-players.When there is ranking of social status,women performmuchworse thanmen. Themarginal effect is more than five fewer

14 16 18 20 22 24 26 28

CF SR

type B type A

women men

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

CF SR

type B type A

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correct summations. The results also show that Spanish participants have lowerperformancethantheDutchinallroles.

TableC.2:Performance

TypeB TypeA-CF TypeA-SRConstant 12.47*** 14.74*** 17.73***Economist 2.63*** 1.33 –2.16Barcelona –1.67*** –3.35** –3.13*Female 0.99 –0.76 –5.29**FemaleEconomist –3.00* –2.23 5.54N 102 60 40Notes. Cells report the coefficients of linear regressions of the number of correct summations on theindependentvariablesdepictedintherows.*/**/***depictsstatisticalsignificanceatthe1%/5%/10%-level.Thetotalnumberofobservationsisreducedduetomissingobservationsonbackgroundvariables.All in all, the additional data from Amsterdam provide further evidence that ourconclusionsinthemaintextcannotbeattributedtothenumbersofobservations.Reference(notincludedinthemaintext)Siegel,S.(1956).NonparametricStatisticsfortheBehavioralSciences,McGraw-Hill,Toronto.