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WorkinProgress Paper for discussion at the Privacy Law Scholars Conference on June 2, 2011 in Berkeley, CA. Feedback wanted! Draft Date: May 9, 2011 1 Social Privacy in Networked Publics: Teens’ Attitudes, Practices, and Strategies danah boyd and Alice Marwick Microsoft Research [email protected] and [email protected] Waffles, 17, NC 1 : Every teenager wants privacy. Every single last one of them, whether they tell you or not, wants privacy. Just because an adult thinks they know the person doesn’t mean they know the person. And just because teenagers use internet sites to connect to other people doesn’t mean they don’t care about their privacy. We don’t tell everybody every single thing about our lives. We tell them general information names, places, what we like to do but that’s general knowledge. That’s not something you like to keep private‐‐ “Oh, I play games. I better not tell anybody about that.” I mean‐‐ that’s not something that we do. So to go ahead and say that teenagers don’t like privacy is pretty ignorant and inconsiderate honestly, I believe, on the adult’s part. There’s a widespread myth that American teenagers don’t care about privacy. The logic is simple: Why else would teenagers share so much on Facebook and Twitter and YouTube? 2 There is little doubt that many – but not all – American teens have embraced many popular social media services. 3 And there is little doubt that those who have are posting photos, sharing links, updating status messages, and commenting on each other’s posts. 4 Yet, as Waffles explains above, participation in such networked publics does not imply that today’s teens have rejected privacy as a value. All teens have a sense of privacy, although their definitions of privacy vary widely. Their practices in networked publics are shaped by their interpretation of the social situation, their attitudes towards privacy and publicity, and their ability to navigate the technological and social environment. As such, they develop intricate 1 The names used in this article are pseudonyms. Some were chosen by the participants themselves; others were chosen by the authors to reflect similar gender and ethnic roots as are embedded in the participants’ given names. All identifying information in teens’ quotes has been altered to maintain confidentiality. 2 A 2008 Harris Interactive/CTIA survey about teens’ relationship to their mobile was publicized as indicating that kids don’t care about privacy because only 41% indicated that they were concerned about privacy and security issues when using their mobile: http://files.ctia.org/pdf/HI_TeenMobileStudy_ResearchReport.pdf In 2010, Chris Jay Hoofnagle, Jennifer King, Su Li, and Joseph Turow found that young people’s attitudes about privacy parallel adults’ attitudes, but their skills in managing privacy online are often lacking. 3 As of September 2009, the Pew Internet and American Life Project found that 73% of American teens ages 12‐17 use a social network site; only 8% of teens in their sample used Twitter. See Lenhart et. al. 2010. 4 Of teens who are on social network sites, Pew found that 86% comment on friends’ posts. They also found that 38% of teens ages 12‐17 shared content online; 14% keep a blog. See Lenhart et. al. 2010.

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SocialPrivacyinNetworkedPublics:Teens’Attitudes,Practices,andStrategiesdanahboydandAliceMarwickMicrosoftResearchdmb@[email protected],17,NC1:Everyteenagerwantsprivacy.Everysinglelastoneofthem,whethertheytellyouornot,wantsprivacy.Justbecauseanadultthinkstheyknowthepersondoesn’tmeantheyknowtheperson.Andjustbecauseteenagersuseinternetsitestoconnecttootherpeopledoesn’tmeantheydon’tcareabouttheirprivacy.Wedon’ttelleverybodyeverysinglethingaboutourlives.Wetellthemgeneralinformation‐names,places,whatweliketodo‐butthat’sgeneralknowledge.That’snotsomethingyouliketokeepprivate‐‐“Oh,Iplaygames.Ibetternottellanybodyaboutthat.”Imean‐‐that’snotsomethingthatwedo.Sotogoaheadandsaythatteenagersdon’tlikeprivacyisprettyignorantandinconsideratehonestly,Ibelieve,ontheadult’spart.There’sawidespreadmyththatAmericanteenagersdon’tcareaboutprivacy.Thelogicissimple:WhyelsewouldteenagerssharesomuchonFacebookandTwitterandYouTube?2Thereislittledoubtthatmany–butnotall–Americanteenshaveembracedmanypopularsocialmediaservices.3Andthereislittledoubtthatthosewhohavearepostingphotos,sharinglinks,updatingstatusmessages,andcommentingoneachother’sposts.4Yet,asWafflesexplainsabove,participationinsuchnetworkedpublicsdoesnotimplythattoday’steenshaverejectedprivacyasavalue.Allteenshaveasenseofprivacy,althoughtheirdefinitionsofprivacyvarywidely.Theirpracticesinnetworkedpublicsareshapedbytheirinterpretationofthesocialsituation,theirattitudestowardsprivacyandpublicity,andtheirabilitytonavigatethetechnologicalandsocialenvironment.Assuch,theydevelopintricate

1Thenamesusedinthisarticlearepseudonyms.Somewerechosenbytheparticipantsthemselves;otherswerechosenbytheauthorstoreflectsimilargenderandethnicrootsasareembeddedintheparticipants’givennames.Allidentifyinginformationinteens’quoteshasbeenalteredtomaintainconfidentiality.2A2008HarrisInteractive/CTIAsurveyaboutteens’relationshiptotheirmobilewaspublicizedasindicatingthatkidsdon’tcareaboutprivacybecauseonly41%indicatedthattheywereconcernedaboutprivacyandsecurityissueswhenusingtheirmobile:http://files.ctia.org/pdf/HI_TeenMobileStudy_ResearchReport.pdfIn2010,ChrisJayHoofnagle,JenniferKing,SuLi,andJosephTurowfoundthatyoungpeople’sattitudesaboutprivacyparalleladults’attitudes,buttheirskillsinmanagingprivacyonlineareoftenlacking.3AsofSeptember2009,thePewInternetandAmericanLifeProjectfoundthat73%ofAmericanteensages12‐17useasocialnetworksite;only8%ofteensintheirsampleusedTwitter.SeeLenhartet.al.2010.4Ofteenswhoareonsocialnetworksites,Pewfoundthat86%commentonfriends’posts.Theyalsofoundthat38%ofteensages12‐17sharedcontentonline;14%keepablog.SeeLenhartet.al.2010.

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strategiestoachieveprivacygoals.Theirpracticesdemonstrateprivacyasasocialnormthatisachievedthroughawidearrayofsocialpracticesconfiguredbystructuralconditions.Howteensapproachprivacychallengesthewaysinwhichprivacyiscurrentlyconceptualized,discussed,andregulated.Thispaperexamineshowteensunderstandprivacyandwhatstrategiestheytakeintheireffortstoachievesocialprivacy.Wedescribebothteens’practicesandthestructuralconditionsinwhichtheyareembedded,highlightingthewaysinwhichprivacy,asitplaysoutineverydaylife,isrelatedmoretoagencyandtheabilitytocontrolasocialsituationthanparticularpropertiesofinformation.Finally,wediscusstheimplicationsofteens’practices,revealingtheimportanceofsocialnormsasaregulatoryforce.Thedatausedinthispapercomefromethnographicfieldworkcollectedacross20differentU.S.statesfrom2006‐2010.Inadditiontobothonlineandofflineparticipantobservation,weconducted16390‐minutesemi‐structuredinterviews.5Westrategicallyworkedtosampleacrossgender,race,ethnicity,religion,age,socio‐economicbackground,politicalbackground,andschoolengagementlevel.Alloftheteensthatweinterviewedwereinhighschoolorhadrecentlydroppedoutofhighschool.Weusedajudgmentsampletoelicitdiverseperspectivesratherthanattemptingtoobtainarepresentativesample.Privacywasthecentraltopicof58interviewsconductedinNorthCarolina,Massachusetts,Tennessee,andWashingtonDCin2010.Whilewedrawfromtheexperiencesofalltheteensweinterviewed,thevoicesofinformantsfromtheseregionsareoverrepresentedinthediscussion.WhatisPrivacy?Privacyisafraughtconcept,withnoclearagreed‐upondefinition.Philosophersandlegalscholarshaveworkeddiligentlytoconceptuallylocateprivacyandofferaframeworkforconsideringhowandwhenithasbeenviolated.6Yet,fundamentally,privacyisasocialconstructthatreflectsthevaluesandnormsofeverydaypeople.Howpeopleconceptualizeprivacyandlocateitintheirlifevarieswildly,5Thisethnographicprojectisanextensionoftheonedescribedindanahboyd’s2008TakenOutofContext:AmericanTeenSocialityinNetworkedPublics.Adetailedaccountofthemethodologicalproceduresisavailablethere.6Thedefinitionsofprivacyarenumerous.HelenNissenbaum(2010)relatesmultipledefinitionsofprivacyandgroupsthembasedonwhethertheyarenormativeordescriptive;emphasizeaccessvs.control;oremphasizepromotingothervaluesvs.protectingaprivaterealm.TheseincludedefinitionsfromRuthGavison(“ameasureoftheaccessothershavetoyouthroughinformation,attention,andphysicalproximity”)(68);JeffreyReiman(“theconditionunderwhichotherpeoplearedeprivedofaccesstoeithersomeinformationaboutyouorsomeexperienceofyou”)(1976,30);Westin’s“theclaimofindividuals,groups,orinstitutionstodetermineforthemselveswhen,how,andtowhatextentinformationaboutthemiscommunicatedtoothers(Westin1967,7),andAnitaAllen(whodefinesthreetypesofprivacy:physicalprivacy,informationalprivacy,andproprietaryprivacy,71).SeeNissenbaum2010forafulldiscussion.

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highlightingthatauniversalnotionofprivacyremainsenigmatic.7Whenweaskedteenstodefineprivacyforus,theircacophonousresponsesrevealthediverseapproachesthatcanbetakentounderstandprivacy.8Whilethesediscussionsdonothelptodetermineaprecisedefinitionofprivacy,howteensattempttoexplainprivacydemonstratesitsimportancetothem.Bothlegallyandphilosophically,privacyhasbeenconceptualizedasadichotomyinwhichpeopleareentitledtogreaterprivacyprotectionsinthedomesticsphereduetoitsintimateandpersonalnature.9Althoughteensrecognizethespatialdimensionofprivacy,thisdichotomydoesnotreflecttherealitiesofyoungpeople’slives.Forexample,Jabari(17,TN)arguesthatprivacyis“havingmyownspaceandnotnecessarilynothavingpeopleinvolvedinmylife,buthavingtheopportunitytobealoneortousemyspaceindividually.”Jared(17,TN)alsorecognizesthatprivacyisusuallyunderstoodintermsofspace,buthebelievesthatitisimpossibletoactuallyachievephysicalprivacybecauseeveryoneisalwaysinvadinghisspace;helivesinaone‐roomapartmentwithhisbrother,hisfather,andhisfather’sdown‐on‐his‐luckfriend.Givenfewopportunitiestoexperiencephysicalprivacy,hefocusesinsteadonwhathehascontrolover:histhoughts.“Theonlyprivacywe’vegotleftinourlivesiswhatwedon’tsayandwhatwedon’tdo,andthat’sreallywhattellsthemostaboutpeople,isnotjustthethoughtsbutwhatdotheynotwantpeopletoknow.”Inthisway,Jaredsettlesforprivacyinhisheadbecauseofhisinabilitytocontrolhisphysicalenvironment.Whenadultsthinkaboutprivacyorprivateplaces,theyoftenimaginethehomeasaprivatespace.Yet,manyoftheteensthatweinterviewedrejectedthis,highlightingthewaysinwhichhomeisnotprivateforthem.Forexample,whendanahasked14‐year‐oldLeighfromIowaifhomewasprivate,shesaid“Nottome,buttoourfamily….Mymomcomesandlooksinmyroomandstuff.”Heather,a16‐year‐oldfromIowa,wentfurther.“Becausetherearealotofthingsthatmymomdoesthatmakemefeellikeit’snotprivate.Icanbetakingashowerandshe’llcomein,gotothebathroom,andleave.Shehasnorespectformypersonalprivacy.Icanbesittingonthecomputertalkingtoafriendandshe’llbereadingovermyshoulderandIdon’twantherto.That’snotreallyprivatetome.PrivateiskindoflikeaplacewhereIcankindofgoandjustbebymyselfandnothavetoworryaboutanyonedoinganything.”WhendanahaskedHeatherforanexampleofaprivateplace,shelistedPaneraBread,arestaurantwheresheworkspart‐time.“Mycoworkers,they’llcomeandtalktomebutIstillhavemyalonetime.I’msittingtherebymyself.IfI’mlisteningtomymusicanddoingmyhomeworkit’sjustkindofalonetime.I’mrelaxed.”Theabsenceof

7Anthropologistshavefoundwildvariationsinhowdifferentcommunitiesunderstandandprioritizeprivacy.JohnL.Locke’sEavesdropping:AnIntimateHistory(2010)weavestogethermanyofthesedifferentaccounts.8Teensarenotaloneinhavingdiverseviewsaboutwhatconstitutesprivacy.DiverseadultperspectivesarewelldocumentedinChristenaNippert‐Eng’sIslandsofPrivacy(2010).9Allen1999;Nissenbaum2010,94;Strandburg2011

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parentsisregularlyakeyfactorforteenstofeelasthoughtheyhaveprivacy.Forexample,17‐year‐oldSamfromIowatolddanahthathisprivateplacesare“Inmycaroratafriend’shouseorsomething.I’mdefinitelynotworriedaboutitbecausetheyarenotmyparents,so,I’malittlemoreopen.”Whenteensexplainwheretheycanseekprivacy,theyfocusmoreonwhoispresentthantheparticularconfigurationsofthespace.Accessisakeypartofmanydefinitionsofprivacy;forexample,RuthGavisonwritesthat“privacyisalimitationofothers’accesstoanindividual”andthat“alossofprivacyoccursasothersobtaininformationaboutanindividual,payattentiontohim,orgainaccesstohim.”10Boundariestoaccessalsoplayanimportantroleinhowsometeensunderstandprivacy.Forexample,Jeromy(14,DC)saysthatprivacyis“whenyou'retryingtokeepsomethingfromtheworldoryourselforpeoplethatyoudon'tlike.”Inlistingoffdifferentexamplesofwhoshouldn’thaveaccesstocertaininformation,Jeromyleavesroomtoshare.Likewise,Meixing(17,NC)suggeststhatprivacyinvolves“certainthoughtsorideasthatyoukeeponlytoyourself,ormaybesomeoneelsethatisclosetoyou,butit’srelativelyconfidential.”Bothoftheirapproachestoprivacyhighlighthowprivacyisn’tsimplybinary–accessornoaccess–but,rather,controloverhowinformationflowsor,inotherwords,controloverthesocialsituation.Maintainingcontrolisn’tnecessarilyaboutstructuralconstraints.Forexample,Miguel(17,NC)arguesthatprivacyis“forsomeonetorespectwhatyoudo.”Taylor(15,MA)takesthisonestepfurtherbysayingthatprivacyis“therightyouhavetokeepingpersonalthingsprivate.”Byusingthelanguageofrights,Taylormakesitclearthatprivacyextendsbeyondtheindividual.Whatshe’sarguingforistheimportanceofsocialnormsasaregulatoryforce.InhisseminalbookCodeandOtherLawsofCyberspace,LarryLessigarguedthatfourconstraintsserveregulatorypurposesinsociety:thelaw,socialnorms,themarket,andarchitecture(or“code”inthecaseofdigitalenvironments).11Eachofthesefourmodesofregulationplayaroleinprivacy,butwhenitcomestoprivacyinnetworkedpublics,socialnormsareoftendownplayed.Somescholarsfocusontherolethatthelawshouldplayinregulatingprivacyinthesenewenvironments.12Otherslamentthemarket’sincentivesforerodingprivacy.13Stillothershighlighthowtechnology’scodecanbeusedbothtodestroyprivacyandtoprotectprivacy.14Whensocialnormsareinvoked,it’susuallytojustifyapproachesmadebyother

10Gavison1980,p.421.11Lessig,Lawrence.(2006).Code:Version2.0.NewYork:BasicBooks.Page123.12Regan,P.(1995).LegislatingPrivacy.ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress13Cohen,J.E.(2003).DRMandprivacy.CommunicationsoftheACM,46,46–49;Solove,D.J.(2004).Thedigitalperson:Technologyandprivacyintheinformationage.NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress.14Zimmer,Michael.(2007).TheQuestforthePerfectSearchEngine:Values,TechnicalDesign,andtheFlowofPersonalInformationinSpheresofMobility(PhDDissertation,DepartmentofMedia,Culture,andCommunication).NewYorkUniversity,NewYork.

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regulatoryforces.Forexample,whentechnologyexecutiveslikeFacebook’sMarkZuckerbergorGoogle’sEricSchmidtsuggestthatprivacyisdisappearingasasocialnorm,theyareusingthistojustifytheincreasedpublicityofpeople’sdataontheirservices.15Suchincidentsprovokepeopletorespondbyclaimingthatthatthesocialnormsaren’tchanging,andthatprivacystillmatters.Ofcourse,socialnormsareinherentlyunstableandconstantlyevolving;theyvarywidelyandaredifficulttopindown.Socialnormsarerevealedwhenpeopletalkaboutissues,andwhentheircomplexpracticesandattitudesaremadevisible.Whenitcomestoprivacy,socialnormsareevolving,butnotdisappearing,evenaspublicfiguresattempttodownplayordiminishtheirpowerasaregulatoryforce.Teenagersareespeciallyweddedtosocialnormsastheonlyregulatoryforcetheyfeelempoweredtoshape.Thisbegsacriticalquestion:inlightofthepowerfulpositionsofthemarket,thelaw,andthearchitecture,howcansocialnormsserveasapowerfulregulatoryforcewhenitcomestoprivacy?Whentryingtolocateprivacy,youngpeoplecirclearoundthetropesthatadultsusetodiscussprivacy.Theyspeakofsecretsandtrust,andhighlightparticularspacesasmoreorlessprivate.Throughouttheseconversations,teensconsistentlycomebacktotheimportanceofcontrolandpersonalagency.Theybelievethatprivacyhastodowiththeirabilitytocontrolasocialsituation,howinformationflows,andwhenandwheretheycanbeobservedbyothers.Unfortunately,teensoftenstruggletoassertcontroloversituations,particularlywhentechnologyusurpstheircontrolorwhentheiragencyisundermined.Moreoftenthannot,teensacknowledgethislackofcontrolwhenpeoplewhoholdpoweroverthem–e.g.theirparents–insistonviolatingboundariesthatteenscreateorsocialnormsthattheydeclare.Thereinliesthekeyhypocrisysurroundingteensandprivacy.Alongsideadults’complaintsthatteensdon’tcareaboutprivacywhenitcomestoonlineactivitiesisanongoingbeliefthatteensdonothavetherighttoprivacywhenitcomestotheirphysicalspaces–or,inmanycases,theironlineactivities.16Parentsoftenusetheaccessibilityofteens’onlinevocalizationsasjustificationforviolatingteens’privacy.In2006,17‐year‐oldBlyLauritano‐WernerfromMainecreatedaYouthRadioepisodetohighlightthishypocrisy.Init,sheargued“Mymomalwaysusestheexcuseabouttheinternetbeing‘public’whenshedefendsherself.It'snotlikeIdoanythingtobeashamedof,butagirlneedsherprivacy.IdoonlinejournalssoIcancommunicate

15SeeEsguerra,R.(2009).GoogleCEOEricSchmidtDismissestheImportanceofPrivacy.ElectronicFrontierFoundation.Retrievedfromhttps://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2009/12/google‐ceo‐eric‐schmidt‐dismisses‐privacyandJohnson,B.(2010,January11).Privacynolongerasocialnorm,saysFacebookfounder.TheGuardian.London.Retrievedfromhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2010/jan/11/facebook‐privacy.16Marwick,A.,Murgia‐Diaz,D.,&Palfrey,J.(2010).Youth,privacyandreputation(literaturereview)(BerkmanCenterResearchPublicationNo.2010‐5).Boston:BerkmanCenterforInternetandSocietyatHarvardUniversity.Retrievedfromhttp://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1588163

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withmyfriends.Notsomymothercouldcatchuponthelatestgossipofmylife.”17Indoingso,Blyisarguinganage‐oldrefrain;shewantstherighttobeletalone18even–andperhapsespecially–whenshe’ssocializingwithfriends.TeenslikeBlylacktheagencytobeabletoassertsocialnormsandadultsregularlyviolateteens’understandingsofsocialdecorum.ConsiderwhathappenedinOldSaybrook,Connecticutwhenlocallawenforcementandteachersputtogetheranassemblyforstudentsonprivacy.19Tomakeapointaboutprivacy,theeducatorsputtogetheraslideshowofimagesgrabbedfromstudents’Facebookprofilesanddisplayedtheseimagestothestudentbody.Studentswerefurious.Onestudenttoldareporterthatthisstuntis“aviolationofprivacy.”Mostadultsfindthisincredulousgiventhatthecontentwasbroadlyaccessible–andthatthestudentsintheschoolhadalreadymostlikelyseenmanyoftheseimagesbecausetheycertainlyhadaccesstothem.Yet,bytakingtheimagesoutofcontext,theeducatorshadviolatedstudents’socialnormsand,thus,theirsenseofdignity,fairness,andrespect.Asonestudentexplainedtoareporter,“Ikindofthought,it’slikeifyouputitonline,anyonecanseeit,butthenatthesametime,it’slikekindofnotfairforthepoliceofficerstoputthatondisplaywithouttheirpermissionandwithoutthemknowing.”Thisincidentdoesnotrevealthatteensdon’tunderstandprivacy,butrather,thattheylacktheagencytoassertsocialnormsandexpectthatotherswillrespectthem.Thosewhohavepoweroverthem–theirparentsandthepolice–canusetheirpowertoviolateteens’norms,usingaccessibilityastheirjustification.Inthisway,adultsfurthermarginalizeyoungpeople,reinforcingthenotionthattheydonothavethesocialstatusnecessarytodeserverightsassociatedwithprivacy.Inaneraofsocialmediawhereinformationisofteneasilyaccessible,it’salltooeasytoconflateaccessibilitywithpublicity.Yet,justbecauseteensaresocializinginapublicsettingdoesn’tmeanthattheywanttobepublicfiguresnordoesitmeanthattheywanttobetheobjectofjustanyone’sgaze.What’satstakeconcernsnotjusttherighttobeinvisible,butwhohastherighttolook,forwhatpurposes,andtowhatends.Findingawaytomanageboundariesisjustoneofthechallengesthatteensfaceinnavigatingnetworkedpublicsbecauseprivacyisn’tsimplyaboutcontroloverthesocialsituation;italsorequiresenoughagencytoaffectthesesituations.Astheyenterintonetworkedpublics,teensaregrapplingwiththetensionsthatsurroundprivacyandpublicity.Theyaretryingtofindwaystohaveagencyandassertcontrolinsettingswhereboththearchitectureandtheirsocialpositionmake

17YouthRadiobroadcast“ReadingMyLiveJournal”byBlyLauritano‐Werner:http://www.youthradio.org/oldsite/society/npr060628_onlinejournal.shtml18Warren,S.D.&Brandeis,L.D.,(1890).RighttoPrivacy.HarvardLawReview,4,193.19Misur,S.(2011,April11).OldSaybrookHighSchoolmakesprivacypoint;Someperturbedwhenrealstudentsshowninsocial‐mediaslideshow.ShorelineTimes.NewHaven,CT.Retrievedfromhttp://www.shorelinetimes.com/articles/2011/04/11/news/doc4da2f3cb5caae518276953.txt

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itverydifficultforthemtocontroltheflowofinformation.Yet,inexploringstrategiesformaintainingsocialprivacyinnetworkedpublics,theyrevealhowsocialnormsareenacted.Privacyisbothasocialnormandaprocess;itisnotsomethingthatishadsomuchassomethingthatisnegotiated.Andthepracticeswhichteensengageinwhileattemptingtonegotiateprivacyshowthatthissocialconstructisnotdisappearingsimplybecausetechnologyintroducesnewhurdles.Lifein(Networked)PublicsSincetheyfirstbecamepopularin2003,teenshaveflockedtosocialnetworksitestosocializewiththeirfriends.20Socialnetworksiteshavebecomethemodern‐dayequivalentofthemallormovietheater,aplacewhereteenscanhangoutwithfriendsandrunintootherfriendsandpeers.Onewayofunderstandingsocialnetworksites–andotherpopulargenresofsocialmedia–isthroughthelensof“networkedpublics.”Networkedpublicsarepublicsthatarerestructuredbynetworkedtechnologies.Thenotionof“apublic”referstobothahighlyaccessiblespacewherewideaudiencescangather,andacollectionofpeoplewhosharewhatSoniaLivingstonedescribesas“acommonunderstandingoftheworld,asharedidentity,aclaimtoinclusiveness,aconsensusregardingthecollectiveinterest.”21BenedictAndersonarguesthatpublicscomprisedofpeoplewhodon’toccupyaspace,butratherasharedidentity,canbeunderstoodasan“imaginedcommunity.”22Assuch,apublicisnotadefinablesetofpeopleoraboundedspace,butaflexiblecategorywherepeopleconceptualizeboundariesbutdonotcontrolthem.Giventhisunderstanding,networkedpublicsaresimultaneously(1)thespaceconstructedthroughnetworkedtechnologiesand(2)theimaginedcommunitythatemergesasaresultoftheintersectionofpeople,technology,andpractice.Facebook,forexample,servesbothasanetworkedpublicitselfandasasiteuponwhichnetworkedpublicsgather.Publicsservemultiplepurposes.Theycanplayacivicfunction,servingtogatherpeopleinademocracy.23Buttheycanalsoplayasocialrole,enablingpeopletomakesenseoftheworldaroundthemandunderstandtheirrelationshiptosociety.HannahArendtarguesthat“thepresenceofotherswhoseewhatweseeandhearwhatwehearassuresusoftherealityoftheworldandourselves.”24The

20boyd,danah.2007.Whyyouth(heart)socialnetworksites:Theroleofnetworkedpublics.InYouth,identityanddigitalmedia,ed.D.Buckingham,119–142.Cambridge,MA:MITPress.21Livingstone,Sonia.2005.AudiencesandPublics:WhenCulturalEngagementMattersforthePublicSphere.Portland,OR:Intellect,9.22Anderson,Benedict.2006.ImaginedCommunities:ReflectionsontheOriginandSpreadofNationalism.Newed.NewYork:Verso.23Habermas,Jèurgen.1991.TheStructuralTransformationofthePublicSphere:AnInquiryintoaCategoryofBourgeoisSociety.Cambridge,MA:MITPress.24Arendt,Hannah.1998.TheHumanCondition.Chicago,IL:UniversityofChicagoPress,p.50

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importanceofpublicsforidentityworkandsocialconceptualizationispreciselywhyteenagersseekoutpublics.Yet,giventheirmarginalizedposition,they’reoftenostracizedfromtheverypublicsthattheywishtoenter.Manyphysicalsitesofgatheringexplicitlyorimplicitlyrestrictteenagers;teenscannotenterbarsbecausetheyareunderage,theylacktheeconomicresourcestogatherineatingestablishments,andwhenteensgatherinparkinglotsoronstreetcorners,they’reoftenaccusedofloitering.Giventhis,teensoftenseektocreatetheirownpublics;networkedpublicsare,inmanyways,teenpublics.NancyFrasernotedthatrepressedgroupsoftencreate“subalterncounterpublics”which,fromacivicengagementperspective,canbeunderstoodas"paralleldiscursivearenaswheremembersofsubordinatedsocialgroupsinventandcirculatecounterdiscoursestoformulateoppositionalinterpretationsoftheiridentities,interests,andneeds"25Inconsideringthepracticesofqueerindividuals,MichaelWarnerfoundthatcounterpublicsdonotsimplyserveacivicrole;queerindividualscreatedtheirownpublicsformultiplepurposes,includingpoliticalresistanceaswellasengaginginidentityworkandnegotiatingsocialrelations.26Thenetworked(counter)publicsthatteenscreatetendtoemphasizesociablepurposes,buttheystillservearesistantpurpose,challengingadultauthorityandnorm‐setting. Participationinnetworkedpublicshasbecomeacorepartofteenculturebecauseteensvalueopportunitiestogatherwithpeersbroadly,especiallyinsituationswheretheirinteractionsarenotheavilyconfiguredbyadults.Theystruggleforagencyinnetworkedpublics,preciselybecauseadultsareever‐presentintheirlives.Asphysicalspacesforpeersociabilityhavedisappearedorbeenrestricted,andasteenshavefoundtheiraccessstructurallyorsociallycurtailed,thevalueofmediatedspaceswhereteenscangatherhasincreased.Inchoosingwheretogo,thepresenceofpeersandfriendsisthemostimportantfactor.Iffriendsandpeersgatherinperson,teensfeeltheneedtobephysicallytheretofeelincluded.Ifthegatheringtakesplaceonline,beingonlinebecomessociallycritical.Thissentimentisarticulatedbyteensintermsofsocialexpectations:Skyler,18,CO:Ifyou'renotonMySpace,youdon'texist.Tara,16,MI:LikeeveryonesaysgetaFacebook.Youneedtogetone.Abigail,17,NC:You'reexpectedtobeonFacebook.danah:Howwouldpeoplerespondifyouweren’t?

25Fraser,Nancy.1992.“RethinkingthePublicSphere:AContributiontotheCritiqueofActuallyExistingDemocracy.”Pp.109–142inHabermasandthePublicSphere,editedbyCraigCalhoun.Cambridge,MA:TheMITPress.(page123)26Warner,Michael.2002.PublicsandCounterpublics.Cambridge,MA:MITPress.

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Abigail:Peoplewouldaskyouwhy.You'dhavetohaveagoodreason.Ifyoudidn'thaveagoodreasonpeoplewouldbelikeyou'dhavetobelike"theinternetatmyhouseisn'tworking."Butifyoudidn'thaveagoodreasonlike"I'mjustnotonit."Peoplewouldbelike"Whynot?Getonit.Makeanaccount."Youdon'thavetopayforitsoIfeellikepeoplefeelthere'sanyreasonnottobe.It'sprettymuchexpectedyou'reonFacebook.WhileteensuseFacebookandMySpaceascommunicationchannels,theyalsousethemasnetworkedpublics,relishingtheopportunitytoconnecttoabroadercommunityofpeople.Atthesametime,they’renotinterestedinconnectingtojustanyone.Throughthepublicarticulationof“Friends”onsocialnetworksites,teensconstructtheboundariesoftheirimaginedcommunity.Aswithallpublics,there’sporousnesstothisformalization.Whilesometeenshavearigidsenseofboundaries,othersrelishthepossibilityofconnectingbeyondtheirnearestanddearest;thisiswhatmotivatesthemtoengageinanetworkedpublicratherthanjustcommunicatingviatextmessagewiththeirclosefriends.Emily,a16‐year‐oldfromPennsylvania,explainstheculturallogicofthiswhenshepointsoutthatthesocialpossibilitiesofgoingtothemallormoviesarefargreaterthangoingtoafriend’shouse:“Ifyougo[out]withyourfriends,theremightbeotherpeopleyourunintothatareyourfriendstoo.Iwouldsayit’smoreofanopportunitytoseemoreofyourfriendsthanjustgoingovertoafriend’shouse.Goingovertoafriend’shouse,theremightbeonefriendormaybethree.Whereasgoingtothemall,itcanbesevenortwelve.”Thesamelogicholdsfornetworkedpublics.Teensusesocialmediatogettoknowpeoplewhoaremoreacquaintancesthanfriendsortomeetfriends‐of‐friends.Asmallminorityofteensseekoutbroaderaudiences,welcomingstrangerswhoseemtosharetheirworldview.Yet,eventeenswhowelcomebroadaudiencesdonotassumethattheyarepublicizinginformationtoallpeopleacrossallspaceandalltimewhentheyengageinnetworkedpublics.HowArchitectureInflectsPracticesWhilenetworkedpublicscanservethesamesocialrolesasotherpublics,theaffordancesofnetworkedtechnologiespresentnewchallengesthatinflectthesocialdynamicsthatplayoutinnetworkedpublics.Inparticular,fouraffordancesplayasignificantroleinreconfiguringpublicsociality:•Persistence:Digitalexpressionsareautomaticallyrecordedandarchived.•Replicability:Digitalcontentiseasilyduplicated.•Scalability:Thepotentialvisibilityofdigitalcontentisgreat.•Searchability:Digitalcontentisoftenaccessiblethroughsearchengines.

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Becauseofthesetechnicalaffordances,participationinnetworkedpublicsrequiresregularlycontendingwithdynamicsthataren’tcommonplaceineverydaylife.Forexample,althoughjournalistsareaccustomedtowritingforinvisibleaudiences,thisisnottypicallyhowpeoplerelatetootherswhenthey’resocializing.Yet,innetworkedpublics,peoplemustgrapplewithwhatitmeanstoparticipateinasocialsituationwheretheyhavenowayoffullyunderstandingwhois–andwhoisnot–observingtheirperformances.Justasjournalistsimaginetheiraudiencewhentheycraftastory,sotoomustteensimaginetheiraudiencewhenevertheypostsomethingonFacebook.Anotherdynamicthatteensmustnavigateisthecommonplacecollapsingofsocialcontexts.Whilecountlessmovieshavebeenmadeaboutsituationswherecontextscollideineverydaylife–e.g.runningintoyourexwhenoutonadate–theseareconsideredexceptionalmoments.Yet,innetworkedpublics,itisexceptionallydifficulttoseparatecontexts.Theflatteningofdiversesocialrelationshipsintoamonolithicgroupof“Friends”makesitdifficultforuserstonegotiatethenormalvariancesofself‐presentationthatoccurinday‐to‐daylife.Socialmediaparticipantsregularlylamentmomentswhereworldscollide.27Athirddynamicbroughtonbythetechnologicalaffordancescommontonetworkedpublicshastodowiththeblurringofwhatispublicandwhatisprivate.Associalconstructs,privacyandpublicityareaffectedbywhatisstructurallyfeasibleandsociallyappropriate.Inrecenthistory,privacywasoftentakenforgrantedbecausestructuralconditionsmadeiteasiertonotsharethantoshare.Socialmediahaschangedtheequation.Inunmediatedinteractions,weassumeacertainamountofprivacysimplybecauseittakesefforttopublicizeinteractions.Whenweshareupdatesaboutourlivesovercoffee,wedon’texpectourinterlocutorstosharethemwidely,because1)wedon’tbelievethatsaidinformationisinterestingenoughtobespreadwidely;2)it’sdifficulttodisseminatesocialinformationtoalargeaudienceinface‐to‐facecontexts;and3)recordingaconversationorsharingeverydetailofaninteractionwouldviolatebothsocialnormsandthetrustassumedinarelationship.Ifwedobelievethatourinterlocutormightbeinterestedinsharingwhatwesaid,weexplicitlystatethattheinteractionisprivateandexpectthesocialnormsaroundtheconversationtotriumph.28Andifourinterlocutorwantstopublicizeeverydetail,itisassumedthatthisintentionwillbeannounced(e.g.,ajournalistinterviewinganexpert).Furthermore,peoplewhoarelikelytoshareasmuchastheycanrememberareoftenlabeledas“gossips”–oftenbecausetheyinitiallyviolatedthesocialnormsaroundsharingandarenolongertrusted.Everydaysocialdynamicsarepredicated

27Marwick,Alice,anddanahboyd.2011.“Itweethonestly,Itweetpassionately:Twitterusers,contextcollapse,andtheimaginedaudience.”NewMedia&Society13(1):114‐133.28Thisdoesnotmeanthatsuchviolationsneveroccur.LindaTripp’srecordingsofMonicaLewinskyconfidinginherareanexampleofhowviolationsdooccur.

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onthenotionthatmostinteractionsareprivate‐by‐default,public‐through‐effort.Thedefaultisprivate,notbecauseitneedstobebutbecauseeffortisrequiredtoactuallymakethingsvisible.Withsocialmedia,theoppositeisassumed.Theveryactofparticipationinnetworkedpublicsmakescontentwidelyavailabletomanyinterestedparties,effectivelytherelevant“public.”Ratherthanchoosingwhattoincludeorwhattopublicize,mostteensthinkaboutwhattoexclude.Theyacceptthepublicnatureofinformation,whichmightnothavebeenhistoricallyshared(perhapsbecauseitwastoomundane),buttheycarefullyanalyzewhatshouldn’tbeshared.Disclosureisthedefaultbecauseparticipation–and,indeed,presence–ispredicatedonit.Technologymaynotberadicallyalteringteens’desires,butitdoescomplicatehowtheynavigateprivacy.Considerhow17‐year‐oldAliciafromNorthCarolinaunderstandsprivacywithrespecttoFacebook:“Ijustthinkthat[technologyis]justredefiningwhat’sacceptableforpeopletoputoutaboutthemselves.I’vegrownupwithtechnologysoIdon’tknowhowitwasbeforethisboomofsocialnetworking.Butitjustseemslikeinsteadofspendingallofourtimetalkingtootherindividualpeopleandsharingthingsthatwouldseemprivate,wejustspendallofourtimeputtingitinonemoduleofcommunicationwherepeoplecangoandaccessitiftheywantto.Soit’sjustmoreconvenient.Ithinkthattheadultsthinkthataboutprivacybecausewhentheyseepicturesbeingputuporthingstheyneverhadthatability.Sowhentheysee[ourphotoalbums]orwhentheyseeconversationsonFacebookwalltowall,theythinkthatit’sthishugebreachofprivacyandyourpersonalideasorwhatever...LikeIsaidearlier,therearethingsyoushouldn’tputuporyoushouldn’tsay.ButIthinkprivacyismorejustyouchoosingwhatyouwanttokeeptoyourself....AndsoIdon’tthinkthatFacebookisviolatingprivacy.Ithinkit’slettingpeoplechoosehowtheywanttodefineprivacy.”Aliciarecognizesthathowsheapproachessharingisdifferentfromthosewhogrewupinanearlierera;shealsorecognizesthatthisisrootedintechnologicalaffordances.HowsheapproachesnavigatingprivacyinFacebookalsodemonstratesthatthenatureofprivacyandpublicityinpubliclifeisshifting.Ratherthanseeingprivacyasthedefault,Aliciaseesprivacyasaconsciouschoice.Inherinteractionsonline,sheassumesthatFacebookispublic‐by‐default,private‐through‐effort.Shehighlightshowthismodelofprivacyislocatedinanotherchange,facilitatedbytheaffordancesofFacebook,asherpeersmovefromsharingdirectlytosharingabstractly.Inotherwords,whatFacebookenablesistheabilityforuserstoshareinformationforotherstoconsumewhenandasappropriate–understoodintechnologycirclesas“pull”–asopposedtohavingtodirectlytargetspecificpeople,or“push.”Apublic‐by‐defaultenvironmentdoesn’tjustreconfigurehowprivacyismanaged,buttheverynatureanddynamicofsharing.

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Theaffordancesofnetworkedpublicsshapesocialdynamics,buttheydonotdeterminethem.Howteensnegotiateprivacyinnetworkedpublicsvariestremendously,shapednotonlybytheunderlyingarchitectureofthesoftware,butalsoyoungpeople’spersonalvaluesandsocialnormsthatsurroundthem.VariationsinPrivacyNormsandPracticesEventhoughalltheteensweinterviewedexpressedanappreciationforprivacyatsomelevel,theydidnotshareauniformsetofvaluesaboutprivacyandpublicity.Justassometeenagersareextrovertedandsomeintroverted,someteensaremoreexhibitionistandsomearemoresecretive.Variationsamongindividualsareshapedbylocalsocialnorms;sharingisvieweddifferentlyindifferentfriendgroups,schools,andcommunities.There’salsoagenderedcomponenttoit,withteenshavingdifferentideasofwhatisappropriatetosharethatmaptostereotypicalunderstandingsofmaleandfemaleemotionalbehavior.When17‐year‐oldManuemphasizesthathe’s“notthatkindofperson,”he’salsoenactingfairlywidespreadnormsofmasculinity:danah:Whenyoubrokeupwithyourgirlfriend,didyouwriteanythingaboutitonFacebook?Manu,17,NC:No.I’mlike‐‐I’mnotthatkindofperson‐‐IfinditreallyweirdtohavemyemotionsoranythingonFacebookorTwitter,andit’sjust‐‐Idon’tdostuff‐‐Iknowotherpeopledo,butIfeellikeI’llgetjudgedorjust‐‐I’mnotthatkindofpersontoletstuffoutlikethat.Idon’tdostatuses,actually,either.Privacymustbecontextualized.Teenunderstandingsofprivacyandhowtheycarrytheseoutvariesbyindividual,bycommunity,bysituation,byrole,andbyinteraction.Inotherwords,privacy–andthenormssurroundingprivacy–cannotbedivorcedfromcontext.29Whenteensshareinformationaboutthemselves,therebyincreasingtheirexposure,theydosobecausetheygainsomethingfrombeingvisible.Thereisalwaysatrade‐off,asteensaccountforwhattheymightgainandwhattheymightloseandhowsuchcost‐benefitanalysesfitintotheirownmentalmodelsofriskandreward.Thus,whenteensarenegotiatingprivacy,theyaren’tsimplythinkingabouta“loss”;they’reconsideringwhattheymightgainfromrevealingthemselves.ConsiderthewordsofMeixing,abubbly17‐year‐oldfromTennesseewhosharesextensivelyonFacebook:Meixing,17,TN:MostofthetimeI’maprettyextrovertedpersonsoIsharealotofthingswithpeopleanyways...danah:Thatmeansyoudon’tcareaboutprivacy?29Nissenbaum2010.

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Meixing:ImeanIdocareaboutprivacy,butifIfoundsomeonethatIcouldtrustthenmyfirstinstinctwouldbetosharestuffwiththatperson.Forexample,Ithink,likemylastboyfriendandIwewerereallycloseandthenwehadeachother’spasswordstoFacebookandtoemailsandstuff.AndsoifIwouldgetsomethingthatIdidn’tknowaboutthenhewouldnotifymeandlookovermystuff…Itmademefeelsaferjustbecausesomeonewastheretohelpmeoutandstuff.Itmademefeelmoreconnectedandlesslonely.BecauseIfeellikeFacebooksometimesiskindoflikealonelysport,Ifeel,becauseyou’rekindofsittingthereandyou’relookingatpeoplebyyourself.Butifsomeoneelseknowsyourpasswordandstuffitjustfeelsbetter.Meixingishighlightingthetrade‐offsthatshefaceswhenshe’sthinkingaboutprivacy.Ononehand,shecaresaboutprivacy,butshe’swillingtoexposeherselfinintimatesituationsbecauseitmakesherfeelmoreconnected.Herbarrierstosharingarerootedinhersenseoftrust.She’snotwillingtoexposeherselftojustanyone;shesharesbothbecauseandasasignalthatshetrustssomeone.Trustisaverysignificantissueforteenagersanditregularlyemergesindiscussionsaboutprivacy.Manyteensaren’tconfidentthattheycantrustthosearoundthem,eventheirclosestfriends.Alltoooften,teensusetheinformationthattheygatheraboutothersto“startdrama,”performinggossipandsocialconflictforawideaudienceonsocialmedia.30Thismakessometeensverynervousaboutsharing,evenwiththeirclosestfriends.Taylor,a15‐year‐oldinMassachusetts,questionsthemotivationsbehindherfriends’decisionstoinvadeherprivacy.Taylor,15,MA:SoIusuallygivepeoplethelightversionbecauseIdon’twanttheminmybusinessandIreallydon’tthinkthattheyhaveanyrighttobeinmybusiness.danah:Whydotheythinktheyhavearight?Taylor:Becausethey’remyfriends,sotheyputthemselvesinmybusinesssometimes,sotheythinkthattheyshouldbetheretohelpmeandprotectmewiththingsbutIcandealwithitmyself.Taylordoesn’twantherfriends“inherbusiness”becauseshe’sworriedthatshe’lllosecontrol,soshepurposelyavoidssharinganythingthatispersonalorintimate.Butthisdoesn’tstopherfromsharingaltogether.Aphotographer,sheregularlyuploadsherworktoFacebookpreciselybecauseshewantsfeedbackandpublicvalidation.Taylor,15,MA:[Acomment]givesmeinputanditmakesmefeelgood.…Evenifit’snegativeI’dprobablylikeitasacomment.It’sjustlikeamessageismorepersonal,whichIappreciate,butwhenpeoplecanseethattheylikemywork,IlikeitwhenpeoplecanseethatotherpeoplelikeitbecauseIdon’tknow,Ijustlikegettinglotsofcommentsononepictureandseeingpeoplereadthem.

30Marwick,Aliceandboyd,danah.(2011).“TheDrama!Teens,GossipandCelebrity.”PopularCultureAssociation/AmericanCultureAssociationAnnualMeeting,SanAntonio,TX,April20‐24.

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Inchoosingtoshareherphotographsbutnotherpersonalthoughts,Tayloristryingtoassertcontrol,therebyenactingprivacybyselectingwhatshouldandshouldnotbeshared.Sheisnotaloneinthisapproach.Manyteenswhoseeminglysharealotonlineareactuallyconsciouslylimitingwhatisavailable.ConsiderAbigail’sperspective:Abigail,17,NC:IactuallyknoweverybodyI'mfriendswith[onFacebook]...ButI'mnotgoodfriendswitheverybodyonFacebook.ThepeoplethatIgotoschoolwithIknowIknowwhatthey'redoing.That'swhyI'mfriendswiththemonFacebookbuttheydon'tneedtoknowwhatI'mexactlydoingtoday.I'meatingbreakfast,thenI'mgoingtoswimpractice,thenI'mdoingmyhistoryhomework,thenI'mgoingtodothis.Theydon'tneedtoknowallthat.Icanjustputanoverviewlike"Practice,homework,thenAllie's,"orsomething.Idon'tneedtosayexactlyeverythingI'mdoingattimesandstuff.Theaffordancesofnetworkedpublicsthatmakewidespreadsharingpossiblealsomotivateteenstousemoreprivatechannelsofcommunication–liketextmessagingorFacebookchat–todiscussthingsthatareembarrassingorupsetting,intimateorself‐exposing.Althoughmostteensarequiteconsciousaboutwhattheychoosetoshare,theydon’talwayshavecompletecontroloverwhatothersshareaboutthem.Facebook,Flickrandothersocialmediasitesletuserstagpicturesofotherusers,whileTwittercreatesaffiliationsbetweenusersthrough@replies.InNorthCarolina,17‐year‐oldJacquelynfindsit“weird”andembarrassingthathermotherregularlypostspicturesofheronFacebook.Whileshe’suncomfortablewithhermothersharingphotosofher,shealsounderstandstheimpulse.“Iguessasaparent,it’sdifferentthanbeingateenagerbecausewe’reherkidssoshewantstoshowallhercollegefriendsandhighschoolfriendswhatwe’reuptobecauseobviously,we’renotgoingtofriendherhighschoolfriendsbecausewedon’tknowthem.Itmakessense,Iguess.Idon’tknow.”Intryingtonavigateprivacy,teensmustnotonlycontendwithwhattheychoosetoshare,butwhatotherschoosetoshareaboutthem.Whilenetworkedprivacyisnotuniquetonetworkedpublics,theaffordancesofnetworkedpublicsmagnifythisissue,reifyingthepublic‐by‐defaultnatureofsuchenvironments.Thosewhoaremoreinclinedtoshareoftenexpectthosewhodon’twantinformationsharedtospeakup.Abigail,forexample,postsallphotosfromhercameratoFacebookbecauseit’seasierforherthanfiltering.Shegoesthroughherphotoalbumsandtagsthephotoswithherfriends’names,deletinganyphotosthatareblurry.Mostofthepicturessheputsuphavemultiplepeopleinthem,soshe’snotinclinedtodeletethem,butunderstandsifherfriendsuntagthemselves.Ifafriendis“reallybothered”byaphotoandcomplaintoherdirectly,she’lldeleteit.Theassumption

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inAbigail’sfriendgroupisthatcontentispublic‐by‐default.Suchasettingforcesteenstomakeaconsciouschoiceaboutwhattoobscure,ratherthanwhattopublicize.Thepublic‐by‐defaultnatureofnetworkedpublicsisespeciallyacuteonFacebookandTwitterbecauseoftherolethatsocialstreamsplayinthoseenvironments.Facebook’snewsfeedbroadcastsbothimplicitactions(e.g.,abrokenheartwhentwopeoplestopbeing“inarelationship”)andsharedcontent(e.g.,newlyuploadedphotographs).ThenewsfeedandTwitter’sstreamarecentraltothosesitesandthefirstthingthatmostparticipantsseewhentheylogin.WhileFacebook’snewsfeedwascontroversialwhenitfirstlaunched,31it’snowafundamentalpartofFacebook’sarchitecture.Teensshareupdatestobeseenbytheirfriends,buttheyalsorecognizethatnoteverythingsharedthroughthismechanismisactuallyseenbytheirfriends.Whilesometeensexpecttheirfriendstoreadeveryupdateandpicturethattheypost,othersseethepublic‐by‐defaultdynamicasanopportunitytoreduceexpectations.ConsiderwhyVicki,a15‐year‐oldfromGeorgia,postsstatusupdatesinlieuofsendingprivatemessages:Vicki,15,GA:Becauseastatusupdate,everybodycanread.Like,everybodywhowantstoreaditcanreadit,butthey’renotobligatedtoreadit.Like,whenyousendamessage,it’s,“Ohmygosh,thispersonsentmeamessage.NowIhavetoreadthis.”But,whenit’sanupdate,it’s,like,ifIdon’twanttoreadyourstatus,I’mnotgoingtoreadyours.ButI’mgoingtoreadthenextperson’s,like,ifIwanttoreadtheirs.Youdon’thavetolookatitifyoudon’twantto.Contentthatispubliclyaccessibleisnotnecessarilyuniversallyconsumed.Likewise,informationthatispubliclyaccessibleisnotnecessarilyintendedtobeconsumedbyjustanyone.Whileteensmaybenegotiatingprivacyinapublic‐by‐defaultenvironment,socialnormsalsoserveacriticalroleinhowteensdoboundarywork.BoundaryWorkTraditionally,realmsof“private”and“public”havebeenbuiltuponasetofdichotomiesanddivisions,whethertheybespatial(workplace,home),temporal(“on”or“off”theclock),orobject‐related(workBlackBerryorparent’scar).Thesedistinctionsmustbereinforcedandre‐inscribedthroughaseriesofprocesses,whichMichèleLamontandVirágMolnárrefertoas“boundarywork.”32Boundary

31boyd,danah.2008.“Facebook’sPrivacyTrainwreck:Exposure,invasion,andsocialconvergence.”Convergence:TheInternationalJournalofResearchintoNewMediaTechnologies14(1):13–20.32Lamont,M.,andV.Molnar.2002.“Thestudyofboundariesinthesocialsciences.”AnnualReviewofSociology167–196.ChristenaNippert‐Engextendedthisnotionofboundaryworktoindividual’sboundariesaroundprivacy.SeeNippert‐Eng2010pp.10‐14.

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workcreatessymbolicdistinctionsbetweenobjects,people,practices,andarchitectures—ateen’scaris“private”yettheirparent’sis“public.” Creating,maintaining,andmanagingboundariesisdifficultandrequiresvariousinterpretivestrategies,traditions,anddistinctionstoachieve.Teensattempttoachievesocialprivacythroughavarietyofstrategies,demonstratinghowtheyunderstandarchitecture,assertnorms,andattempttobringtheirdefinitionofprivacyintoexistence.Definingandinscribingboundariesisonewaytoregulateasetofspacesthatdonotfitneatlyintocategoriesof“public”or“private.”Whetherthesetechniquesaresuccessful,problematic,orboth,theydemonstratethewaysthatteenagersareengaginginboundaryworkbynecessity.Themostcommonwayinwhichteenstrytodelineateboundariesisthroughtheassertionofsocialnorms.Teenshaveanimplicitunderstandingaboutwhoshouldandshouldnotbepresentintheirsocialspaces.WhenMySpacewasthedominantsocialnetworksite,teenswouldregularlyvoicefrustrationwithadultswhodidn’tseemtounderstandthatMySpacewas“myspace.”Inotherwords,teenswereemphaticthatparentsandotheradultsweresupposedtoknowthattheyweren’twelcome.Manyyoungpeoplefeltthattherewasanimplicit“keepout”signonMySpace,meanttosignalthatadultsweren’twelcome.Toreinforcethis,teensfocusedonexplicitlyarticulatingwhotheyimaginedaspartoftheirnetworkedpublicthroughthepublicarticulationof“Friends.”33Teensdisplayedtheirclosestfriendsthroughthe“Top8”list,whichappearedoneveryMySpaceprofileandindicatedaffiliationsandsocialcontext.Inthisway,theywrotetheirintendedaudienceintobeingsothatitcouldserveasasignaltoanywhohappenedacrosstheirprofile.Yet,evenparentswhomightrespectsuchasignonabedroomdoor,oftenfailedtorecognizeorrespectsuchsignalsonline.Inotherwords,evenasteensweretryingtoassertsocialnorms,theireffortswereignored;someadultsfailtorecognizethecuesthatyoutharesignalingwhileothersjudgeteens’practicesontheirownterms,refusingtorecognizeteens’agency.Associalnetworksitesbecamemorewidespread–andasadultsstartedusingFacebookandMySpaceforreasonsotherthansurveillingtheirchildren–someteensstartedacceptingthepresenceoftheiradults,whileothersfounditawkward.WhenIaskedAartihowshefeltabouthermotherlookingatherFacebookprofile,shesaid:Aarti,17,NC:Iguessit’snotthatbad,becauseIwouldn’treallydoanythingbad,butit’skindofannoying.But,youknow,she’slooking....Ithinkit’sjustweird.Becausemymom‐‐IjustthinkFacebookisformyfriends,andnotmymom.

33boyd,danah(2006)."Friends,Friendsters,andMySpaceTop8:WritingCommunityIntoBeingonSocialNetworkSites."FirstMonday,11(12).

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Aarti’smessagehighlightshowprivacyandboundaryworkcometogether.PrivacyforAartiisaboutcontrollingthesocialsituation,notabouthidingthingsfromhermother.DanielSolovecallsthisthe“nothingtohide”modelofprivacyandvociferouslyarguesthatprivacyisalargervaluewhich“allowspeoplefreedomfromtheintrusivenessofothers.”34Nevertheless,theprevalenceofthisview—thatyouonlyneedprivacyifyou’redoingsomethingyoushouldn’t—leadsmanyteens,whentalkingabouttheirdesireforprivacy,todisclaimthatthattheyaren’tbeing“bad.”Aarti’sdesireforprivacyfromhermotherisn’trootedinherfeelingsofneedingtohide,butratherherdesiretohavecontroloverthesocialsituation.AartifeelsasthoughhermothershouldunderstandthatFacebookisn’tmeantforher.Likewise,whenIaskedChantelleabouthowshe’dfeelifherteacherslookedatherprofile,shesaid:Chantelle,15,DC:I’dbelike‘Whyaretheyonmypage?’Iwouldn’tgotomyteacher’spageandlookattheirstuff,sowhyshouldtheygoonminetolookatmystuff?...Imean,they’renotgoingtofindnothing.Whattheseteensaretryingtovocalizeisthatsocialnetworksitesshouldhaveunderstoodboundaries,drivenbyacollectiveunderstandingofsocialcontexts.Yet,online,teensareregularlyfacing“collapsedcontexts”asfriendshipandfamily,schoolandhomecollide.35Teensstruggletomanagethesedifferentcontextssimultaneously,buttheyrecognizethatdifferentcontextstypicallyinvolvedifferentself‐presentations.Carmen,17,MA:Atleastwithme,youactdifferentlyarounddifferentpeople.EveryoneIknow,theyactacertainwayaroundcertainpeople.AndsometimesyouonlywantthemtoknowthatpartofyouIguess.AndifyouhaveprivacyIthinktheyonlyseethesidethatyoushow,whereifyoudon'thaveprivacythentheyseeeverything.Youngpeoplerecognizethatprivacyisn’tauniversalvalue,butsomethingthat’srootedinanunderstandingofcontext.Theissueforthemisnotaboutwhocanphysicallyaccessthecontent,butwhoshouldbepresentwiththemandwhatissociallyappropriategiventhosepeopleandgiventhatcontext.Toreinforcethisexpectation,teensuseabroadvarietyoflinguisticandstructuralsignals.WhileearlyusersofMySpacetriedtosignalboundariesonsocialnetworksitesbycarefullychoosingwhotheyfriended,parentsoftenforcedtheirchildrenintofriendingthemasaconditionofusingtheservice,devaluingtheFriendslistasasignaloftheintendedaudience.Facebookopeneduptocollegesandhighschoolsbeforethegeneralpublic,creatingastructuralboundarythatisnowdefunct.Today,manyteensuselanguagetosignalboundaries,attemptingtoclearlymarkFacebookasaspaceforfriendsbyusingcasuallanguage,socialphotos,in‐jokes,cultural

34Solove,DanielJ.(2007).“‘I’veGotNothingtoHide’andOtherMisunderstandingsofPrivacy.”SanDiegoLawReview44:762.35Foramoredetaileddiscussionofcollapsedcontexts,seeMarwickandboyd(2011b).

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references,andotherstylesofsharingthatteensusewhentheyarewitheachother.Unfortunately,manyadultsfailtorecognizethesestrategiesassignals,insteadprojectingtheirownvaluesontoteens’practicesandjudgingteensthroughtheirworldview.Hunterisageeky14‐year‐oldlivingininnercityWashingtonDC.HismommovedfromTrinidadwhenhisolderhalf‐siblingswerequiteyoungbecausetheirfatherwasabusive.Hunter’smotherandfatherarenottogether,butHunterhasarelationshipwithhisfather,unlikehisolder(and,forthatmatter,younger)siblings.Hunterseeshimselfasverydifferentfromhissiblingsandcousins,whoheidentifiesas“ghetto.”Inhiswords,thismeans“notreallycaringaboutwhatpeoplethinkaboutyou…[notcaring]aboutbeingsmartorhavinggoodgrades…alwaysgettingintotrouble,becauseyouwanttostarttrouble,not‘causeyoucan’tavoidit.”Todescribehowhissister“became”ghetto,heexplains,“herboyfriend,hedoesn’ttreatherwell,andshehasababynow,and,everytimetheyhaveafight,shecutsoffherphone,shedisconnectsherphoneor,ifit’sdisconnected,shedoesn’twanttotalktomymom,‘Oh,I’mnotfeelingwell,’butshe’salwaysonFacebookandalwayspostingallkindsofnonsenseonFacebookwhichisoneofthethingsmymomgetssoupsetabout.”AlthoughHunterlamentsherchoices,heverymuchloveshissisterandwantsherinhislife,eventhoughhismotherworriesthatshe’sabadinfluenceonhim.Hunterfeelsconfidentaboutwhoheis–ageekwhoisproudofhisintellectualcuriosityandprowessandwhoisgratifiedtobeanhonorstudentatacompetitivehighschool.Ofcourse,healsorecognizesthatnoneofhisfamilymembers,otherthanhismom,valuehisacademicachievements,esoterictastes,orpassionforreading.OnFacebook,Hunteris“friends”withhissisterandcousinsaswellashisfriendsfromschool;thecontextcollisionsthatoccuronthesiteareaconstantsourceoftensionforHunter.Hetriestomakeitclearthatcertainstatusupdatesaremeantforcertainpeople,buthisfamilymembersregularlymissthesesignals,makingithardforhimtomanagesocialboundariesonFacebook.Hunter,14,DC:WhenI’mtalkingtomyfriendsonFacebookorIputupastatus,somethingIhateiswhenpeoplewhoI’mnotaddressinginmystatusescommentonmystatuses.In[myoldschool],peoplealwaysusedtocallmenerdyandthatIwastheleastblackblackpersonthatthey’veevermet,somepeoplesaythat,andIsaidonFacebook,“ShouldItakeoffensetothefactthatsomebodyputtheringtone“WhiteandNerdy”forme?”anditwasajoke.Iguessweweretalkingaboutitinschool,and[mysister]comesoutofnowhere,“Aw,babybro,”andI’mlike,no,don’tsaythat,Iwasn'ttalkingtoyou.danah:HowdopeopleknowwhoisbeingtalkedtowithFacebookstatusupdates?Hunter:Iguessthatisapoint.Sometimesitprobablyishard,butIthinkit’sjustthecertainwaythatyoutalk.IwilltalktomysisteradifferentwaythanI’lltalktomyfriendsatschoolorfrommyfriendsfrommyoldschool,andImightsay,“Oh,well,IfellasleepinMissK’sclassbyaccident,”andthey’llsay,“Oh,yeah,MissKissoboring,”and

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she’slike,“Oh,well,youshouldn’tfallasleep.Youshouldpayattention.”Imean,IthinkyoucanfigureoutthatI’mnottalkingtoyouifI’mtalkingaboutacertainteacher.Hunter’sstoryhighlightshowteensattempttoassertsocialnorms,andfail.Unabletomanageboundariesthroughtheassertionofsocialnorms,teensoftenbeginexperimentingwithstructuralandsocialstrategiestoachieveprivacy.StructuralStrategiesFrustratedbyhissisterandcousins’failuretounderstandwhatheperceivedasacceptablesocialnorms,Hunterdecidedtotakeadifferenttactictomanagethecollapsingofcontexts–hestartedtouseFacebook’sblockingfeatureasawaytodirectlylimittheirparticipation.Forexample,hiscousinsmakefunofhispreferenceforPokémonorLegendsofZeldaovershootergames.Sowhenhepostsaboutvideogames,heexplicitlyblockshiscousinssothattheywon’tpostnegativecommentsabouthisenthusiasmsthathewouldfind“embarrassing.”Byexplicitlyblockingpeople,hecansegmenthisaudiences.Buthealsoknowsthatthisisnotfoolproofandthat,ifhiscousinsweretofindout,theywouldbequiteupset.Inhismind,hisonlyotheralternativesaretode‐friendthemordeletetheircontent;neitherapproachesappealtohim,sohe’shopingthattheywon’taccidentallyseethathe’spostingcontentthattheycan’tsee.Thesocialpressureagainstde‐friendingisacutetothepointwhereteenswillengageinelaboratestrategiestoavoidit.Facebookhasnumeroustechnicalfeaturesthatcanbeusedtosegmentaudiencesandlimitthevisibilityofinformation.Whileteenagersdousethesefeatures36,theyoftenhavemixedunderstandingsandfaithinthem.Ononehand,teensgenerallybelievethattheycanuseFacebook’sprivacysettingstokeepstrangers–or“creepers”–out;thisisoftenwhatmotivatesthemtoactivelyconfiguretheirsettingsinthefirstplace.Ofcourse,asBrandimarte,Acquisti,andLoewensteinhavenoted,this“illusionofcontrol”iswhatmotivatesFacebookuserstosharemorewiththeserviceinthefirstplace;usersbelievethattheyhavekeptstrangersoutwhileremainingunawareofwhoelsemighthaveaccesstothatdata(suchasFacebookthemselves).37Whileteensgenerallydonotaccountforinvisiblethirdparties,theydoaccountforeavesdroppersandgossipmongers.Fromthisperspective,mostyoungpeoplearenotconvincedthatFacebook’sprivacysettingswillactuallyhelpthemcontrolhowinformationflows.Aseavesdroppersthemselves,they’vewitnessedcontentleakingwhensomeone’sfriendpostsaresponseorreferencesapost.Andthey’refullyawarethatfriendsandparentsare

36boyd,danahandEszterHargittai(2010)."FacebookPrivacySettings:WhoCares?"FirstMonday15(8).37Brandimarte,L.,Acquisti,A.,andLoewenstein,G.(inreview)"PrivacyConcernsandInformationDisclosure:AnIllusionofControlHypothesis."

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lookingoverpeople’sshoulders,accessinginformationinwaysthatcannotbecontrolledthroughFacebook’sprivacysettings.Thus,teenshavestarteddevelopinginnovativestructuralstrategiesforachievingprivacythatdon’trelyonFacebook’sprivacysettings.Oneofthemostcommonstrategiesthatbothteenagersandadultsuseistoseparatesocialcontextsbysocialtool.Forinstance,someteensusedFacebookandMySpacetotalktodifferentsocialcohorts.Forawhile,teenswouldcreateseparateMySpaceprofilesforseparatepurposes;thispracticewasrenderedobsoletebyFacebook’sinsistenceononeaccountperuserand,moreimportantly,bytherecommendedFriendsfeatureonFacebookthatregularlyouttedpeople’ssecondprofiles.Mostoftheteensweinterviewedusedmultiplecommunicationchannelsandconsideredthemashavingdifferentpurposes.Forexample,teenswouldarguethatFacebookwasmorepublic‐facing,whiletextmessagingwasmoreintimate.Thesedistinctionswerenotalwaysdrivenbythetechnicalaffordancesofthemodalitiesasmuchasthesocialpracticesthathadgrownuparoundthem.When17‐year‐oldManufromNorthCarolinaexplainedthat,“FacebookislikeyellingouttoacrowdwhileTwitterisjustliketalkinginaroom,”itwasnotbecauseTwitterisinherentlymoreprivatethanFacebook,butbecausehispeers,parentsandcommunityhadnotbroadlyadoptedit.TwitterservedamoreintimateroleforManuthanFacebook,atleastforthepresenttime.Segmentingfriendgroupsbyserviceisrelativelycommon,butthisisdifficulttomaintain,especiallygiventhedominanceofFacebookinthelivesoftheteensweinterviewed.Twoofthemoreuniquestrategieswefoundforachievingprivacyweredescribedby18‐year‐oldMikalahand17‐year‐oldShamikainWashingtonDC.Bothgirlshavelimitedliteracy,butextensivestreetsmarts.Althoughunwillingtotalktousaboutit,ShamikahadMikalah’snametattooedonherarmandherFacebookprofilemadeitclearthattheywereinarelationship.Bothgirlswereextremelycageyandnervoustotalkwithus;ShamikaopenedupmoreaboutherselfthanMikalah.ButeachdescribeduniquestrategiesfordealingwithFacebook.ToAlice,MikalahdescribedthatshedeactivatedherFacebookaccounteverydayaftershewasdonelookingatthesite.DeactivationwasintroducedbyFacebookasanalternativetodeletion;userscoulddeactivatetheircontentandforallintentsandpurposeswoulddisappearfromthesite,butiftheylaterregretteditcouldreactivetheiraccountandretrieveallofthecontent,connections,andmessages.Mikalahdidthiseveryday,whichineffectmadeitsothatherfriendscouldonlysendmessagesorleavecommentswhenshewasloggedin.Throughthismechanism,MikalahturnedFacebookintoareal‐timeservice,obliteratingboththebenefitsaswellastheconsequencesofasynchronicity.Sheknewthatadultswouldtrytolookatherprofileduringthedaytimeandshedidn’twanttobesearchable;sheregularlyhadtodealwiththestateanddidn’ttrustadults.Butshereasonably

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assumedthatmostadultswouldbelesslikelytobelookingforheratnightwhenshegotonline.Thus,ineffect,shecreatedaninvisibilitycloakforherFacebookusage–lettingherstayvisibletothosethatcouldseeherwhenshewasaroundandbeinginvisibletothepryingeyesofthoseinpowerwhowerelookingforherwhenshewasn’taround.Shamikatookadifferentapproach.Assheexplainedtodanah,shefoundthatFacebookcontributedtodramabyprovidingaplethoraofpastcommentsthatcouldbeusedagainstpeoplewheneverafriendshiporrelationshipturnedsour.Thus,shepreferredtominimizeherriskbydeletingeverycommentshereceivedaftershereadit.Furthermore,she’dwriteacommentonsomeoneelse’spageandthendeleteitthenextday,presumablyaftertheyhadseenit.Shamika’sconstantdeletionturnedFacebookintoamoreephemeralspace,destabilizingthepersistentnatureofthespace.WhileShamikafullyunderstoodthatpeoplecouldsaveherposts,shefeltthattheextrahurdlewasthedifferencebetweennormalandcreepy.Forher,thisactofdeletionmeantareductioninconflict,andshewastryingtostayoutoftroublebecauseshehadreceivedseveralschoolsuspensionsalready.Thelessinformationthatwasoutthereforjealouspeerstomisinterpret,thebetter.ForShamika,Facebookisa“lighttouch”communicationstructure,meaningthatshecancheckinwithwhat’shappeningwithhercommunitywithouthavingtohaveadeepemotionalinvestment;thisisveryimportanttoher.Butitdoesn’tneedtobepersistenttobeuseful. Whiletechnicalstrategiestolimitaccesscanbehelpful,thesetechniquesarenotfoolproof.Theaffordancesofnetworkedpublicscreateslippages.Manyteenshavestoriesofwhensomethingthoughttoberelatively“private”onFacebookleakedbeyonditsintendedcontext.Whetherduetoparentswatchingovertheshoulderorfriendscopyingandpastingstatusmessages,thetechnologiesdonotprovideaccurateindicatorsofwhatisvisibletowhom,highlightinghowcontrollingaccessisnotalwaysthebestcourse.SocialStrategiesRecognizingthatsocialnormsandstructurallimitationsareoftenineffective,manyteenstakeadifferenttactictoachievesocialprivacy:theylimitthemeaningoftheirmessages.Thisisnotanewstrategyforthedigitalera,norisitsomethingreservedsolelyforteens,butthecomplexityofachievingprivacyinnetworkedpublicshasmotivatedcountlessteenstoactassumingthattheyarebeingsurveilled.InMassachusetts,17‐year‐oldCarmenregularlystrugglestomanagehermother’smisinterpretationsofeverythingshesaysonFacebook.Inshort,Carmen’smotherhasatendencytooverreact.Furthermore,shehasatendencytorevealheroverreactionsintheformofFacebookcomments.Carmen,17,MA:[Mymother]tendstocommentoneverything.I’mlike,goaway.danah:Doyoueverdeletehercomments?

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Carmen:No,becausethenIfeelbad.Idon’twanttofeelbad.She’sgottenbetter,nowshejustsendsmemessages.danah:Whydon'tyouwanthercommenting?Carmen:Becausethenitscareseveryoneaway.Everyonekindofdisappearsafterthemompost....Andit’sjustuncoolhavingyourmomalloveryourwall,that’sjustlame.Carmenloveshermotherandlikesthathermothercaresaboutwhat’shappeninginherlife,buttheseoverreactionscanbestifling.WhenCarmenbrokeupwithherboyfriend,therelationshipwasn'tworkingbutshewasstillsad.Shewantedherfriendstoknowhowshewasfeeling,butshewasafraidthatifshepostedamoodymessagetoFacebook,hermotherwouldassumeshewassuicidal.Shedidn’twanttoupsethermother,soratherthanpostingasappymessage,shechosetopostlyricsfrom"AlwaysLookontheBrightSideofLife."Hergeekyfriendsimmediatelyrecognizedthesongfrom"LifeofBrian"andknewthatthesongwassungwhenthemaincharacterwasabouttobeexecuted.Hermother,ontheotherhand,didnotrealizethatthewordswereasonglyric,letalonerecognizetheMontyPythonreference.ShetookthewordsliterallyandcommentedonCarmen'spost,notingthatsheseemedtobedoingreallywell.Herfriends,familiarwiththeMontyPythonreference–andwitnessingCarmen’smother’smisinterpretationinhercomment–textedhertogetthefullstory.Byencodinghermessagesothatonlyherfriendscandecodethemeaningofit,Carmenisengagedinanactof“socialsteganography.”Steganographyisanage‐oldtacticofhidinginformationinplainsight,drivenbythenotionof“securitythroughobscurity.”38Stegnographicmessagesaresentthroughchannelswherenooneisevenawarethatamessageishidden.Forexample,intheancientGreektext“TheHistories,”DemaratushidamessageinthewoodbeneaththewaxofawaxtabletwhileHistiaeustattooedamessageonaslave'sheadthatwasrenderedinvisiblewhenhishairgrew.Inbothcases,themessagewaseasilyaccessiblebutrequiredknowingthatamessageexistedinthefirstplace.39Suchtechniquesarealsopartofcontemporarychildren’splaywithtoyslikeinvisibleinkpens.Steganographyisn'tpowerfulbecauseofstrongencryption;it'spowerfulbecausepeopledon'tthinktolookforahiddenmessage.ThemeaningbehindCarmen’ssonglyricspostis,forallintentsandpurposes,invisible.Toanyonereadingthemessage,itsimplylookslikeahappypost.AndevenifthereaderrecognizesitassonglyricsandunderstandstheMontyPythonreference,theydon’tunderstandthefullimplicationsunlessthey’recloseenoughtoCarmentoknowthatshejustendedtherelationshipwithherboyfriend.Unlockingthemeaningofthatpostrequiresrecognizingmultiplereferents.

38Petitcolas,FabianA.P.,RossJ.Anderson,andMarkusG.Kuhn.(1999,July)."InformationHiding:Asurvey."ProceedingsoftheIEEE(specialissueonprotectionofmultimediacontent)87(7):1062–78.39Ibid.

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Whilesometeenschoosetohideinplainsight,otherspostencodedmessagesintendedasvisibledisplaysofin‐jokesorobscurereferents,oraremeanttoencouragecertainpeopletorespondwhileisolatingothers.InNorthCarolina,17‐year‐oldJacquelynpostedasimplemessageonherFacebook:“Yes!”Asapremierballerina,shewasregularlycompetingforroleswithanotherballerinawhoshedidnotparticularlylike.Sheregularlycomplainedaboutthistoherclosefriends.Whenthesecondballerinadecidedtoleavethecompany,Jacquelynimmediatelywrote“Yes!”onherWall.Sheunderstoodthatherclosestfriendswouldprobablyguesswhathadjusthappenedandthatanyonewhowasclosetoherwouldapproachherin‐personorviatextmessagetoaskherwhatthegoodnewswas.Shealsoknewthatifshewasaskedaboutthemessagebyanyoneshedidn’twanttosharethegossipwith,shecouldofferanalternativeexplanationtotheseeminglyinnocuousmessage.Plausibledeniabilityisanimportantpartofthisstrategy.Jacquelyndidn’twanttostartanydrama,whichiswhyshewasintentionallyopaqueabouthermessage,butotherteensusethisstrategytocreateconflict.AsCamilleexplains:Camille,17,NC:Ifyou'retalkingaboutsomebodyonFacebook,theycanseeit…notdirectlytalkingaboutsomebody,buttalkingaboutthemwithoutusingtheirnames,andthen,they'llstarttalkingaboutthemwithoutusingtheirname,andit'sobviouslytheyknowthey'remakingfunofeachother.Alice:Howwouldyoutalkaboutsomeonewithoutusingtheirname?Camille:Likeeverybodywilluseaquotethatsomebodysaid,andthenthey'llbelike,that'ssostupidorsomething,whoisshe,andthenanotherpersonwillsayit,andthenthey'll,like,respondtosomethingelse,andkindofmakingfunofthemindirectly,fighting.Alice:Sowhydoyouthinksomeonewoulddothat?Camille:Idon'tknow,it'sdrama,kindofentertaining.InNorthCarolina,danahwasgoingthroughFacebookwith17‐yearoldSerenawhenshestumbledonastatusupdatewrittenbyKristy.Kristy'supdatesaid:"I'msickandtiredofallofthis"andwasalready"Liked"bymorethan30people.Unabletointerpretthepost,danahaskedSerenatoexplain.SerenabeganalengthystoryofhowKristywasfightingwithanothergirl,Cathy,overaboy.Cathyhadwritten"She'ssuchabitch"onherFacebookwall,whichwaslikedbyawholehostofCathy'sfriends.Kristyhadpostedthismessageinresponse,andnowKristy'sfriendshadbackedherbylikingtheupdate.Serenawasabystanderinthisargument,butsheknewhowtointerpreteachmessage;danah,asanoutsider,didnot.CathyandKristyareperformingforotherstosee,buttheyarealsolimitingthemeaningtothosewhoareintheknow.Indoingso,theycanexcludepeoplewhoarenotpartofthecycleofgossipatschool,namelyparents,teachers,andpeersoutsideoftheirimmediatesocialsphere.

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Whenteenagerspostencodedmessages,theyknowthatpeopleoutsideoftheirintendedaudiencewillbecurious.Somewillinvestigate,whileotherswillbeupset.StillothersfindtheuninterpretablecontentfrustratingbecauseitclogsupFacebook.danah:Andhowdoyoufeelaboutthingsthatyoudon’tunderstand?Jenna,17,NC:Itdependswhoitis.Ifit’ssomeonethatIwanttoknowwhatthey’retalkingaboutthenI’lltrytoinvestigateit.I’lllookatthewall,aconversationorsomething.Butifit’slikethatIdon’treallycarewhatso‐and‐soisdoing.IhavefriendsfromwhenIwenttoMalaysia.TheywereallaboutFacebook.SoIhave50friendsfromMalaysianow.AndsometimesIhidethembecausewhateverthey’retalkingaboutisconfusingtomebecauseIdon’tknowwhatthey’retalkingaboutorIgetstufffromthemthatIdon’treallywant.Someteensviewencodedmessagesassecretsmeanttobedecoded;theyrelishtheopportunitytoeavesdrop.Yet,forthemostpart,manyyoungpeopleseesuchmessagesasnoneoftheirbusiness,choosingtoignorethem.Similarly,plentyofteensbelievethatjustbecauseamessagecanbeseendoesn’tmeanthatothersshouldbelooking.Theyexpectpeopletoignorewhat’snotmeantforthem.Theseactsofencodingmessagesareawayofassertingcontroloverasocialsituation,buttheydonotalwaysachievetheirintendedeffect,particularlywhenpeersarecuriousandnosy.InMassachusetts,17‐yearoldKellywasunhappyaboutherrelationshipbutdidn'thavethenervetobreakupwithherseriouslydepressedboyfriend.Tosetthestagefordoingso,shestartedpostingmorbidmessagesandunhappy"emo"lyricstoherFacebook.Herfriendsknewwhatshewasuptoanddidn'tconfrontheraboutit,butagirlinherclassthatshedidn'tknowverywelltookthesemessagesseriouslyandnotifiedtheirguidancecounselorthatKellymightbesuicidal.Kellywasirritatedbecauseshefeltthatthosemessagesweremeantforthoseclosesttoher,notpeopleshebarelyknew.Manyteenshavestartedtorealizethatlimitingaccesstomeaningcanbeamorepowerfultoolforprivacythantryingtolimitaccesstocontentitself.Thesestrategiesallowthemtorestrictinformationbasedonsocialknowledge,notstructuralaccess.Whilenotallteenagersarecarefullycraftingcontenttobeunderstoodbyalimitedaudience,manyareexploringtechniquestoexpressthemselvesprivatelyinsituationswheretheyassumethatothersarewatching.Theyarenotalwayspreparedforhowtheircontentgetsmisinterpreted–andtheystillbelievethattheyshouldhavetherighttobeletalone–buttheyareactivelycreatingcounterpublicsinfullview.PrivacyinPublic

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Byusingdifferentstrategiestoachieveprivacyinnetworkedpublics,teensaresimultaneouslyrevealingtheimportanceofprivacyandpubliclife.Theywanttoparticipateinnetworkedpublics,buttheyalsowanttohavecontroloverthesocialsituationsthattakeplacethere.Theywanttobevisible,butonlytocertainpeople.Theywanttoberecognizedandvalidated,butonlybycertainpeople.Thisisnotacontradictorystance;itparallelshowpeoplehavealwaysengagedinpublicspaces.Examiningthepracticesofurbanlife,sociologistErvingGoffmanrecognizedthatpeopleregularlygooutoftheirwaytoignoreeachotherinbusyenvironments.Inrestaurants,peopleoftendinecloseenoughtooverheareveryconversation,buttheypretendtonotlistenin.Thisactof“givingsomeonespace”isagiftofprivacy.Goffmancallsit“civilinattention.”40Civilinattentionisasocialnorm,drivenbyanidealofrespect.Staringatsomeoneoropenlylisteninginontheirconversationsisaviolationofsocialnormswhichmakespeopleuneasybecauseitisexperiencedasaninvasionofprivacy.Forteens,thesameholdstrueonline;theyexpectpeople–mostnotably,thosewhoholdpoweroverthem–torespecttheirspace.Teensoftenusethelanguageofsurveillanceormonitoringtohighlightthedifferencebetweenpeoplelookingatthemforsociablepurposesratherthanapower‐ladengaze.Forexample,inIowa,17‐year‐oldSamexplains:“Ijustthinkit’sacompleteinvasionofyourprivacytolookatyourkids’Facebookunlessyoureallyfeellikethey’reindanger.ButIknowthatthereareparentsthatmonitortheirkids’Facebook.”Samrecognizesthatmostparentsengageinactsofsurveillancebecausetheyareworried,buthestilldoesn’tagreewiththis.Inotherwords,justbecausepeoplehaveaccessdoesn’tmeanthatthey’rewelcome.Thisisarefrainthatunderscoresteens’generalattitudestowardsprivacyinnetworkedpublics.Bothonlineandoffline,teenshavebeenexcludedfrompublicspacesortoldthattheyaren’twelcome.AsGillValentinehasdocumented,moralpanics–suchas“strangerdanger”–areoftenusedtojustifyyoungpeople’sexclusionfrompublicplaces.41Inexamininghowpublicparkswentfromchild‐friendlytodangerousthroughtheuseofstrangerdangermessaging,shearguedthat“byreproducingamisleadingmessageaboutthegeographyofdanger,stranger‐dangereducationalcampaignscontributetowardsproducingpublicspaceas‘naturally’or‘normally’anadultspacewherechildrenareatriskfrom‘deviant’others.”42Thesesamemoralpanicshavebeenusedtoexplainwhyteensshouldnotbeusingsocialnetworksites.43Yetteenscontinuetoflocktonetworkedpublicspreciselybecausetheyare

40Goffman,E.1966.Behaviorinpublicplaces:notesonthesocialorganizationofgatherings.NewYork:SimonandSchuster.41Valentine,Gill.2004.PublicSpaceandtheCultureofChildhood.Hants,UK:Ashgate.42Ibid,p.27.43Marwick,Alice.2008.“ToCatchaPredator?TheMySpaceMoralPanic.”FirstMonday13(6):article3.RetrievedDecember3,2008(http://www.uic.edu/htbin.cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/2152/1966).

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someoftheonlyspacestowhichtheyhaveaccess.44Intryingtocreateaplaceforthemselvesinthesespaces,theyarenottryingtobepublic,butrather,tobeinapublic.Theywantaspacewheretheycansocializewithpeersandmakesenseofpubliclifemoregenerally.Publiclifehasvaluebeyondpoliticalideals;itisthroughparticipationinpubliclifethatpeopledevelopasenseofsocialnorms,learntonavigatesocialrelations,andbegintounderstandsocietywritlarge.Thepoliticizedpublicspherecannotexistwithoutthesocialpublicsphere.Byengaginginnetworkedpublics,teensaretakingthefirststeptowardsbeingpubliccitizens;theyaretryingtounderstandwhotheyareinrelationtolargersociety.Engaginginpubliclifedoesnotentailthrowingprivacyoutthewindow.Privacyisinastateoffluxnotbecausethevaluessurroundingithaveradicallychanged,butbecausetheinfrastructurethroughwhichpeopleengagewitheachotherhas.Networkedtechnologiesintroducenewchallenges,particularlyinenvironmentsthatarepublic‐by‐default.Privacycannotbeassumed,especiallywhenpowerfulindividualsorentitiesareinterestedinleveragingnewfoundopportunitiesforaccesstounderminesocialnorms.Whenparentsassertthattheyhavetherighttoknowsimplybecauseinformationisaccessible,theyunderminetheirchildren’sagency.Andagencyisessentialtobeingabletoachieveprivacy.Fundamentally,privacyisasocialnorm.Legalregulationislegislatedtoprotectindividualsfromharm.Themarketcompetesinoppositedirections,tryingto“win”bothbyenhancingprivacyandleveragingopportunitiestoinvadepeople’sprivacyforfinancialgains.Likewise,technologieswillbebuiltbothtoprotectanderodeprivacy.Butwhenitcomestosocialprivacy,thebiggestbattleswillbearoundthesocialnormsthatregulateit.Inotherwords,whatissociallyappropriateinnetworkedpublics?Howarenormssignaledandviolationsrecognized?Whatsocialsanctionscanbeusedtocurbviolations?Therearenoclearanswerstothis,butwhatisclearisthatteenagersareworkinghardtobringsocialnormsintotheequation.They’redevelopingstrategiesformanagingprivacyinpublicspacesastheytrytoassertcontroloversocialsituations.Theymaynotalwaysbesuccessful,andtheymayconsistentlyfaceviolationsoftheirprivacy,buttheyarenotdiscardingprivacyasaresult.ReferencesAllen,A.L.(1999).CoercingPrivacy.WilliamandMaryLawReview40(3):723–724.Anderson,Benedict.(2006).ImaginedCommunities:ReflectionsontheOriginandSpreadofNationalism.Newed.NewYork:Verso.44boyd2008b.

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Arendt,Hannah.(1998).TheHumanCondition.Chicago,IL:UniversityofChicagoPressboyd,danah(2006)."Friends,Friendsters,andMySpaceTop8:WritingCommunityIntoBeingonSocialNetworkSites."FirstMonday,11(12).boyd,d.(2007).Whyyouth(heart)socialnetworksites:Theroleofnetworkedpublics.InYouth,identityanddigitalmedia,ed.D.Buckingham,119–142.Cambridge,MA:MITPress.boyd,d.(2008a).“Facebook’sPrivacyTrainwreck:Exposure,invasion,andsocialconvergence.”Convergence:TheInternationalJournalofResearchintoNewMediaTechnologies14(1):13–20.boyd,d.(2008b).Takenoutofcontext:Americanteensocialityinnetworkedpublics.PhDDissertation,UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley.http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1344756.boyd,danahandEszterHargittai(2010)."FacebookPrivacySettings:WhoCares?"FirstMonday15(8).Brandimarte,L.,Acquisti,A.,andLoewenstein,G.(inreview)"PrivacyConcernsandInformationDisclosure:AnIllusionofControlHypothesis."Cohen,J.E.(2003).DRMandprivacy.CommunicationsoftheACM,46,46–49Gavison,Ruth.(1980).Privacyandthelimitsofthelaw.YaleLawJournal89:421‐471.Esguerra,R.(2009).GoogleCEOEricSchmidtDismissestheImportanceofPrivacy.ElectronicFrontierFoundation.Retrievedfromhttps://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2009/12/google‐ceo‐eric‐schmidt‐dismisses‐privacyFraser,Nancy.(1992).“RethinkingthePublicSphere:AContributiontotheCritiqueofActuallyExistingDemocracy.”Pp.109–142inHabermasandthePublicSphere,editedbyCraigCalhoun.Cambridge,MA:TheMITPress.(page123)Goffman,E.(1966).Behaviorinpublicplaces:notesonthesocialorganizationofgatherings.NewYork:SimonandSchuster.Habermas,Jèurgen.1991.TheStructuralTransformationofthePublicSphere:AnInquiryintoaCategoryofBourgeoisSociety.Cambridge,MA:MITPress.

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