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1
Social Networks and College Performance:
Evidence from Dining Data
Darius Martin
Adam Wright
John M. Krieg
Department of Economics
Western Washington University
Bellingham, WA 98225, USA
March 2020
Abstract
We investigate the effect of friends in class on academic performance in college using
unique data on dining card swipes at a medium-sized public university. We define
friendships by academic quarter as repeated meetings among students in the same
dining hall. To identify the impact of having a friend in class, we employ models with
student- and class-level fixed effects as well as a number of controls to rule out
alternative explanations for our findings. We find that having a friend in class has a
large and positive effect on grades, and these results are robust to wide range of
friendship criteria and econometric specifications. In line with previous evidence on
peer effects, we find that the friendship effect varies by the friends’ observable
characteristics and the strength of the friendship.
JEL Classification: I21
Keywords: Friend effects, Peer effects, Social networks
2
1 Introduction
Peer interactions have long been argued to play a significant role in academic
achievement. It has been established that peers influence a wide range of outcomes including test
scores, major choice, and academic grades as well as outcomes and behaviors that indirectly
impact human capital accumulation like health and risk-taking behaviors.1 Due to data
limitations, most studies proxy for social interaction using a peer group defined at an aggregated
level such as a neighborhood, school, grade, class, or residence hall. Designating peer groups in
this manner, however, does not incorporate information on who students interact with nor does it
account for the strength of those interactions. Recent work has begun to shed light on the
importance of strong social ties, or friendships, for academic outcomes though much remains
unexplained.2 In particular, the effect of friends during post-secondary education, a time in which
new friend groups are being formed and important decisions regarding human capital
accumulation are being made, has yet to be explored.
In this paper, we analyze the effect of social networks on academic performance at the
beginning of college. Our contribution is to assess the impact of having peers with strong social
ties, or “friends”, in the same college courses while carefully addressing the nature of friendship
formation and course selection. In the economics of education literature, friendship data is quite
limited – most studies rely on the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Youth (Add
Health) survey in which high school respondents are able to self-nominate up to five friends of
each gender.3 Using this data to identify social networks has three shortcomings: 1) for a given
1 See Sacerdote (2011), Sacerdote (2014), and Epple and Romano (2011) for a review of this literature. 2 See for example Pattacchini, et al. (2017), Lavy and Sand (2018), and Lam (2012). 3 The main draw of using Add Health data is that it contains a nationally representative sample of high school
students who are surveyed on a number of typical demographic and outcome variables as well as friendship
questions. See for example Fletcher et al. (2020), Bramoullé et al. (2009), Lin (2010), Pattacchini, et al. (2011), and
Pattacchini, et al. (2017).
3
respondent, nominated friendships may entail varying degrees of social interaction that are
unobserved to the researcher; 2) the definition of friendship may vary across respondents
resulting in friendships of different strengths being measured by the researcher as similar; and 3)
respondents may not mutually identify each other as friends leaving researchers to speculate on
the nature of relationships between these pairs.
We circumvent many of these problems by using a revealed-preference identifier of
friendships. Specifically, we leverage data from university dining halls to identify pairs of
students who regularly dine together. Since the vast majority of freshmen frequently enter the
university dining halls, we can construct quite detailed information about each freshman’s
dining-related social network. Moreover, assuming that people dine more often with better
friends, this data enables us to distinguish between stronger and weaker friendships. We validate
our friendship measure by showing that assigned friendship dyads are significantly more likely
to exhibit homophily than random pairings of dining hall users. Compared to studies that rely on
friendship nomination, like the Add Health survey, measuring friendships in this way provides
the distinct advantage that friendships and friendship-intensity are revealed rather than simply
stated.
To simplify later discussion, it is important to understand that the term “friendship” as
used in this paper represents a symmetric, binary relation between pairs of students who are
observed meeting in a dining hall with sufficient frequency. Of course, this differs from the
broader social definition of friendship commonly used. We select designating criteria such that if
two students are described as friends in this paper, then the social relationship as more broadly
understood almost certainly holds between them. That is, under strict enough social interaction
criteria, our friendship-determination method is likely a sufficient condition for identifying
4
friendships. Note, however, that it is not a necessary condition for the social relationship; two
students may share a strong social bond despite not being identified as friends using our method.
We discuss the implications of this later in the paper.
Combining dining data with transcript-level data on student performance, we examine the
academic outcomes of a friendship dyad enrolling in the same course within a quarter. Though
we concentrate on friends who attend a course together in the same classroom, we expand our
analysis to include friends across sections of the same course taught by the same instructor and
by a different instructor.4 Identifying the causal effect of having friends in class on academic
performance is a difficult empirical problem because friends and classes are not randomly
assigned; students with friends may be fundamentally different from those without friends or
students may select into easier (or harder) classes based upon the presence of a friend in that
class. To mitigate these concerns, we use a within-student and within-class approach that
compares a student’s performance relative to classmates in classes taken with friends to their
relative performance in classes without friends present.
While this approach has the benefit of controlling for student- and class-level
unobservables, it does not address two other potential problems, namely correlated effects and
simultaneity. For instance, an unobserved factor that varies within students and across classes,
such as subject-specific enthusiasm, may be correlated with having friends in a class and
academic achievement (correlated effects). Alternatively, students may be more likely to make
friends in classes they find particularly easy (simultaneity). We address the issue of correlated
effects by controlling for a student’s stated interest in a subject (indicated on their application for
4 Here and throughout the paper, we use the terms “class” or “classroom” to describe a section of a course with a
specific instructor during a quarter. For example, “ECON 206: Principles of Microeconomics, Section 1” in Fall
2016. Thus, a class is a course-by-section-by-quarter.
5
admission), implied subject interest given by the number of credits completed in each academic
department, and examining the effect of friends across instructors in the same course, where the
results should be qualitatively similar if shared enthusiasm is driving an observed friend effect.
The issue of simultaneity is addressed by leveraging the timing of friendships: friendships
formed in prior quarters, which cannot be affected by future grades, are used in an alternative
specification in place of contemporaneous friendships.
Our main results demonstrate a very large and robust effect of social networks on college
performance. Using many alternative criteria in designating friendships, we estimate a roughly
0.12 grade point increase (equivalent to 0.12 standard deviations) when students have a friend in
the same class, an effect size equal to an increase of a student’s Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT)
score of about 100 points. In terms of movements in the letter grade distribution, having a friend
in class increases the probability of receiving an A grade by about 10% and decreases the
probability a D or F grade by roughly 25%.
Additionally, we are able to test how these academic improvements vary by friendship
and class characteristics. First, we find that the effect of friends increase in the “strength” of the
friendship measured by repeated social interaction both within and across academic quarters:
within a quarter, the friend effect increases with dining hall meetings and across quarters we find
that persistent friendships produce larger friend effects, consistent with recent work on short-
lived versus long-lived friendship ties.5 Second, we find many interesting patterns of
heterogeneity based on the interaction of student and friend characteristics. Students benefit less
from having a friend with a low SAT score (defined as scoring in the bottom 25th percentile),
particularly so if the students’ own SAT is low. First generation students experience increased
5 Using the Add Health survey, Patacchini, et al. (2017) show that educational outcomes are affected by long-lived
(at least one year) friendships but not short-lived (less than one year) ones.
6
gains when having a friend who is not first generation. Men on average experience a larger
friend effect than women, but the friends’ gender has no differential impact on this estimate.
Lastly, friends appear to have a greater positive impact in large classes (i.e., when enrollment is
45 students or greater) but are no more effective at improving grades in hard classes (i.e., classes
where the average GPA of students without friends in class is less than 2.9).
This research is closely related to a growing body of evidence identifying the importance
of quantity and quality of friends in determining educational achievement and attainment. In
general, relatively few studies distinguish between the broader category of peers and the
narrower one of friends. The majority of these studies use the aforementioned friendship
nomination procedure among high school students in the Add Health data and generally find that
friends with better observable characteristics improve own academic outcomes.6 Lavy and Sand
(2018) exploit conditional random assignment of students to classes within Tel Aviv middle
schools to examine the impact of having pre-determined friends in class. They find the number
of friends in class has either a positive or negative effect on academic performance depending on
friends’ characteristics and the nature of the friendship. Using survey in Chinese junior high
schools, Lam (2012) is able to distinguish between friends, study mates, emotional supporters,
and seatmates and finds that positive personality traits of friends, but not their cognitive traits,
positively affect math scores.
None of this literature examines college-aged individuals, where the nature and impact of
friendships may be different from those in primary or secondary school. A number of studies
6 Using a difference-in-differences approach, Fletcher et al. (2020) find that more friends with college-educated
mothers raises high school GPA for girls but not boys. Exploiting the different waves of Add Health and using
indirect friends as an instrument for own friends, Patacchini et al. (2017) show that educational choices of long-lived
friendships (lasting more than one year) have a positive effect on own educational attainment. Hill (2015) also uses
an instrumental variables approach to demonstrate that a student’s share of opposite gender friends negatively
affects high school GPA. Bramoullé et al. (2009) and Lin (2010) show that both friends’ average grades and average
characteristics affect students’ educational attainment.
7
have investigated the impact of peers at the college level, but to our knowledge, none has directly
assessed the impact of friends. Many studies use the random assignment of students to
dormitories to estimate peer effects and generally find that better peers positively influence
academic and social outcomes.7 Though, looking at college roommates or dormmates may not
provide a comprehensive view of students’ peer interactions. Carrell et al. (2009) rely on the
random assignment of students from the U.S. Air Force Academy to squadrons (i.e., cohorts),
which arguably captures a more complete group for peer interactions, and find better peers
positively influence GPA. However, findings from the Air Force may not be generalizable to
other university settings.
This study makes three novel contributions to this literature. First, we use a revealed-
preference methodology to identify friendships. This allows us to differentiate between stronger
and weaker friendships based on how often students coordinate their meals. Coordination entails
some cost to students as compared to costlessly nominating friends in a survey setting. Second,
we apply the analysis of friendships to a university setting, where students are likely forming
new social groups and making important decisions regarding their human capital formation.
Third, we estimate the college friend effect along quantity and quality dimensions, which
provides rich insights into the nature of the estimated effect. Several mechanisms may generate
our observed effects, including joint production, social pressure, or mutual insurance among
network members (Lavy and Sand, 2018). Although we cannot provide a definitive answer as to
the mechanism underlying our estimates, we find some evidence consistent with the joint
production and social pressure explanations.
7 Stinebrickner and Stinebrickner (2006) find relatively small and positive peer effects on grades for women but not
men. Zimmerman (2003) and Sacerdote (2001) estimate positive peer effects on GPA and take-up of social groups
such as fraternities and sororities. Foster (2006) does not find evidence of peer effects.
8
2 Data
2.1 Description of the University and Student Outcomes
We use administrative data from Western Washington University (WWU), a regional,
comprehensive university located in Bellingham, Washington with fall undergraduate enrollment
of approximately 15,000 students. In the fall of 2017, WWU enrolled 3,078 freshmen from 37
states and 8 countries. WWU is annually ranked among the top five regional, comprehensive
universities in the U.S. News and World Report rankings.
WWU operates three quarters during the academic year. In each quarter, instruction lasts
for ten weeks, with an eleventh week set aside for final exams. It also operates an optional
summer quarter with about one-fourth of its regular enrollment. Because both housing and dining
options change significantly in the summer, we exclude these quarters from our analysis. WWU
takes pride in offering small instructional experiences and often splits courses into several
sections taught by individual instructors. For example, during a quarter there are often five or six
stand-alone sections of Introduction to Microeconomics taught by two or three instructors.
Across the university, the average section size is 15.8 students and the median section enrolls 11
students.
Using unique student identification (ID) numbers, we merge data from the university
dining halls with administrative records us to observe each student’s background prior to
enrolling in WWU (high school GPA, high school attended, SAT scores) as well as students’
academic records while at WWU (the courses attempted and grades earned in those courses).
We have complete data from five academic years, starting in 2013-2014 and ending in 2017-
2018. Although we have academic records for every undergraduate enrolled at the university, we
restrict our analysis to freshmen, since freshmen at WWU overwhelmingly live on campus and
9
use the university dining halls.8 After their freshmen year, students frequently move off campus
and are much less likely to eat in the dining halls. Because we cannot identify friendships among
these students, we do not include advanced undergraduates in our analytic sample.
Panel A of Table 1 presents descriptive statistics of 14,281 freshmen who make up the
analytic sample employed in this paper. Importantly, 86% of the sample are observed to dine on
campus each quarter during their freshmen year while only 9% of freshmen are never observed
in the dining halls. The average SAT score of the analytic sample is 1124, and about one-third of
freshmen are first-generation college students meaning neither of their parents graduated from a
four-year college. Finally, the majority of students are white and almost three-fifths are women.
WWU’s campus housing is served by three dining facilities. Students may eat at any
dining hall of their choice and dining halls remain open throughout the day. There are four
different meal plans available for purchase, respectively offering 80, 100, 125, or an unlimited
number of meals per quarter. Meal plans are purchased quarterly with many students changing
their plan from one quarter to the next. Panel B of Table 1 shows that the 125-meal plan is the
most common choice for freshmen, with the unlimited meal plan being the next most popular.
Food is provided on an all-you-can-eat basis in the dining hall. Most students who live on
campus are required to purchase a meal plan. 9
Our empirical goal is to understand how the presence of friends in a class impacts a
student’s grades. WWU assigns letter grades (grade points) of A (4), B (3), C (2), D (1), and F
(0). In addition, grades can be assigned a plus or minus where grade points are adjusted
8 WWU uses the term freshmen to refer to students enrolling at WWU with no intervening educational experience
between high school and WWU. This includes students who may have participated in a dual enrollment program
while enrolled in high school, but excludes students who attended a different degree-granting institution after high
school graduation. 9 Meal plans are not required for students who live in one of two buildings where housing includes kitchens. These
buildings contain 544 out of 4040 total beds on campus and are usually populated by upper classman rather than
freshmen.
10
downwards by three-tenths of a point if a minus is assigned and upwards by the same amount on
all letter grades except an A which cannot receive a plus. Panel C of Table 1 shows that the
average freshmen grade is 2.91 with a standard deviation of 1.01. Although we will express our
results in terms of grade points, note that since the standard deviation is nearly one, we could
state them equivalently in terms of standard deviations. This facilitates comparison of our
findings with the wider literature on academic performance. Panel C also highlights the other
control variables used in our empirical specifications. Students are asked to list academic areas
of interest on their application for admission (class in interest). Ten percent of classes taken by
freshmen are in one of those areas of interest. In order to control for knowledge of a subject, we
sum the prior credits earned in the department in which the student’s current course is offered
(prior department credits). 10 On average, students have taken 1.05 prior credits in this
department. Finally, using the definition of friendship developed in the next section, 14% of
students have a friendship in a class, and 53% take at least one class with a friend during their
freshmen year.
2.2 Description of Friendship Measures
Students obtain access to WWU’s dining halls after an attendant swipes the meal plan
holder’s university identification card through a card reader. The card reader records the meal
plan holder’s unique ID number, the location, and the date and time (measured to the second) of
each swipe. We refer to any student observed entering the dining hall on one or more occasions
in a quarter as a “diner” in that quarter.
Table 2 displays information concerning the frequency of dining hall use among all
freshmen who have a meal plan. The median freshman visits the dining hall 90 times per
10 Classes at WWU are assigned one credit for each hour per week of instruction, and for every two hours per week
of laboratory or rehearsal.
11
quarter. With 77 days in an 11 week quarter, this implies that most students eat in the dining hall
at least once per day. Roughly three quarters of students eat at least 60 meals in the dining hall
per quarter, or about five meals per week. Twenty-six percent of students purchase unlimited
access to the dining hall, and as we would expect, these students eat at the dining hall much more
often than those on a fixed-number meal plan.
We exploit the dining hall data to identify members of each student’s social network. We
infer that a social relationship exists between any two students who frequently enter the dining
hall together. Accordingly, to designate two students as friends, we specify a time window, or
alternatively “time bandwidth”, and define a “meeting” as any occasion when the students enter
the dining hall within that window. We specify a meetings threshold, and consider two students
to be friends in a quarter when they meet at least that threshold number of occasions.
Table 3 illustrates the prevalence of friendships using alternate designating criteria. Data
in the table are the averages across quarters, rounded to the nearest whole number. For example,
in the average quarter, there are 6,059 pairs of freshmen who entered the dining hall within 30
seconds of each other on ten or more occasions. We observe a small number of pairs who meet
extremely often – for instance, there are 163 pairs of friends who enter the dining hall within 30
seconds of each other at least 75 times – about once per day – each quarter.
To explore the role of friends on academic outcomes, we focus on time bandwidths and
meeting thresholds of 30 seconds and 10 meetings, respectively. That is, our default criteria are
that two students must enter the same dining hall within 30 seconds of each other at least 10
times within a quarter to be designated as friends in that quarter. As we show in Section 5, our
results are generally not sensitive to these specifications. Using these default criteria, Table 4
shows the frequency of observed friends in our five-year sample. Table 4 includes all freshmen
12
and designates those without a meal plan as having zero friends, a possible source of
measurement error to which we return later. Table 4 shows that 80% of fall quarter freshmen
have at least one friend. This number falls slightly as the academic year progresses, most likely
because students tend to use the dining hall less later in the year.
Research on friendships frequently emphasizes homophily, or the tendency for
friendships to form between people who are similar to each other in some respect.11 For
instance, homophily has been shown to be prevalent along racial and ethnic dimensions, gender,
age, behavior, and occupational interest.12 To validate our method for designating friendships,
Table 5 shows that pairs of freshmen diners identified as friends are exceptionally similar across
a range of observable characteristics relative to random pairings of students. Friends are
particularly more likely to be of the same gender, to have attended the same high school, and to
have reported an interest in majoring in the same department upon enrollment (same interest).
Table 5 also indicates that friends are more likely to have a similar demographic and
socioeconomic background, using first-generation status as a proxy for the latter.13 This, along
with the improbability of repeatedly entering a dining hall with the same stranger, provides
evidence that pairs of students we identify as friends indeed have a social relationship.
Recall that our research focus is to assess the effect of friends on academic performance
in a class. In Table 1, we saw that 53% of freshmen enroll in at least one class with a friend over
the academic year. Table 6 gives more detailed information about how frequently students taking
classes with friends identified in the dining hall data. During the average fall quarter, 72% of
freshmen have no observed friends in any of their classes. About one-in-five freshmen take one
11 See Block and Grund, (2014). 12 See Goodreau, et al. (2009), Smith-Lovin and McPherson (1993), Fischer (1977), Knecht, et al. (2010), and
Kalmijn (1998) for evidence of homophily across each of these dimensions, respectively. 13 Recall that first-generation students are defined as those whose parents did not complete a university degree.
13
class with a friend and a small number of students have friends in multiple classes. As the
academic year progresses, students are observed taking slightly more courses with friends—
about one-third of students have at least one class with a friend during the winter and spring
quarters.
3 Empirical Model and Identification Strategy
3.1 Empirical model
To estimate the effect of having a friend in a class, we start with a basic econometric
model of student-course grade performance, 𝑌𝑖𝑘𝑠𝑡, with student-level controls of the form:
(1) 𝑌𝑖𝑘𝑠𝑡 = 𝛼 + 𝛽𝐹𝑟𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑖𝑘𝑠𝑡 + 𝑿𝑖𝑘𝑠𝑡′ 𝛾 + 휀𝑖𝑘𝑠𝑡
where students are indexed by i, courses by k, course-sections (i.e., instructor-by-meeting time)
by s, and quarter by t.14 The variable Friendikst is an indicator variable that takes the value one if
student i has a friend in course k, section s during quarter t. The parameter of interest is 𝛽 which
measures the academic performance of a student with a friend in class relative to performance
when a friend is not present. In some specifications we allow the effect of friends on
performance to vary by the number of friends within a class. To do this, we define another binary
variable, multiple friends, which indicates whether there is more than one friend in a class. In
equation (1), 𝛼 is a constant and 휀𝑖𝑘𝑠𝑡 is a stochastic error term clustered at the class level.15
The vector 𝑿𝑖𝑘𝑠𝑡 contains student-level characteristics designed to capture effort
(attempted number of credits within the quarter), ability (SAT score), and the likely amount of
14 Quarters included are Fall, Winter, and Spring from Fall 2013 to Spring 2018. 15 We follow Lavy and Sand (2018) and cluster the standard errors at the class level. Clustering at the student,
instructor, course, or quarter level produces very similar standard errors.
14
enthusiasm the student has for the class measured by class in interest and prior department
credits.
To arrive at our preferred econometric specification, we include student and class-section
fixed effects, 𝛼𝑖 and 𝛿𝑘𝑠𝑡, which necessitate dropping the SAT score which is collinear with the
student fixed effects. Our preferred model can thus be represented as:
(2) 𝑌𝑖𝑐 = 𝛼𝑖 + 𝛽𝐹𝑟𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑖𝑐 + 𝑿𝑖𝑐′ 𝛾 + 𝛿𝑐 + 휀𝑖𝑐
where the combination of indices k, s, and t have been replaced by the single class-section index
c. This within-student and within-class model identifies 𝛽 by comparing a student’s relative
performance in classes taken with one or more friends to the student’s relative performance in
other classes.
3.2 Identification
In this section, we address three potential sources of bias: omitted variables, simultaneity,
and measurement error.
3.2.a Omitted Variables
The inclusion of the fixed effects in equation (2) help address many omitted-variable
threats to obtaining unbiased estimates of 𝛽 using ordinary least squares (OLS). Employing
classroom fixed effects implicitly controls for course fixed effects and instructor fixed effects,
which, in turn, controls for the possibility that students and their friends select into relatively
easy courses or instructors. Additionally, classroom fixed effects have the advantage of
standardizing grades across classes as students’ grades are relative to the average grade within
each class. We include student fixed effects to allow a student’s performance in classes taken
without friends to serve as a counterfactual for grades in classes taken with friends present. This
15
ensures that our results are not driven by time-invariant unobserved characteristics of those
students who have friends or choose to take classes with friends. For example, if better students
are more likely to take classes with friends, omitting the student-level fixed effect would lead
researchers to erroneously conclude that friends are associated with higher grades—a positive
bias of 𝛽 in our specification.16
While fixed effects address many threats to validity, we are careful to address further
identification issues stemming from omitted variables. For example, students’ dedication to
college may vary across quarters. When students are more dedicated, they may earn higher
grades and use the dining hall more often, and thus have more observed friendships.17
Alternatively, students may earn higher grades in courses in which they have an affinity and may
be more likely to form friends in these courses. We address the first issue by controlling for
attempted credits, which measure the number of credits a student registers for at the beginning of
the quarter. To the extent that attempted credits measure dedication to college, the inclusion of
this variable reduces potential omitted variable bias. To address the issue of subject-specific
interest driving both higher grades and observed friendships, we include controls for both stated
academic interest (measured at the department-level and revealed by students on their application
for admission) and revealed interest in the course’s department as measured by department-
specific accumulated credits at the beginning of the quarter.18
16 Since friendship is a function of dining hall use, the student fixed effect also controls for the possibility that
students who use the dining hall more often, and thus are observed having more friends, are fundamentally different
from students who use the dining hall less often. 17 Note that any time-invariant component of student dedication is captured by the student fixed effects 18 We find some evidence that students with a friend in class are actually slightly less likely to be enrolled in a class
that matches their stated interested. A linear probability model with student and classroom fixed effects suggests that
the presence of a friend reduces the likelihood that the course is in the student’s program of interest by 0.4
percentage points (p-value = 0.067). Since roughly ten percent of student-course observations are in the student’s
program of interest, this represents about a four percent decrease.
16
To resolve any remaining concerns about endogeneity induced by time-varying student
characteristics, we also report results from a specification that include a student-by-quarter fixed
effect. This specification identifies the friend effect using grades earned in classes taken with
friends relative to classes without friends taken by the same student in the same quarter. This
identification strategy has the limitation in that the friend effect is only identified for students
who have classes both with and without friends during the same academic quarter. It also
precludes the use of attempted credits as an explanatory variable since this does not vary within
quarter.
The estimated friend effect from equation (2) may remain biased if some other
unobserved factor affects both the likelihood of having a friend in class and student performance.
For instance, if subject-specific enthusiasm is not well captured by prior department credits or
stated interest, then friends may tend to be present in those classes that a student would do well
in regardless. If this is driving the measured friend effect, then it follows that we should also
observe higher grades when friends enroll in a different section of same course, including
sections taught by a different instructor. We test for friend effects across both sections and
instructors of a course in Section 5.
3.2.b Simultaneity
If strong class performance foster friendships among classmates, then OLS estimates of
the friend effect will be biased upwards. We address this problem by observing the timing of
friendship formation. Specifically, we estimate the friendship effect for friendship dyads that
were observed to form prior to enrolling in a course together. On the hypothesis that future
course grades do not impact prior friendship development, this approach eliminates simultaneity
concerns in our estimates.
17
3.2.c Measurement error
Recall that friendships are determined by two criteria from the dining data: a time
bandwidth to determine whether a meeting occurred and a meeting threshold to determine
whether a pair is designated as friendship. This raises two potential sources of measurement
error. First, 9% of freshmen do not use the dining hall and thus are assigned zero friends. As
demonstrated in the Appendix, our results are essentially unchanged when we drop these
students from our analysis. Second, if the criteria for identifying friendships are either too
restrictive or too permissive, a downward bias will be introduced into any estimate of a positive
friend effect. To see this, it is convenient to describe taking a class with a friend as a “treatment”.
Criteria that are too restrictive will filter out friendships, incorrectly placing treated observations
into the control group, causing the observed differences between the control and treated groups
to be smaller. Criteria that are too permissive will incorrectly identify some observations as
treated and assign friendships to pairs who just happen to dine at similar times and locations.
Again, this will lead to an estimated difference between the treatment and control group that is
too small because non-friends are captured in the treatment group. While there is no obvious
“right” criteria for designating friendships, we show in Section 5 that our results are robust to a
wide range of criteria.
4 Results
4.1 Main results
We estimate equations (1) and (2) by ordinary least squares, clustering the standard errors
at the class level. Table 7 presents the regression results for the entire sample of freshmen,
including those who never use the dining hall and are assigned zero friends. The first column of
18
Table 7 presents estimates the coefficients in equation (1), which replaces both the student- and
class fixed effects with students’ combined math and verbal SAT score. According to these
results, having at least one friend in class raises grades by 0.161 grade points, about one-half of
the difference between a B and B+ and roughly equivalent to increasing SAT scores by 110
points (=100×.161/.146). The second column of Table 7 adds the class fixed effects and the third
column includes student fixed effects (and removes the collinear SAT scores). 19 The addition of
each fixed effect reduces the friend effect by about 10%. We simultaneously include both student
and class fixed effects in our preferred model from equation (2) in column 4, and find that the
presence of a friend raises grades by 0.116 grade points.
To test whether the friend effect is increasing with the number of friends in class, column
5 of Table 7 includes the variable multiple friends. Recall that this is a binary variable equal to
one if a student has more than one friend in a class. A student in such a position will have values
of unity for both friend and multiple friend. The associated coefficient of 0.79 suggests that
additional friends have an additional positive impact on grades, though not as large as the initial
impact of the first friend in a class, who raises grades by 0.102 grade points.
The final column of Table 7 replaces student fixed effects with student-by-quarter fixed
effects, and drops the collinear variable attempted credits. The result is similar to our preferred
specification: friends positively impact grades by slightly more than one-tenth of a grade point.
The similarity between this coefficient and that in our preferred specification suggests that there
is little concern about any endogenous selection of friends based upon unobserved student
characteristics that vary from quarter-to-quarter.
19 The sample size changes slightly from column to column for two reasons. First, a small fraction of students are
exempt from the requirement to report SAT scores and are dropped from specifications (1) and (2). Second,
singleton observations that are collinear with the fixed effects are dropped. Estimates from a consistent sample
across specifications are nearly identical to those presented in Table 7 and are available upon request.
19
In Table 7, the other estimated coefficients are consistent with expectations. Students
perform better in classes that are within their interests. The coefficient on attempted credits is
negative in specifications that include a student fixed effect, and positive otherwise, suggesting
that while better students enroll in more credits, individual students get lower grades in quarters
when they attempt more credits than their typical enrollment. The coefficient on prior
department credits is positive in specifications that include the class fixed effect. As students
take more classes in a department, they gain department experience and field-specific knowledge
and perform better. Unsurprisingly, grades are higher in courses in which students expressed an
interest.
To understand how the estimated impact of having a friend in class in Table 7 affects the
distribution of grades, we estimate linear probability models with different letter grades as the
outcome using our preferred specification in equation (2). Table 8 presents the results of four
regressions estimating the probability of an A grade in first column, B grade in the second
column, C grade in the third column, and D or F grade in the last column. The results indicate
that friends in class increase the probability of A grades by 3.6 percentage points and decrease
the probability of C grades and D/F grades by 1.6 percentage points and 2.4 percentage points,
respectively. Relative to the sample means for grade category, these represent relatively large
shifts at the top and bottom of the grade distribution: A grades increase by 10.4% (0.036/0.345)
and D/F grades decrease by 26.1% (0.024/0.092).
4.2 Further exploration
Several natural follow-up questions arise from our central finding that friends in class
have a strong, positive influence on grades. For instance, how does effect vary by characteristics
of either the student or their friend? Perhaps more importantly, through what mechanism exactly
20
do friends exert their positive influence? Although we are unable provide a definitive answer to
the last question, answers to the question about variation in friend characteristics provide some
insight.
Students may benefit more from different types of friends. For example, the friend effect
may be either stronger or weaker when two friends are of the same gender. We also might expect
people to benefit more from either stronger friends or abler friends, where stronger friends share
a tighter social bond, and abler friends have a higher level of academic talent.
To investigate heterogeneity in the friend effect across some characteristic Ω we estimate
a modified version of equation (2) of the form:
(3) 𝑌𝑖𝑐 = 𝛼𝑖 + 𝛽1𝐹𝑟𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑊𝑖𝑡ℎΩ𝑖𝑐 + 𝛽2𝐹𝑟𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑊𝑖𝑡ℎ𝑜𝑢𝑡Ω𝑖𝑐 + 𝑿𝑖𝑐′ 𝛾 + 𝛿𝑐 + 휀𝑖𝑐
Where FriendWithΩic is a dummy variable set equal to one if any of student 𝑖’s friends in class 𝑐
have characteristic Ω, and FriendWithoutΩic is defined similarly. We estimate equation (3) using
five different characteristics: opposite gender, high SAT score, low SAT score, first generation,
and strong friend. The first of these indicates whether the student has an opposite gender friend
in class. The second and third are included to measure the effect of more and less able friends,
and respectively indicate whether a friend in class reported an SAT score in the top 75th and
bottom 25th percentiles among all freshmen in our data. The fourth characteristic, first
generation, identifies friends whose parents never obtained a four year post-secondary degree
and is our proxy for socioeconomic background. The final characteristic, strong friend, is set
equal to one if the student and a classmate met together at least 20 times in the dining hall while
enrolled in the course together.
There may also be heterogeneity in the friend effect across types of friendships, rather
than across types of friends. For example, some people may benefit more from a high-ability
21
friend than others. Alternatively, friends may only be helpful if they are not too dissimilar in
terms of ability or socioeconomic background. Furthermore, the differential effect of opposite
gender friends or strong friends may vary by gender. To determine whether there is
heterogeneity in grade improvement by friendship type, we estimate equation (3) using both our
analytical sample (all freshmen), and for samples restricted by gender, ability, and
socioeconomic background.
Table 9 presents OLS estimates of the coefficients 𝛽1 and 𝛽2 from equation (3) for our
analytical sample and for the restricted samples. The last column of the table displays the
difference between the coefficients, and indicates whether that difference is statistically
significant according to a Wald test. Before turning to each characteristic, note that the
coefficients 𝛽1 and 𝛽2 are positive and significantly different from zero throughout Table 9,
suggesting that friends have a positive effect on grades regardless of the characteristic under
consideration.
As an aid to understanding Table 9, consider the first panel which focuses on opposite
gender friends. Under the complete sample (analytic), the effect of having a friend of opposite
gender is .106 which is identical to the effect of a friend without that characteristic (i.e., a friend
of the same gender). When the sample is restricted to men, the effect of an opposite gender
friend is .153 which is slightly higher, though not statistically different, than the effect of a same
gender friend (.128). Likewise, when the sample is restricted to women, there is no statistical
difference in the friend effect if the friend is a man or woman. Interestingly, both coefficients in
the sample of men are higher than those in the sample of women suggesting that male college
students may benefit more from the presence of a friend than a woman does.
22
Table 9 explores the friend effect by academic ability define as being in the upper 25th
percentile of the SAT (High SAT Score) or the lower 25th percentile (Low SAT Score). As the
high SAT panel demonstrates, the impact of making a high ability friend is similar to the impact
of making friends that aren’t high ability, and this is true across different sample restrictions.
However, in the Low SAT Score panel, the benefit gained from making a low ability friend is
smaller than the benefit of making a friend who is not low ability for all students. Moreover, this
differential effect appears to be decreasing in ability: for students in the bottom quartile of the
SAT distribution, a friend in the bottom quartile has a much smaller positive impact on grades
(.063) than a friend outside of this quartile (.140). Students in the top quartile, however, seem to
benefit uniformly regardless of their friends’ ability.20
Table 9 also shows that first generation college students (defined as students whose
parents didn’t finish college) benefit more from non-first generation friends. Non-first generation
students however, do not receive a significantly reduced benefit from a first generation friend.
These results are in line with Lavy and Sand (2018), who find that friends with parents with
higher levels of education have a greater positive impact than friends whose parents have lower
levels of educational attainment.
The last panel of Table 9 show that for women, the friend effect on grades is increasing in
the strength of friendship (defined as friends who meet more than 20 times in the dining hall).
This may be indicative of differences in social relationships across genders. For example, if
women dine more often with diverse companions, a higher meetings threshold may be necessary
to identify friendships strong enough to enhance class performance. We will discuss the
20 A possible policy implication would be for instructors to pair low ability students with high ones, for the benefit
of both less able students, and mid-range students who are preferentially paired together. However, these results may
only extend to chosen friendships rather than random pairings of students.
23
relationship between the effect size and friendship strength in more detail in Section 5. A more
thorough exploration of friendship formation across genders is left for later research.
As a second method of exploring heterogeneity, Table 10 provides estimates of the
friendship effect by class characteristics. We examine two class characteristics: size and
difficulty. A class is considered large if it enrolls at least 45 students and difficult if the class
GPA among students without friends is less than 2.9.21 The results from including an interaction
between indicators for each of these groups and the friend indicator from equation (2) is given in
columns 2 and 3 of Table 10. The estimate of the friendship effect from column 4 of Table 7 is
provided in column 1 for reference. The point estimates indicates that friends have a significantly
greater impact in larger classes but no differential effect in more difficult classes, perhaps
suggesting a mechanism through which friends improve grades is through mutual instruction (if
time with an instructor is harder to come by in larger classes).
Though the estimation output is not presented here, we further investigate mechanisms
behind the friend effect by determining whether academic performance decreases in non-friend
classes during the same quarter when a friend is present in at least one class. If so, it would
suggest substitution from classes without friends to those with friends. To do this, we create an
indicator that takes the value one if a friend is present in another class in the same quarter. We
add this friend-in-other-class indicator to equation (2) and drop the friend-in-class indicator. We
find that grades do not significantly change in non-friend classes. If effort is zero-sum across
class, this suggests that having a friend in class may lead to increases in productivity (i.e., joint
productivity). If effort is not zero-sum, then having a friend may increase effort, which may
occur because the returns to productivity have increased (joint productivity) or because friends
21 These group designations were chosen to roughly equalize the number of student-course observations in each
group.
24
decrease the marginal cost of effort if, for example, friends create incentives to compete or
increase enthusiasm (i.e., social pressure in a network environment).
5 Robustness Checks
A natural interpretation of the results in Table 7 is that students learn more when they
have social connections among their classmates. In this section, we exploit the unique features of
our data to show that this interpretation is quite robust. We first show that our results are
insensitive to the criteria for assigning friendships. We next provide a detailed discussion of
possible sources of bias and run several robustness tests exploring these. Our robustness checks
mitigate concerns about omitted variables, simultaneity, and measurement error, and also
strongly suggest that better friends have a larger positive impact on grades.
To obtain the results in Table 7, we designated two students as friends when they enter a
dining hall within thirty seconds of each other at least ten times during a quarter. In Figure 1, we
plot estimates of the friend coefficient from our preferred specification using alternate time
bandwidths and meeting thresholds. Specifically, we illustrate the friend effect using 5-, 10-, 30-,
and 60- second time bandwidths, and meeting thresholds ranging from 1 to 40. Figure 1 shows
that we observe a significantly large and positive friend effect using any reasonable criterion for
designating students as friends.
Figure 1 also shows that as the meetings threshold increases, the observed friend effect
increases and is simultaneously measured less precisely. Under the reasonable assumption that
people who meet more often are better friends, this implies that stronger friends have a larger
impact on course performance. The estimated standard errors increase because fewer
25
observations pass through the higher threshold and we therefore measure the friend effect with
less precision.
An alternative way to assess social connections among classmates would be to dispense
with the meetings threshold entirely. Although friendship is binary in our analysis, in real life it
potentially exists along a continuum. Consequently, it may be appropriate to replace the binary
variable friend with an alternate measure of social interaction with all classmates. To do this, we
construct a new variable that measures the total number of dining hall meetings that each student
has with their classmates. We then replace the binary variable friend in equation (2) with a
quartic in this measure. Because it is difficult to interpret high-order polynomials, we display the
predicted grades (in grade points) in Figure 2. Predicated grades are calculated at the mean
values of the regressors in 𝑿𝑖𝑐′ in equation (2), for zero to 100 meetings with classmates. Note
that the graph is increasing and concave indicating that while grades increase when students have
more social ties with their classmates, this effect exhibits diminishing marginal returns.
We now address potential bias in estimates of β1. As described in Section 3.2.b, we
address simultaneously by leveraging information in the data about the timing of friendships.
More formally, to rule out simultaneity, we introduce three new measures of friendships. The
first, old friend indicates that a dyad formed a friendship in at least one past quarter and this
friendship continued in the current quarter. Past friend identifies pairs of individuals who were
friends in the past, but are not identified as friends in the current quarter. Finally, new friend is a
binary variable that identifies contemporary friendships among pairs of individuals who were not
identified as friends in prior quarters. We include new friend because we need to control for
current friends in class in order to assess the impact of previously formed friends. Because old
friend and past friend rely on observing friends in prior quarters, we drop observations from
26
students’ first quarter on campus. We return to our preferred specification of 10 meetings and 30
seconds for identifying these three new variables.
Table 11 presents estimates of the coefficients on these alternative indicators of
friendship. According to these results, friends made prior to co-enrollment have a positive impact
on grades. Grades are 0.065 points higher if at least one classmate was a prior friend, and 0.115
points higher if a friendship made earlier persists while co-enrolled. This resolves concerns that
the measured friend effect is entirely a product of reverse causality as one does not expect future
course grades to impact previous dining hall choices. Note also that grades are 0.082 points
higher if a friendship is first observed when two students are classmates. Contemporaneous
friends thus have a stronger impact on grades than past friends, but a weaker impact than
longstanding old friends. The most natural interpretation is that friends exert a positive influence
on grades, and closer friends have a stronger influence.
To rule out omitted variable bias, we would ideally use an instrumental variables
approach. Unfortunately, it is difficult to devise an instrument for friend that is uncorrelated with
grades. Fortunately, WWU’s scheduling practices provide us with an alternate way to alleviate
some concerns about endogeneity. Since enrollment in most lectures is capped, WWU offers
multiple sections per quarter of many introductory courses and core major requirements.
Different sections usually meet at different times, but are often taught by the same instructor. For
example, in the fall of 2019, five instructors taught eight sections of Principles of
Microeconomics, three of whom taught two sections each. If friends happen to do well in similar
classes, then we should observe a positive effect on grades when friends are enrolled in different
sections of the same course.
27
Accordingly, Table 12 presents estimates of the friend effect across class sections.
Specifically, the table presents results from two regressions. In the first regression, we add the
dummy friend - different section, same instructor to equation (1). This indicates whether the
student has a friend who is taking the same course with the same instructor, but in a section that
meets at different times. In the second regression, we include the variable friend - different
instructor, which is set equal to one if a friend is enrolled in a section of the same course that is
taught by a different instructor. Columns (2) and (3) of Table 12 present estimates of both the
coefficient of interest β1, and the coefficients on the distinctive dummies in the two robustness
regressions. For comparability, column (1) reproduces results from our preferred benchmark
model.
The results in column (2) indicate that friends influence grades when they share an
instructor, but the influence is strongest when friends attend class together. A student’s expected
grade is 0.075 grade points higher when a friend is enrolled in the same course with the same
instructor, but at a different time. With a friend enrolled in the same section, the friend effect is
0.117 grade points, or about 55%, stronger. The results in column (3) show that students do not
receive any benefit when friends take the same course with a different instructor - the coefficient
on friend - different instructor is near zero and insignificant.
These results provide evidence that the observed friend effect is not the spurious
consequence of an unobserved omitted variable. This is because under most reasonable
endogeneity stories involving an omitted variable, we would expect to see an effect across
instructors of the same course. If friends have no effect on grades, then grades must be higher in
classes taken with friends for some other reason. The most logical external quantity that would
boost the grade of two friends in a course is shared interest or affinity for the subject matter that
28
is not captured by our department-level controls for interest. In other words, people may
preferentially befriend others who will turn out to enjoy and do well similar material. Since the
same course generally covers the same material regardless of instructor, we would then observe a
positive effect when friends take the same course with a different instructor.
It is more challenging to concoct an endogeneity story consistent with the results of Table
12. If friends do not affect grades, then we would need to explain both why grades are higher in
classes taken with friends, and why this impact is largest when the friends share their instructor
in the same classroom at the time. To us, the most logical interpretation of Table 12 is that
through some mechanism, friends have a positive impact on grades. A weaker version of the
same mechanism may explain the positive coefficient on friend - different class, same
instructor. For example, friends may help each other understand the same instructor’s course
materials, but collaboration is easier when they attend class at the same time and share a memory
of the same lecture.
A final concern with our approach has to do with the potential undercounting of
friendships. Our sample of freshmen introduces this possibility. Specifically, our approach
utilizes all freshmen observations, including those who do not live on campus and, hence, who
do not have dining hall privileges. Because these individuals are never observed entering the
dining hall, they are assigned zero friends. However, these individuals likely form unobserved
friendships and, in the terminology of treatment and control groups, are incorrectly assigned to
the control group. This problem is mitigated somewhat by the fact that 86% of freshmen
observations eat in the dining hall each quarter, and so the number of false zeros is likely small.
To address this issue, recall that we estimated all regressions from Table 7 in Appendix Table 2,
but excluded from the sample all freshmen without a dining hall plan. Using our preferred
29
specification, a friend in class raises GPA by .115 points, almost identical to that reported in
Table 7.
6 Conclusions
Using a revealed-preference based method of determining friendships, this paper
documents that students who take college-level courses with friends earn significantly higher
grades than they do when enrolled in courses without friends. This increase in grades is
significant both statistically and practically, with the impact on grades being about one-half of
the difference between an A- and an A, or equivalently, about the same magnitude as increasing
a student’s SAT score by about 100 points. This effect occurs in the presence of student-,
course-, and student-quarter fixed effects suggesting that these results are not driven by
unobservables that remain unchanged within a student, within a quarter, or within a course. This
effect grows in the strength of friendship (measured by the number of dining hall meetings) and
the number of friends in a course. The friend effect is also present for friendships that were
formed prior to course enrollment indicating that these results are not driven by the simultaneous
formation of friendships and academic performance. Further, the effect of having a friend in the
same course taught by a different professor is statistically no different than zero implying that
our measure of friendship does not serve as a proxy for shared enthusiasm for a subject.
Moreover, there are reasons to believe that we have understated the true friendship effect. For
instance, we document that enrolling in a class with a friend reduces a student’s likelihood of
dropping the course or of earning a D or F. Under these circumstances, friendships may also
reduce the time and costs of earning a degree. Taken as a whole, it appears that friendships play
an important role in academic achievement and, through that, in human capital formation.
30
As pointed out in the introduction, there is a vast literature on peer effects and their role
in academic achievement. However, the literature on friendships is more sparse, partly because
of its reliance on self-reported friendship data. In addition, the analysis of friendship in the
academic literature has been limited to elementary and secondary aged children. Ours is the first
to document the role of friendships on academic outcomes among college aged adults. As might
be expected, there are similarities and differences between the extant literature and our findings.
For instance, Lavy and Sand (2018) find that the education level of a friend’s parents has a
positive impact on academic achievement among middle school students, a similar finding to that
presented in this paper which shows a larger academic effect when a friend comes from a family
whose parents completed a college education. When examining high school students, Hill
(2015) finds that opposite gender friends decrease own GPAs which stands in marked contrast to
our findings that both same and opposite gender friends have a consistent positive effect on
grades.
One open question in this research has to do with the mechanism by which friendship
leads to higher grades. Certainly one can imagine friends aiding and encouraging each other, by
serving as insurance for each other in case one misses course material, or by eliciting more effort
from an individual. While we cannot identify the specific mechanism, having a friend in one
class does appear to decrease grades in other classes thus ruling out mechanisms that involve
substituting effort or resources between classes.
Given that friends are strongly associated with better grades, it is worth commenting on
policies that might encourage friendships. Universities have long created structures and
programs to increase social interactions among their students. Indeed, WWU has a number of
programs that encourage friendships even before students set foot on campus in the fall as well
31
as social events that take place in residence halls throughout the year. Further, faculty can create
class environments that encourage social interaction. To the extent that these programs enable
friendships to form, they may have indirect academic benefits that outweigh their costs. Of
course universities are also expanding programs in which it is difficult to have friendship
support—most notably the role of online courses. Our read of the online course literature
suggests that academic outcomes in these courses tend to be lower than face-to-face courses
possibly as a result of less meaningful social interactions between students in online courses.
32
Table 1 Descriptive Statistics for the Analytical Sample
Mean
Standard
deviation
Number of
observations
Panel A: Student-Level Data fraction who dine every quarter 0.86 0.35 14,281
fraction who never dine 0.09 0.29 14,281
fraction who take at least one class with a friend 0.53 0.50 14,281
fraction male 0.42 0.49 14,280
fraction white 0.73 0.44 14,281
fraction black 0.04 0.19 14,281
fraction hispanic 0.08 0.27 14,281
fraction first generation 0.31 0.46 14,281
SAT score 1124 148 14,250
Panel B: Student by Quarter-Level Data
fraction who dine 0.89 0.32 40,869
unlimited meal plan 0.26 0.44 40,869
125 meals 0.30 0.46 40,869
100 meals 0.18 0.38 40,869
75 meals 0.15 0.36 40,869
attempted credits 14.67 1.74 40,869
Panel C: Student by Course-Level Data grade 2.91 1.01 127,929
prior department credits 1.05 2.41 128,222
class in interest 0.10 0.30 128,222
friend in class 0.14 0.34 128,222
33
Table 2
Distribution of student dining hall entries
Meal Plan
Percentile Total Unlimited 125 meals 100 meals 75 meals
10th 42 69 52 39 21
25th 65 101 75 60 39
Median 90 135 96 80 57
75th 117 168 113 92 68
90th 157 197 120 97 73
Number of
student-
quarters
36,209 10,662 12,296 7,174 6,077
Table 3
Number of friendships observed among freshmen using various designating criteria, average across
quarters
Time bandwidth (seconds)
Meetings 5 10 30 60
1 44,993 145,484 514,019 918,145
2 8,521 19,058 91,677 253,517
3 5,850 10,560 26,745 83,225
4 4,632 8,479 14,145 34,188
5 3,821 7,281 10,563 18,450
6 3,219 6,402 8,934 12,542
7 2,767 5,748 7,900 9,860
8 2,408 5,217 7,156 8,380
9 2,099 4,757 6,551 7,429
10 1,854 4,370 6,059 6,727
15 1,027 3,000 4,336 4,707
20 613 2,144 3,226 3,494
25 375 1,557 2,453 2,657
30 236 1,145 1,882 2,054
35 148 855 1,440 1,578
40 94 635 1,108 1,219
60 19 191 364 415
75 6 77 163 192
100 1 19 49 65
34
Table 4
Distribution of observed friendships among freshmen
Fall Winter Spring
No. of Friends Count (%) Count (%) Count (%)
0 2823 20 3614 27 4200 32
1 2432 17 2417 18 2555 20
2 2320 16 2145 16 1993 15
3 2079 15 1762 13 1577 12
4 1520 11 1217 9 1074 8
5 1080 8 880 6 624 5
6 720 5 546 4 412 3
7 456 3 386 3 228 2
8 319 2 251 2 207 2
9 187 1 172 1 88 1
10 or more 265 2 209 2 111 1
No. of Students 14,201 13,599 13,069
35
Table 5
Characteristics of friendships and of all pairs of freshmen dining hall users, weighted averages
across academic years.
Fall Winter Spring
friends all pairs friends all pairs friends all pairs
both male 33.6% 17.6% 36.4% 17.9% 36.4% 18.0%
both female 43.3% 33.7% 40.8% 33.2% 40.9% 33.1%
both minority 8.8% 7.4% 8.9% 7.4% 9.3% 7.5%
both white 56.4% 53.0% 57.2% 53.1% 57.8% 52.9%
both black or both Hispanic 1.4% 0.8% 1.4% 0.8% 1.4% 0.8%
both first generation 9.7% 8.9% 9.3% 8.7% 9.2% 8.5%
neither first generation 54.0% 49.3% 53.8% 49.8% 54.6% 50.3%
same high school 19.1% 0.5% 15.4% 0.5% 15.2% 0.5%
same interest 7.3% 4.6% 7.0% 4.6% 7.3% 4.6%
observations 7,373 6,692,518 6,117 5,847,163 4,814 5,100,806
Fall Winter Spring No. of Classes Count (%) Count (%) Count (%)
0 10,269 72 9,158 67 9,213
70 1 2,743 19 2,993 22 2,524 19
2 959 7 1,075 8 948 7
3 213 1 309 2 327 3
4 or more 17 0 64 0 57 0
No. of Students 14,201 13,599 13,069
Table 6
Distribution of classes taken with friends, all freshmen
36
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
friend 0.161*** 0.149*** 0.144*** 0.116*** 0.102*** 0.111***
(0.012) (0.008) (0.012) (0.007) (0.008) (0.008)
multiple friends 0.079***
(0.015)
attempted credits 0.049*** 0.038*** -0.006*** -0.008*** -0.008***
(0.002) (0.002) (0.002) (0.002) (0.002)
prior department credits -0.009*** 0.013*** -0.027*** 0.004*** 0.004*** 0.007***
(0.002) (0.002) (0.002) (0.001) (0.001) (0.002)
class in interest 0.225*** 0.063*** 0.151*** 0.090*** 0.090*** 0.080***
(0.012) (0.010) (0.012) (0.009) (0.009) (0.009)
SAT (100s) 0.146*** 0.142***
(0.003) (0.003)
student fixed effect
student-quarter fixed effect
class fixed effect
Observations 127,673 125,671 127,867 125,835 125,835 124,997
𝑅2 0.063 0.318 0.469 0.670 0.670 0.780 Notes: See section 3 for a definition of the independent variables.
*p<0.1, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01
Table 7
Baseline Results, All Freshmen
37
Table 8
Friend Effect on the Grade Distribution
Outcome
A grade B grade C grade D or F grade
friend 0.036*** (0.004)
0.004 (0.005)
-0.016*** (0.004)
-0.024*** (0.002)
Sample mean of
dependent variable
0.345 0.372 0.190 0.092
Observations 126,135 126,135 126,135 126,135
𝑅2 0.553 0.286 0.331 0.435 Notes: The dependent variable is a binary indicator for each grade category. All regression models contain student
and class fixed effects as well as student-quarter level controls for attempted credits and accumulated department
credits and a student-course level binary indicator for whether the course is in the academic department of the
student’s program interest. Standard errors (in parentheses) are corrected for clustering at the class level.
*p<0.1, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01
38
Table 9
Friend effect by friend characteristics
Friend
characteristic
Sample friend effect with characteristic without characteristic with-without
Baseline Analytic 0.116***
(0.007)
Opposite
gender
Analytic 0.106***
(0.013) 0.106***
(0.008) 0.000
Men 0.153***
(0.018) 0.128***
(0.013) 0.025
Women 0.070***
(0.016) 0.084***
(0.009) -0.014
High SAT
Score
Analytic 0.100***
(0.013)
0.110*** (0.008)
-0.011
High SAT 0.089***
(0.021) 0.094***
(0.018) -0.004
Low SAT 0.118***
(0.040) 0.115***
(0.016) 0.003
Low SAT
Score
Analytic 0.075***
(0.012)
0.120*** (0.007)
-0.045***
Low SAT 0.063***
(0.024) 0.140***
(0.017) -0.077***
High SAT 0.087***
(0.039) 0.102***
(0.015) -0.014
First
generation
Analytic 0.083***
(0.011) 0.115***
(0.008) -0.032**
First gen. 0.067***
(0.013) 0.109***
(0.009) -0.042**
Not first gen. 0.121***
(0.020) 0.135***
(0.015) -0.014
Strong (at least 20
meetings)
Analytic 0.121***
(0.008) 0.074***
(0.010) 0.046***
Men 0.136***
(0.014) 0.114***
(0.017) 0.022
Women 0.106***
(0.010) 0.037***
(0.011) 0.069***
Notes: Each row represents a separate regression. All regression models contain student and class fixed effects as
well as student-quarter level controls for attempted credits and accumulated department credits and a student-course
level binary indicator for whether the course is in the academic department of the student’s program interest.
Standard errors (in parentheses) are corrected for clustering at the class level.
*p<0.1, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01
39
Table 10
Friend effect by class characteristics
(1) (2) (3)
friend 0.116*** (0.007)
0.083*** (0.010)
0.122*** (0.010)
friend * (large class) 0.051*** (0.014)
friend * (difficult class) -0.012 (0.014)
Observations
𝑅2
125,835
0.670
125,835
0.670
125,835
0.670
Notes: The dependent variable is the student’s course grade. The large class indicator takes the value one if the class
has at least 45 students and is zero otherwise. The difficult class indicator takes the value one if the class grade point
average is less than 2.9 and is zero otherwise. All regression models contain student and class fixed effects as well
as student-quarter level controls for attempted credits and accumulated department credits and a student-course level
binary indicator for whether the course is in the academic department of the student’s program interest. Standard
errors (in parentheses) are corrected for clustering at the class level.
*p<0.1, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01
Table 11
Friend effect by timing of the friendship
new friend 0.082***
(0.014)
old friend 0.115***
(0.010)
past friend 0.065***
(0.013)
Observations 83,318
𝑅2 0.704
Notes: This single regression contains student and class fixed effects as well as student-quarter level controls for
attempted credits and accumulated department credits and a student-course level binary indicator for whether the
course is in the academic department of the student’s program interest. Each of the friend variables is an indicator
for the following: new friend is a current but not past friend, old friend is a past and current friend, and past friend is
a past but not current friend Standard errors (in parentheses) are corrected for clustering at the class level.
*p<0.1, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01
40
Table 12 Friend effect across instructors and class-sections
(1) (2) (3)
friend 0.116*** (0.007)
0.117*** (0.007)
0.116*** (0.007)
friend – different section, same instructor 0.075*** (0.011)
friend – different instructor 0.004 (0.009)
Observations
𝑅2
125,835
0.670
125,835
0.670
125,835
0.670
Notes: All regression models contain student and class fixed effects as well as student-quarter level controls for
attempted credits and accumulated department credits and a student-course level binary indicator for whether the
course is in the academic department of the student’s program interest. Standard errors (in parentheses) are corrected
for clustering at the class level.
*p<0.1, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01
41
Figure 1
The friend effect according to alternate time and meetings bandwidths.
42
Figure 2
43
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45
Appendix Table 1
Student Counts
2013-2014 2014-2015 2015-2016 2016-2017 2017-2018
F W Sp. F W Sp. F W Sp. F W Sp. F W Sp.
1 UG Enrollment 13,452 12,844 12,149 13,457 12,915 12,284 13,640 13,088 12,564 13,815 13,181 12,479 14,555 13,909 13,114
2 Freshmen 2760 2664 2545 2749 2635 2546 2761 2644 2545 2853 2707 2607 3078 2949 2826
3 Diners 3443 3306 3127 3406 3231 3034 3333 3188 3003 3400 3232 3077 3518 3342 3098
4 Freshmen 2572 2424 2257 2507 2323 2171 2496 2348 2193 2567 2385 2251 2753 2572 2390
5 % Diners 93.2% 91.0% 88.7% 91.2% 88.2% 85.3% 90.4% 88.8% 86.2% 90.0% 88.1% 86.3% 89.4% 87.2% 84.6%
Meal Plan
6 unlimited 874 755 624 869 723 608 793 619 556 773 683 583 870 712 620
7 125 meals 1028 757 640 980 725 578 1030 754 638 1103 741 595 1202 842 683
8 100 meals 484 541 521 470 461 449 462 500 449 493 509 494 414 438 454
9 75 meals 186 371 472 188 414 536 211 475 550 198 452 579 267 545 633
This table shows enrollment and dining hall usage over four academic years at Western Washington University. Enrollment is calculated by
counting the unique id numbers that have completed at least one class for credit in the WWU academic data. Students who do not receive credit for
any class in a quarter are not included.
Row 5 in the table gives the fraction of freshmen who entered a university dining hall in the indicated quarter, and is the ratio of rows 3 and 6.
46
Appendix Table 2 Baseline results, dining hall users
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
friend 0.160*** 0.143*** 0.145*** 0.115*** 0.101*** 0.110***
(0.012) (0.009) (0.012) (0.007) (0.008) (0.008)
multiple friends 0.079***
(0.015)
attempted credits 0.047*** 0.036*** -0.006*** -0.010*** -0.010***
(0.002) (0.002) (0.002) (0.002) (0.002)
department credits -0.009*** 0.012*** -0.028*** 0.003*** 0.003*** 0.006***
(0.002) (0.002) (0.002) (0.002) (0.002) (0.002)
interest 0.218*** 0.073*** 0.166*** 0.102*** 0.102*** 0.091***
(0.013) (0.011) (0.013) (0.009) (0.009) (0.010)
SAT 0.144*** 0.141***
(0.003) (0.003)
student fixed effect
student-quarter fixed effect
class fixed effect
Observations 113,944 112,017 113,955 112,011 112,011 111,327
𝑅2 0.062 0.321 0.465 0.670 0.670 0.778