Social Lens - Politics of Identity

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Politics of Identity:

Dorothy E. Smith,Patricia Hill Collins,and Cornel West

n the first edition of this book, the previous chapter with Foucault and

Baudrillard was last, and this chapter came before it. On many levels, shiftingthe places of two chapters seems insignificant; and, truth be told, it probably is.

But it gives me the opportunity to explain the shift, and I think that has importance.

Over the past few years, Ive been thinking !uite a bit about modernity and democ

racy. "s Ive studied and thought and interacted with my students, Ive become

deeply impressed with some powerful changes that have been building over the last

couple of decades but appear to be coming to fruition. #he tenor of the entire book

reflects this sense, as Ive repeatedly brought us back to the foundations of the age

we live in and the place the social disciplines have in it. Ive also brought us back

numerous times to consider the person in modernity.

#hings are different today than they were in $%%& when this social experiment

called democracy began. #he world has changed since the emancipatory move

ments of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. "nd things are differenttoday than they were during the upheavals of the $'&(s. #he social world that

weve seen painted over the last few chapters is the new one; at the very least these

artists have given us glimmers of what is happening. In the words of )tephen

*ing, the worlds moved on. "nd in the moving, the person and the politics of the

person have changed. +hile you may not be black or female, the social thinkers

in this chapter outline a different kind of politics than was first conceived at the

birth of democracy. #hey tell us more about the political person hinted at in

iddens and -astells theories. Its a politics of knowledge and identities. +hile I

wouldnt say that everybody in this chapter fits into atricia /ill -ollins defini

tion of identity politics, it nonetheless captures an essence that I think they all

0$1

I


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CONTEMPO!" NEW #ISIONS!ND CITI$%ES2

share2 Identity politics encompasses 3a way of knowing that sees lived experiences

as important to creating knowledge and crafting group4based political strategies."lso, 5it is6 a form of political resistance where an oppressed group re7ects its

devalued status3 8. /. -ollins, 9(((, p. 9'':.

#he point in ending the book with this chapter is that you matter. +ho you are

and how you express your existence in the world around you matters. It matters

because in modernity its always mattered. "s Ive said, modernity was founded on

aspecific idea of the citien. "nd I think that the same is true whatever world were

moving into; in fact, if the glimmers of the last few chapters are an indication, then

Iwould say its even truer today. "nd the exciting, frightening thing is that I think

iddens is right2 #here arent the same kinds of guideposts that traditional and

early modern societies provided. +e need to find our way together, which is, after

all, the meaning behind democracy. #he voices in this chapter are powerful. I hope

youll listen and critically think about what they say.

Gendered Consciousness:

Dorothy E. Smith (1926-)

Theorist&s Di'est

Conce(ts and Theory: The Pro)lem With *acts

Not Theory-Method!

Facts and Texts: The New Materialism

Defining Standpoint

Conce(ts and Theory: The Stand(oint of Women

Sociology and the Relations of Ruling

The Fault ine

Stand(oint and Te+tMediated Po-er

Smmary

ender ine!uality has been studied by sociologists ever since the time of

/arriet


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But, what if a good many of them actually worked to suppress women ratherthan liberate them@ Aorothy . )mith asks us to consider this possibility.)he argues

that the way in which women are dominated isnt solely through the social struc

tures with which Canet )altman -hafet told us about in -hapter $(. ?o, gender

ine!uality also works through the social and behavioral sciences as they create

knowledge about women in opposition to women's knowledge. #his body of knowl

edge claims ob7ectivity and thus authority 3not on the basis of its capacity to speak

truthfully, but in terms of its specific capacity to exclude the presence and experi

ence of particular sub7ectivities3 8)mith, $'=%, p. 9:. )mith wants to begin with and

center social and behavioral research on the actual lived experiences of people and

their encounter with texts, rather than on the texts that deny the very voices they

claim to express.

THEO!ST"S D!GEST

Brief Biography

Dorothy E. Smith -as )orn in Northallerton, "or/shire, 0reat 1ritain, in 2345. She earned her

nder'radate de'ree in 2366 from the 7ondon School of Economics. In 2358, Smith recei9ed

her PhD from the %ni9ersity of California at 1er/eley. She has ta'ht at 1er/eley, the %ni9ersity

of Esse+, and the %ni9ersity of 1ritish Colm)ia. She is crrently !dnct Professor at the

%ni9ersity of #ictoria. In reco'nition of her contri)tions to sociolo'y, the!merican Sociolo'y

!ssociation ;!S!< honored Smith -ith the =essie 1ernard !-ard in 2338 and the Career of

Distin'ished Scholarshi(!-ard in 2333. Her )oo/ The Everyday World as Problematic hasrecei9ed t-o a-ards from the Canadian Sociolo'y and !nthro(olo'y !ssociation: the

Otstandin' Contri)tion!-ard and the =ohn Porter !-ard, )oth 'i9en in 233>.

Central Sociological Questions

7i/e *ocalt, Smith sees that /no-led'e (rodced thro'h the social sciences can contain

and ths re(licate relations of rlin'. Smith is centrally concerned -ith ho- the daily li9es of

men and -omen are ?ite often different. "et, -hen 'ender is stdied from a social

scientific (ers(ecti9e, the distinct e+(eriences and /no-led'e of -omen are -ritten ot. The

relations of rlin', then, contine to )e e+erted e9en nder the 'ise of 'ender ine?ality. @My

research concern is to )ild an ordinary 'ood /no-led'e of the te+tAmediated or'aniBation

of (o-er from the stand(oint of -omen in contem(orary ca(italism@ ;Smith, 2334, (. 3


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;Continedour expe

rience as woman>women within the social forms of consciousness3 8p. H':. In it

she uses both abstractions and particulars2 my>our, woman>women. #o say any

thing about women4which is a universal term4is to already assume and use a

theoretical abstraction. #hus, )mith uses abstract concepts, so she isnt saying that

in and of themselves they are problematic4the issue is what we do with them.

/er concern is for when abstractions are reduced to 3a purely discursive function3

8)mith, $''9, p. =':. #his happens when concepts are reified or when in!uiry

begins in text2 3#o begin with the categories is to begin in discourse3 8p. '(:.

#here are, I think, two ways that )mith uses and approaches abstractions. First,

in standpoint in!uiry, concepts are never taken as if they represented a static real

ity. Eived experience is an ongoing, interactive process in which feelings, ideas, and

behaviors emerge and constantly change. #hus, the concepts that come out of

standpoint in!uiry are held lightly and are allowed to transform through the never

ending !uest to find out 3how it works.3

#he second and perhaps more important way that )mith approaches theoretical

concepts is as part of the discursive text that constitutes the mode through which

relations of ruling are established and managed. "s weve seen, 3#he ob7ectification

of knowledge is a general feature of contemporary relations of ruling3 8)mith, $''(,p. &%:. " significant principle of standpoint in!uiry is to reveal how texts are put

together with practices at the level of lived experience. 3


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18 CONTEMPO!" NEW #ISIONS !ND CITI$%ES

through the ob7ective structures of the city 8text:. #his kind of sociology 3would

tie peoples sites of experience and action into accounts of social organiationand relations which have that ordinarily reliable kind of faithfulness to how it

works3 8p. 'H:.

)pecifically, )mith is interested in finding out 7ust how the relations of ruling

pervade the lives of women. #hese relations, as weve seen, come through texts and

researchers. But in most cases, the relations of ruling are misrecognied by women.

#hey are rendered invisible by the normalcy of their legitimacy. art of what these

maps can do, then, is make visible the relations of ruling and how they impact the

lived experiences of women.

)mith is also interested in how actual women incorporate, respond to, see, and

understand the texts that are written from a feminist or standpoint perspective.

#his is an important issue. Eooking at Figure $%.$, we might get the impression that

standpoint in!uiry automatically and always produces translators and sub7ects.

#hat is, it appears as if standpoint in!uiry is a static thing, as if once done, the

in!uiry stands as the standpoint forever. #his is certainly not what )mith is argu

ing. ?otice again that double4headed arrow between 3)tandpoint In!uiry3 and

3#exts.3 Once standpoint in!uiry is expressed in text, there is the danger that it will

be taken as reality and become discursive. )miths is thus an ongoing and ever

changing pro7ect that takes seriously the ob7ectifying influence of text.

For me, then, the standpoint of women locates a place to begin in!uiry before

things have shifted upwards into the transcendent sub7ect. Once youve gone

up there, settled into text4mediated discourse, irremediably stuck on the

reading side of the textual surface, you cant peek around it to find the otherside where youre actually doing your reading. Jou can reflect back, but youre

already committed to a standpoint other than that of actual peoples experi

ence. 8)mith, $''9, p. &(, emphasis original:

Summ$ry

I )mith argues that in contemporary society, power is exercised through text.

)mith defines text using three factors2 the actual words or symbols, the physical

medium, and the materiality of the text. It is the last of the three with which )mith

is most concerned4the actual practices of writing and reading.


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firmer reality base than the abstract, ruling texts of men. Further, men are enabledto take ob7ective, ruling texts as true because women provide the ma7ority of the

labor that undergirds the entire order.

I #he bifurcated consciousness becomes particularly problematic for those

women trained in such disciplines as business, sociology, psychiatry, psychology,

and political science. In these professions, women are trained to write and read

ruling texts, ignoring the lived experiences of women at the fault line.

I )mith proposes a theoretical method of investigation 8standpoint in!uiry, or

institutional ethnography: that gives priority to the lived experiences of women. In

this scheme, texts are not discounted or done away with; rather, they are put into the

context of the embodied, actual experiences of women. )mith thus opens up a site of

research that exists in the dialectic interplay between text and womens experience.

$ce $nd +$trices o/ Domin$tion:

&$trici$ Hi Coins (193-)

Theorist&s Di'est

Conce(ts and Theory: The Stand(oint of 1lac/ Women

*lack +eministE"istemologyEurocentric Positivism

+our Tenets o# *lack +eminist E"istemology,m"lications o# *lack +eminist Thought*lack,ntellectuals

Conce(ts and Theory: lntersectionality and Matrices of

Domination

*lack +eminist Thought! lntersectionality! and -ctivismSmmary

atricia /ill -ollins will ask us to see two things. First, ine!uality in society

is a complex matter. It cant simply be reduced to considerations of race or

gender. very person stands at a crossroads that distinguishes him or her

from most others. For example, being black, female, middle class, and heterosexual

is !uite different than being black, female, working class, and lesbian. -ollins wants

us to see deeper into the workings of ine!uality than ever before. #he second thing

that -ollins will ask us to see is standpoint. Of course, Aorothy . )mith asked us

to do the same, but -ollins wants us to see the value in the standpoint of black fem

inists. In -ollins scheme, a single system isnt enough to explain ine!uality.

)tratification works through matrices of domination, not single systems, and one

of the most powerful intersectional standpoints is black women. Its at that point

that race and gender meet. "s such, it is probably the most powerful beginning

point for intersectional analysis.


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THEO!ST"S D!GEST

4rie/ 4io0r$%hy

Patricia Hill Collins -as )orn on May 2, 23F, in Philadel(hia, Pennsyl9ania. Collins

recei9ed her )achelor&s de'ree and PhD in sociolo'y from 1randeis %ni9ersity and a

master&s de'ree in social science edcation from HaNard. Collins seNed as director of the

!frican !merican Center at Tfts %ni9ersity )efore mo9in' to the %ni9ersity of

Cincinnati, -here she -as named the Charles Phel(s Taft Distin'ished Professor of

Sociolo'y in 2335. She is crrently at the %ni9ersity of Maryland and holds the Wilson

El/ins Professor of Sociolo'y (osition. Her )oo/, !lac" Feminist Thought# recei9ed the

!ssociation for Women in Psycholo'y&s Distin'ished P)lication !-ard, the Society for

the Stdy of Social Pro)lems& -. Wri'ht Mills !-ard, and the !ssociation of 1lac/ Women

Historians& 7etitia Woods 1ro-n Memorial 1oo/ PriBe.

Centr$ Socioo0ic$ 5uestions

Collins, li/e *ocalt, sees a stron' connection )et-een (o-er and /no-led'e. Certain forms of

/no-led'e can )e dominatin'G other forms of /no-led'e can )e li)eratin'. Collins ;4>>>9(($, p. 9&:. It overwhelms people in a moment where

the past and future are swallowed up in a never4ending 3repetition of hedonistically

driven pleasure3 8p. 9&:. Further, the material calculus argues that the greatest value

comes from profit4driven calculations. very other consideration, such as love and

service to others, is hidden under the bushel ofprofit.

"s Ive mentioned, most of these cultural ramifications of markets and commodification have also been present in other groups. But in +ests 8$''1>9(( l:

opinion, two issues make these effects particularly destructive for blacks. First,

black upward mobility and the presence of the black middle class concern only a

small sliver of the pie.


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other animals simply exist. But human beings ask, and in asking we create human

existence as a uni!ue experience. #hat uni!ue experience is existential angst, wor

rying over the great !uestions of life. But this angst can lead to the great transcen

dences of human life; it can lead to community as we share our existential existence.

+est employs the idea of angst to describe the uni!uely black experience of liv

ing under "merican capitalism and democracy4under slavery blacks were denied

existence as human beings and werent given civil rights until the $'&(s. Further,

black experience is deeply historical, yet the past and the future are now buried

under the market4driven pleasures of the moment; and black experience is funda

mentally communitarian, yet that civic and religious base is overwhelmed by mar

ket individualisms; black experience is painfully oppressive, yet it is countered only

by increasing target marketing and consumerism. #hus, +est argues that the resultof market saturation and morality for blacks is a deeply spiritual condition of

despair and insecurity. Because blacks no longer have the necessary culture, com

munity, or leadership, this angst cannot be used productively. It is instead turned

inward as anger. "nd this anger is played out in violence against the weak.

Dighteous anger, turned against the oppressor in hopes of liberation, becomes

increasingly difficult to express. Black nihilism denies the hope in which this anger

is founded. +ith no viable path, this anger is turned inward and found in black

against4black violence, especially against black women and children.

Crisis in 4$c6 (e$dershi%

/owever, nihilism can be treated. +est argues that it is a disease of the soul, one

that cannot be cured, as there is always the threat of relapse. #his disease must be

met with love and care, not arguments and analysis. +hat is re!uired is a new kind

of politics, a "olitics o# conversion! which reaches into the subversive memory of

black people to find modes of valuation and resistance. olitics of conversion is

centered on a love ethic that is energied by concern for others and the recognition

of ones own worth. #his kind of politics re!uires prophetic black leaders who will

bring 3hope for the future and a meaning to struggle3 8+est, $''1>9(($, p. 9=:.

#here is, however, a crisis in black leadershi".

For +est, there is a relationship between community and leadership. )trong

leaders come out of vibrant communities. +ith the breakdown of the black com

munity, black leaders dont have a social base that is in touch with the real issues.

#here is thus no nurturing of critical consciousness in the heart of black "merica.

Dather, much of the new black leadership in "merica comes out of the middle class.

"nd black middle4class life is 3principally a matter of professional conscientious

ness, personal accomplishment, and cautious ad7ustment3 8+est, $''1>9(($, p. 0%:.

+est maintains that what is lacking in contemporary black leadership is anger

and humility; what is present in overabundance is status anxiety and concerns for

personal careers.

+est divides contemporary black leaders into two general types4politicians

and academics4with three kinds o# leadershi" styles0 race4effacing managerial

leaders, race4identifying protest leaders, and race4transcending prophetic leaders.

#here are some differences between politicians and academics, but by and large


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they e"ress the same leadership styles. #he managerial>elitist model is growing

rapidly in the Gnited )tates. #his style of leadership is one that has been co4opted

by bureaucratic norms. /e or she navigates the political scene through political

savvy and personal diplomacy. Dace is downplayed in the hopes of gaining a white

constituency. In academia, the elitist sees himself or herself as having a kind of

monopoly over the sophisticated analysis of black "merica. But the analysis is flat

and mediocre because of the intellectuals desire to fit into the university system. In

both cases, whether under political savvy or academic abstraction, race is effaced.

#he second type of leader, the protest leader, capitalies on the race issue but in

a very limited way, in a kind o#1one(note racial analysis3 8+est, $''1>9(($, p. &=:.

%ere 3Black3 becomes all4powerful. West characteries these leaders as 3confining

themselves to the black turf, vowing to protect their leadership status over it, and

serving as power brokers with powerful nonblack elites3 8p. &(:. In this context,racial reasoning reigns supreme.

/acial reasoning is a way of thinking that is concerned with e!uality more as a

group right rather than a general social issue. For West! racial reasoning begins with

an assumption of the black experience. #he discourse of race then centers on black

authenticity2 the notion that some black experiences and people are really black while

others arent. Dacial reasoning results in blacks closing ranks, but again it is around a

one4note song rather than a symphony of color. Dacial reasoning results in black

nationalist sentiments that 3promote and encourage black cultural conservatism,

especially black patriarchal 8and homophobic: power3 8+est, $''1>9(($, p. 1%:.

-losing the ranks thus creates a hierarchy of acceptability within a black context2

the black subordination of women, class divisions, and sexual orientation within

black "merica.

e$dershi% /or E=u$ity

These two kinds of black leaders have promoted political cynicism among black

people and have dampened 3the fire of enraged local activists who have made a dif

#erence1 8+est, $''1>9(($, p. &=:. art of black nihilism, or nothingness, is this

sense of ineffectuality, of being lost in a storm too big to change. vMhat is needed,

according to West! are black leaders founded on moral reasoning rather than racial

reasoning. 5oral reasoning is the stock and trade of race4transcending prophetic

leaders. rophetic leadership does not rest on any kind of racial supremacy, black

or white. It uses a coalition strategy! which seeks out the antiracist traditions found

in all peoples. It re#uses to divide black people over other categories of distinction

and re)ects patriarchy and homophobia. )uch an approach promotes moral rather

than racial reasoning.

#his framework of moral reasoning is also based on a mature black identity of

self4love and self4respect that re#uses to put 3any group of people on the pedestal or

in the gutter3 8+est, $''1>9(($, p. H1:.


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Both the coalition strategy and mature black identity are built at the local level.+est 8$''': sees local communities as working 3from below and sometimes

beneath modernity3 8p. 99$ :, as if local communities can function below the radar

of markets and commodification. It is within vibrant communities and through

public discourse that local leaders are accountable and earn respect and love. )uch

leaders merit national attention from the black community and the generalpublic,

according to 9:9Test.

In this framework, the liberal focus on economic issues is re7ected as simplistic.

Eikewise, the conservative criti!ue of black immorality is dismissed as ignoring

public responsibility for the ethical state of the union. In their places,+estproposes

a democratic, pragmatically driven dialogue. "s I mentioned earlier, +est doesnt

propose absolutes. /is is a prophetic call to radical democracy and faith, to finally

take seriously the declaration that all people are created e!ual.#ogether, moral reasoning, coalition strategy, and mature black identity create

the black cultural armor. +ests use of3armor3 is a biblical reference. -hristians are

told in phesians &2$1 8?ew International Mersion: to 3put on the full armor of

od, so that when the day of evil comes, you may be able to stand your ground, and

after you have done everything, to stand.3 #here the threat was the powers of dark

ness in heavenly places; here the threat is black nihilism in the heart of democracy.

#hese two battles are at least parallel if not identical for +est. #he fight for true

democracy is a spiritual battle for the souls of humankind that have been dulled by

market saturation, especially the souls of black "merica. +est 8$''1>9(($: exhorts

black "merica to put on its cultural armor4a return to community life and moral

reasoning along with coalition strategy and mature black identity4so as to 3beat

back the demons of hopelessness, meaninglessness, and lovelessness3 and create

anew 3cultural structures of meaning and feeling3 8p. 91:.

Conce%ts $nd Theory: The &ostdemocr$tic 0e

Qwests 89((H: newest work is an indictment of "merican democracy in the wake of

'>$$. /e argues that the terrorist attacks on )eptember $$, 9(($, provided the spark

to an already existing fire bed of antidemocratic dogmas and an emasculated polit

ical process. +est notes that the political scene in the Gnited )tates has recently

been dominated by an illicit marriage of corporate and political elites 8a plutoc

racy: and the -hristian Dight. "mong the plutocratic elite, 3salesmanship to thedemos has taken the place of genuine democratic leadership3 8p. 1:. iven the

choice between two political alternatives that are both dependent upon corporate

favor, people are increasingly choosing to opt out of the democratic process,both

in terms of voting and critical dialogue. +est characteries this as a postdemocra

tic age43the waning of democratic energies and practices in our present age of the

"merican empire3 8p. 9:.

+est 89((H: sees the emptiness of the "merican political culture, created by

market saturation and a dearth of leadership, as giving place to the -hristian

Dight. eople are reaching out for a sense of meaning and purpose. #he -hristian

Dight provides that, but its righteousness is misguided and its perspective 3narrow,


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exclusionary, and punitive3 8p. &&:. )pecifically, the rhetoric of -hristian funda

mentalism is used to legitimate three antidemocratic dogmas2 free4market fundamentalism, aggressive militarism, and authoritarianism. In addition, +est 89((H:

argues that the -hristian Dight is perverting the soul of "merican democracy,

3because the dominant forms of -hristian fundamentalism are a threat to the tol

erance and openness necessary for sustaining any democracy3 8p. $H&:.

+est is a -hristian. But he sees vast differences between what he calls

-onstantinian -hristianity and prophetic -hristianity. Constantinian Christianity

is named after the Doman emperor -onstantine, who converted to -hristianity in

1$9 -. #he various accounts differ on some of the specifics, but all agree that

-onstantine received a vision of -hrist 7ust before the Battle of the


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Ch$%ter 2 @ Politics of Identity: Smith, Collins, and West 41

Three ntidemocr$tic Do0m$s

Before we begin this section, we should take a moment to define what +est

means $y democracy. 4emocracy is not simply the freedom to vote4the freedom

to vote democratically is based on the presence of at least three elements. #ogether,

these elements give democracy a forward vision4the hope of future progress

gained through re7ecting the shackles of the past and the continual process of

enlightenment. #he first element of democracy is open and critical dialogue. #he

democracy of the Gnited )tates is built upon such dialogue, as is evident in the

Aeclaration of Independence and the First "mendment to the -onstitution.

#he second element is necessitated by the first2 the freedom of ideas and informa

tion necessary for democratic dialogue and !uestioning. Aemocracy cannot exist in

an environment where knowledge and thought are hidden in darkness.#hird, the necessity of dialogue and the freedom of ideas imply compassion for

and acceptance of diverse others. " democratic government exists in order to pre

serve the freedoms and rights of diverse others. "ny kind of government can pro

tect its borders and provide infrastructure, but K.Mest argues that a democratic

government is especially well4suited to guard the freedoms of its citiens in the face

of oppression. #his protection is the defining feature of a democratic government

and its sole reason for existence. ?ote that acceptance is not the same as tolerance.

#L:lerated voices arent allowed an e!ual footing in dialogue. But "merican democ

racy goes further than acceptance. In the roots of "merican democracy there is

desire for alternative voices.

+est takes seriously the idea that culture can exist and act like a structure. #his

position implies first that culture can develop autonomously and second that cul

ture can have its own set of effects in concert with or independent of other social

structures. In this case, the social structural issues that concern +est are the rising

plutocracy and the -hristian Dight. +est is also still concerned with the saturation

of market forces. In addition, +est sees the terrorist attacks of '>$$ as a key event

in pushing the Gnited )tates toward a postdemocratic society.

#here are three cultural dogmas with which +est is concerned2 free4market fun

damentalism, aggressive militarism, and escalating authoritarianism. +ell talk

about each of these in a moment, but first notice +ests use of religious terms. First,

these cultural issues are dogmas. vMhile dogma can have a more general meaning,

in religious circles it is a technical term with a very specific meaning. Aogmas are

otlicially established religious doctrines. #hey serve not only to distinguish onebelief system from another, but they are also the guiding lights for religious prac

tice. +est is telling us that these cultural elements function like religious dogma2

#hey dictate and legitimate certain beliefs and practices. "nd these beliefs, prac

tices, and legitimations are held to be fundamental to a certain way of life4in this

case, the "merican way of life.

#he second religious term that vMest uses is fundamentalism, and it is used in

reference to the first cultural belief2 free markets. Interestingly enough, though we

may now talk about Islamic fundamentalists, the term was first used in reference

to rotestant -hristianity. -hristian fundamentalismbegan in the Gnited )tates


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during the nineteenth century in response to several millennialist movements

8belief in the second coming and $,(((4year reign of -hrist:. It spread during the

latter part of the nineteenth century because of rotestant concerns over -atholic

immigration, labor unrest, and biblical criticism. #here are several beliefs that are

common to fundamentalism, including the literal interpretation of the Bible, the

physical second coming of -hrist, physical resurrection, and so on. But what

"eo"le believe is not as im"ortant as how "eo"le believe4fundamentalism is char

acteried by absolute certainty and militant conservatism.

In terms of free markets, +est 89((H: is arguing that "merican culture has

developed a militant belief in them4a #ree(market #undamentalism. Free markets

are perceived to be the mechanism for bringing about international cooperation,

moderniation, happiness, true competition, the good life, and so forth. #his glo

rification of the market leads to a corporate4dominated society where the interests

of capitalism are e!uated with democracy and corporate leaders are seen as the

highest expression of democratic good. #he current idea of free markets seems to

be shielded by a faith that borders on worship; little is done in the face of the esti

mated N1(( billion cost of white collar crime 8Eegal Information Institute, n.d.:.


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Ch$%ter 2 E Politics of Identity: Smith, Collins, and West 43

#he next antidemocratic dogma that +est explains is aggressive militarism."lthough the roots of both this and the next dogma 8authoritarianism: go deeper,

the immediate stimulus is the terrorist attacks of '>$$. +est 89((H: sees '>$$ as a

watershed moment for "merican democracy2 3#he ugly events of '>$$ should have

been an opportunity for national self4scrutiny3 8p. $9:. +hy did the terrorists

attack the Gnited )tates@ +hat ideas are so meaningful that men would not only

kill but lay down their own lives to communicate@ +hat are the social, political,

and historical backgrounds@ Aid G.). imperialist behavior play a role@ But rather

than becoming positively responsive, +est points out, the citiens of this nation

either killed any hope of communication in a 3simplistic and aggressive with us or

against us stance3 8p. $9: or were silenced by the single4note dogmatism of "merican

fundamentalism.

#hus, rather than democratic !uestioning, the Gnited )tates turned to the

dogma of aggressive militarism. #he new national policy of war became defined

in terms of the 3preemptive strike,3 where in the presence of even faulty intelli

gence it is in the nations best interest to attack first. In practice, this policy is evi

denced by unilateral intervention, colonial invasion, and armed occupation of

foreign soil and people. +est clarifies the costs of such actions2 "t the interna

tional level, the use of unmasked violence tends to create further instability; at the

national level, the dogma of militarism results in expanded police power, further

development of the prison4industrial complex, and increased legitimation of

male power and violence; at the ethical level, such elite4driven war actions are

always paid for most dearly in the disproportional deaths of youth coming from

lower classes and populations of color.#he third member of this trinity of antidemocratic dogma is escalating authori

tarianism. +est argues that the "merican belief in authoritarianism is rooted in the

understandableparanoia about terrorism, the longstanding fear of individuals hav

ing too many liberties, and the deep4seated distrust of any social or cultural differ

ences. #he events of '>$$ rekindled and deepened these fears. #he results have gone

in the exact opposite direction from democracy2 dramatic increases in governmen

tal surveillance, especially within schools and universities, and decreases in legal

protections of individual citi;ens4these two are coupled with and amplified by

decreases in the oversight of government activities.

+est sees an analogy here. In "merica, he sees black people as having been 3nig

geried2 #o be niggeried is to be dehumanied, and blacks in this country have

been designated and treated as 3nigger3 for over 10( years. #hey have been made 3tofeel unsafe, unprotected, sub7ect to random violence, and hated3 8p. 9(:. In short,

blacks have been terroried by white "merica. ?ow, the entire Gnited )tates has

been niggeried. "s a result of the terrorism of '>$$, "mericans in general feel

unsafe, unprotected, sub7ect to random violence, and hated. #he comparison +est

wants to make is between the black response to terrorism and the current "merican

response to terrorism.

+est 8$''': characteries the current response to '>$$ as the gangsteriation

of "merica. " gangster mentality is one that makes things a 3!uestion of getting

over ... instead of getting better, and that gangster mentality promotes a war


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against all3 8p. 9$=:. #his gangsteriation of "merica not only concerns aggressive militarism and escalating authoritarianism, it also involves market morali

ties and fetishes that come out of free4market fundamentalism. #hese dogmas

have produced 3an unbridled grasp at power, wealth, and status3 that have

snuffed the democratic light from the very nation that is its chief advocate2 3+e

are experiencing the sad "merican imperial devouring of "merican democracy3

8+est, 9((H, p. =:.

&uttin0 on the Democr$tic rmor

#o combat the nihilist threat, to overcome the niggeriation and gangsteriation

of "merica, +est exhorts us to put on the democratic armor. #here are three ele

ments to this defensive covering2 )ocratic !uestioning, prophetic 7ustice, and tragicomic commitment to hope. )ocrates never wrote a word. +hat we know of the

ocratic $uestioning came to us through lato, his student. lato presents the

)ocratic method as a way of discovering ethical truths. It is a method of in!uiry that

uses critical !uestions as its tool4imagine a class where the professor didnt lecture

but only asked !uestions. #he purpose of the method is to !uestion every idea until

its underlying assumptions are exposed. #he assumptions are then !uestioned in

terms of their logical relationship to other assumptions. In this process, those

involved agree to accept any answer that is logically reasoned. In other words, what

matters most is the process, not the product. #here arent predetermined truths that

the 3teacher3 is attempting to impose. uestioning and logic, then, are both

method and goal.

Im sure you can see why +est advocates )ocratic !uestioning as a primary piece

in the democratic citiens armor. Aemocracy for +est is based upon and can only

prosper when critical !uestioning is its driving force. "s +est points out, critical

!uestioning was the wellspring of "mericas first document, the Aeclaration of

Independence2 +ithout it, not only would the Gnited )tates not have been born,

but the Gnited )tates as a truly democratic nation could not continue to exist.

+est gives us at least two guidelines for this !uest. First, we must engage in a

critical and open4minded assessment of the history of every dogma. +est takes

seriously the structural weight of culture. One of the things that means is that

ideas and dogmas do not exist as some kind of solilo!uy or solo performance.

#hey have a history. Gncovering that history exposes ideologys contingent and

political base. #he second guideline that +est gives us is the race lens. #he historyof ideas and the race lens go hand in hand. #here are a number of frames through

which we could uncover the heritage of democratic ideas in "merica. But the race

lens is perhaps the most powerful, because whether we look at the oppression of

gays, women, workers, or the near genocide of ?ative "mericans, what we find at

the core is 3the deeply antidemocratic and dehumaniing hypocrisies of white

supremacy3 8+est, 9((H, p. $H:.

/owever, remember +ests 89((H: purpose in advocating the race lens2 to incite

critical in!uiry. #he purpose, then, is not to create 3sentimental stories of pure

heroes of color and impure white villains3; this would 3simply flip the script and tell


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new lies about ourselves3 8p. $0:. Dather, using the race lens should unsettle

"mericans. It should bring into sharp relief the distinctions between -onstantinian

"merica and democratic "merica. It should humble "merica in the realiation that

todays dogmas are 7ust as destructive to the democratic spirit as racism. It should

make "mericans re7ect dogmas of any kind. "ccording to +est, democracy never

gets it right; what is right about democracy is its process2 3"ll democracies are

incomplete and unfinished3 8p. 9(H:. In short, the race lens should prompt never

ending )ocratic, pragmatic !uestioning and parrhesia4freedom of speech.

+est points out something extremely important about democracy and freedom

of speech. #he men who founded "merica feared the masses or demos. lato feared

the demos as well and advocated the rule of philosopher4kings. #hese elite feared

chaos and anarchy. #he masses were seen as uneducated and capable of being easily persuaded. +est 89((H: tells us that the 3genius of the Founding Fathers3 of the

Gnited )tates was to still grant and protect )ocratic !uestioning and freedom of

speech 8p. 9$$:. +hat this means is that democracy is founded on a tension

between elites and the demos, and this tension is always and necessarily there. If

either side becomes too dominant 8as with the current "merican plutocracy:, the

dialogue that democracy is founded on comes to a halt.

)ocratic !uestioning and commitment to "ro"hetic )ustice are intertwined.


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racticing for 7a entails an understanding of music theory so deep that it frees

the player to intuitive improvisation. #hus, a democratic commitment to prophetic

7ustice entails a commitment to true and continuous education. #ogether, polyvo

cality and self4education create fire4they both produce and validate prophetic

speech. Only when a person is committed to diversity in community and to the edi

fication of education can he or she speak. +hen one is dedicated to this fire, he or

she must speak, and in the fire of polyvocality and self4education others will listen.

#he third portion of the democratic cultural armor is a tragicomic commitment

to ho"e. #o explain this armor, +est draws on the musical genre of the blues.


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blacks because of the black heritage in "merica. #he mix of past wounds, the

continuing racial pre7udice, and market moralities create black nihilism 8a sense of

hopelessness and meaninglessness associated with living as a black person in the

Gnited )tates:.

I +est exposes a crisis in black leadership, arguing that most black leaders

either fall under the managerial>elitist model or that of protest leaders. +ithprotest

leaders, racial reasoning is paramount, which promotes ethics based on skin color

alone, rather than on moral or 7ustice issues. +est calls on prophetic leaders that

will transcend race and return to moral reasoning. #hese leaders must begin in the

community, at the grassroots level, where they can participate in pragmatic

community dialogue, build up trust, and maintain accountability.

I KMest argues that since '>$$, "merica has entered a postdemocratic age. #here

are three dogmas that have worked to bring this about2 free4market fundamentalism,

aggressive militarism, and escalating authoritarianism. #o return to democracy, +est

argues that we must put on the democratic armor2 )ocratic !uestioning, prophetic

7ustice, and tragicomic commitment to hope.

(e$rnin0 +ore-&rim$ry Sources

E Primary sorces for Dorothy E. Smith:

o Smith, D. B. ;23>F>F


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;Contined

Documents

Social Lens - Politics of Identity