Social Dimensions of Art in Early India

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Social Scientist

Social Dimensions of Art in Early IndiaAuthor(s): Devangana DesaiSource: Social Scientist, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Mar., 1990), pp. 3-32Published by: Social ScientistStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3517423

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DEVANGANA DESAI*

Social Dimensionsof Art in Early India**

IArt activity is a social process in which the artist, the work of art andthe art public are interacting elements1. The social history of artexplores the dynamics of the relationshipbetween the patron/public,the artist and the work of art in the context of the social formationof agiven period of history. The dynamics of this relationship changesaccordingto the changesin the economic base of the society.Thechangein the artistic activity could be linked, among other factors, with thechanges,due to the new mode of production, n the patronclass and insocio-religious institutions and ideologies, which in their turn createnew requirementsand fresh opportunities for the emergence of newforms and content n art2.A preliminaryrequirementfor the socio-historicalstudy of Indianart,needless to say, is an acquaintancewith monuments and artobjectsthemselves as well as familiaritywith chronologicalanalyses workedout by art historiansand, at the same time, adequate knowledge of thesocialforcesat work when the art understudy was produced.The socialhistory of Indian art then is an interdisciplinarystudy combining theareas of art historicaland social historical research of the period con-cerned. This is a field where joint efforts of both art historians andsocial historians can lead to fruitfulresults.Indian art historical writing today is almost emancipated from thestereotypeof the superiorityof Greece and from the Westernstandardsof perspective.A lively debate is going on among art historians on thelimitations of dynastic appellations to art styles with an increasingrealization that the rulers influenced not so much the form as the ex-tent of art styles. Dynastic appellationis retainedby some scholars as'convenientdenomination',but 'thereis now visible a shift from classi-ficationbased on dynastyto one basedon region'3. ndianterminologyofSilpa-texts is widely used to describe monuments, and thecorrespondenceof texts and monuments is being investigated. In thisfield contributionsby M.A. Dhaky, P. O. Somapura,Krishna Deva,* Visiting Professor, Ananthacharya Indological Research Institute, Bombay.* * Presidential Address, Section I, Ancient India, Indian History Congress, 50th Session,Gorakhpur University, 30 December 1989.


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOF ART IN EARLY NDIA 5assessment of the past frees us from certain ahistorical assumptionsseen in the early writings on the everlasting norms and unchangingvalues of Indian art, and on the idealization of the relationship of theartist and the patron. Ancient Indian society was not static, but therewere periods of change which influenced social institutions as well asother aspects of life,14 including art.Prof. R.S. Sharma's outline15 of broad phases of economic change inancient India helps us in relating changes in art activity to changes insocio-economic conditions. His significant finding on the decay of townsfrom about AD 300 onwards, based on the survey of more than 130 exca-vated sites in the country,16 and gradual changes in the agrarian sys-tem and the beginning of feudal tendencies also from about this timecalls our attention to a new social formation and to major changes in lifearound this period.17 In the 4th-7th centuries ancient Indian societywas in a stage of transformation. Urban centres began to decline fromthe close of the 3rd century and finally were deserted towards the closeof the 5th and 6th centuries AD. Pointing to the shrinkage in the tradenet-work which coincided with the decline of urban centres from thepost-Kushana through the Gupta period, B.D. Chattopadhyaya alsosays. 'The decline was geographically widely distributed, and sincethis observation is based on a study of archaeological sequences at anumber of early historical sites, both of northern and southern India,the chronology decline of this urban phase is not a matter ofspeculation.'18 R.N. Nandi has made an interesting observation, basedon epigraphical sources, on the migration of brahmanas from the towns,which archaeologists find in a state of decay in the 3rd-4th centuryAD, and the same places declared as tirthas by the Puranic writers ofthe early medieval period. He finds 'the three processes of decay,migration and sanctification' simultaneously observed in case ofMathura, Vaishali, Ayodhya, Gaya and other ancient towns, whichturned into tirthas.19The socio-economic pattern gradually changed from the commodityproduction and market-conditioned economy of towns of the previousperiod (i.e. c. 6th century BC-AD 300) towards feudal mode of produc-tion from about AD 300. As Romila Thapar puts it: 'The Gupta period(fourth and fifth centuries AD) marked the beginning of a major changein the agrarian system with the assignment of land grants and revenuegrants to both religious and secular assignees resulting in a newpolitico-economic structure in many parts of the sub-continent.'20 Thenew economy was marked by urban contraction and agrarian expansionand its impact was felt more from the end of the 6th century. B.N.S.Yadava says, 'The samanta system or the feudal complex which comesinto clearer view in the sixth and seventh centuries, and later revealedmore than one phase of development, was the most outstanding phe-nomenon of early Middle Ages.'21


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6 SOCIALSCIENTISTOn the basis of the above observationson the socio-economicchangeswe have divided our study of the social milieu of early Indian art inthreebroad periods:

(i) c. 300 BC-AD 00 (with its sub-periods)(ii) c. AD300-600(iii) c. AD600-1300(with its sub-periods)Thesetimebrackets,22o doubt,are useful roughframeworks n orderto see the general trends in socio-economic patternsand artistic mani-festations, but it should be remembered that in the social sphere therecannot be a sharp dividing line at a particularperiod of time. Changesare gradual and their effects spread out over a number of years.Moreover,thereare variationsfromregion to region.Broadly speaking, the first period falls within the urban phase (the'second urbanization'of India)and on the basis of economic change hasbeen divided into two phases: (1) c. 300-200BC,when there was statecontrol of production under the Mauryasand the pan-Indianperspec-tive; (2) c. 200 BC-AD300 characterizedby commodity production andRoman trade in the post-Maurya period.23Forshowing the contrastofthe Maurya court art with the post-Maurya phase at Bharhut andSanchi we have put them under one section:the 3rd throughIst centuryBC.The period AD 300-600,synchronizingfor most part with the rule ofthe Gupta and Vakatakadynasties, witnessed on the one hand partialfeudalization of the land system and the rise of local units of produc-tion, and on the other hand reaped the fruits of prosperity andnagarakaculture. It is a transitional period which combines some ofthe characteristicsof the first and the third periods, and in the sphereof art is markedby what is called the 'classical'phase of Indian art.The effects of feudal economy are more clearly felt in the thirdperiod of our study, i.e. c. AD600-1300.BetweenAD600-750therewas ariseof numerouspetty statesin northernIndia underwhom local centresof art sprang up. In the peninsula vigorous art flourished under thepowerful rulers of the Chaulukya and Pallava dynasties. The 8th-9thcenturies witnessed the rise of the three majorruling houses, viz. thePalas, the Rashtrakutas and the Pratiharas. There was a spurt in artactivity in this period. The period AD 900-1300saw the climax as wellas weakening of feudalism. Mild urbanprocess, also called third phaseof urbanization,beganin some partsof the countryfrom the close of the9th century24;however the early medieval urban experience is differ-ent from that of the ancient towns. Ruralurban continuum without aclearcut demarcation of rural and urban boundaries is reported byscholarsin south India,Bengaland otherregions.25Under the numerousindependent dynasties such as the Chandellas, Chedis, Cholas,Chaulukyas and their feudatories who ama-ssed wealth and power,temple building reached monumental proportionsas never before. Art


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOFART IN EARLY NDIA 7was interpretedaccordingto variousregionalschools which flourishedin this period.The time span is too vast to cover in the Address,but here we shallpresentsome majortrendsin artagainstits socialbackgroundand raisesome issues of mutual importanceto historians of art and society.26Ineach period the art supported by the newly rising class is vital andsignificant.The art we are examiningwas associated mainly with thereligious monuments. The network which operated in the support ofreligiousmonumentsand theproductionof artchanged according o thesocio-economicorcesof eachperiod.During the period 300 BC-AD300 the country experienced greatactivity in trade and commerce, when towns emerged on the traderoutes-the Uttarapatha, Dakshinapatha and other routes coveringvast areas in the northernand centralIndia, the Deccan and Andhraregion having links with Central Asia and the Roman world. In thisperiod of urbangrowth, it was mainly the Buddhist and Jainamonu-ments which were supported by the trading and artisan groups.Symbiotic relationships between monasteries,mercantile and artisanguilds under an overall royal support led to a close nexus of religion,economy and polity, the details of which need to be worked out indifferent regions taking into accountecological and cultural factors.27Monuments were commissioned on jointco-operativeeffort by a largenumber of common people each one of whom could contribute cashdonations.Under the samanta-feudatory ystem, on the other hand, the build-ing of temples acquired social importance.Purtadharma,which con-sisted in building temples, tanks, and undertaking public works ofcharity, got emphasized in the Puranas and Smritis,and became thedominant ideology of the period.28 At the economic level, templebuilding could be extensively undertaken as feudal conditions hadgiven rise to a proliferationof samantasand rulers of numerousprinci-palities, all of whom possessed their own villages and village folkwhom they could dispose of freely to religious institutions,as is borneout by the Chinese account of AD 732.29All of them separatelybuilttemples and Buddhist viharas, and not jointly as in case of theBuddhistandJainamonumentsof thepreviousperiod.Theemergenceofthe Rajputs n about the 7th centuryand their efforts for validation oftheir status accelerated the incidence of donations to brahmanas(brahmadeya)and to temples (devadana).Thegrowing numberof landgrantsto brahmanasand theirmigrationto countrysidecould lead templebuilding to a wider areaand at placeswhich had not earlier been exposed to Sanskritic influence.Brahmanical religion effectively used legendary narratives of theEpicsand the Puranas n its templeartfrom5thcenturyADonwards.Meanwhile, the Smarta-Pauranicreligion in its evolution wasinfluenced by the magical elements such as mandala, antra,mantraofanother powerful religious movement known as Tantrism which


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8 SOCIALSCIENTISTemerged in the border areas as a result of Brahmanicalcolonization oftribal areas through the process of land grants.30 Tantrism in itshistoricaldevelopment from about the 5th centuryAD31also underwentchanges in its esoteric and aghori(terrible)practices.Tantrism was animportant force in the early medieval period and it is thereforeneces-sary to point out the different levels at which its influence was felt: (1)esoteric Tantrismwith its ritualisticrigour, (2) Tantrism at a 'popular'level as associated with some of the early Medieval Tantricsects, and(3) the general influence of Tantrism n various areas of Indian culturethrough the fusion of some of its magicalelements and practices in thePuranas,Nibandhas, etc.32While the content of temple art during 6th-13thcenturies was influ-enced by Tantricelements and beliefs at the general level through itspermeation in the Puranas, the temple and its art were also greatlyinfluenced by Tantrismat its 'popular' evel through some of the sectslike the Pasupatas, Kalamukhasand the Saiva Siddhantins (of mod-erate right hand order) who received ample royal patronage. ThePasupatas had their network spread from about the 6th century inmany reigions of India. The Saiva Siddhantins wielded considerableinfluence from the 10thcenturyon royal familiesand temples of centralIndia, Maharashtra,Andhra and Tamil Nadu.33 The acharyasof thissect incorporatedarchitecturaland iconic canons along with rituals intheir texts such as the Isanasivagurudevapaddhati andSomasambhupaddhati,nfluenced construction of the temple,34 andpossibly mediated between royal patronsand architects n designing ofthe temple. This is an interesting area for research.The influence of the Bhaktipoets, Nayanmars and Alvars, was feltin art, religion and polity of south India during the Pallava-Pandyarule on which some work has been done by scholars. Of special interestis the role of the Bhaktipoets in supporting the temple institution, formost of their hymns were directly connected with particulartemplesand sthalas.35.This was the period of social transformation in southIndia as reflected in the development of huge agrarian corporationspresided over by temple-centred Brahmanical settlements, danatotemples and brahmanas by the rulers who sought their support inlegitimation of their authority.36 It seems that the conjoint forcesrepresented by the king, the brahmanas, the temples and the Bhaktipoets operated in power politics of the period disseminatingBrahmanical culture. There was effective mass response inspired bythe poets which helped remove dissensions prevailing within varioussections of the society and bringing about the atmosphere of harmonyand political integration.Now we shall have a glimpse of some trends in art in the threebroad periods of our classification.


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOFARTIN EARLY NDIA 9IIIc. 300 BC-AD300

THE THIRDTHROUGHTHEFIRSTCENTURYBCThe art of the first empire under the Mauryas,who ruled a vast terri-tory from the Khyber to the Deccan, reflects the stern austerity andformal conventionalism of court art, as demonstrated by Prof.Niharranjan Ray.37The Sarnathcapital is one of the highly finishedand finestexamplesamong the numerous monolithiccolumns of Asokabearing his message of Dhamna. The art under Asoka was symbolic,suggestive and international n cutlook. But after the Mauryarule theart of the Buddhist monuments at Bharhutand Sanchireverted to theindigenous style and narrative form of the charana-chitras(portablepicture galleries).38 Why was the three-dimensional form and ad-vanced technique of the Mauryaart given up in the post-Mauryaartwhich was represented n termsof surface rather than depth?The change in the style can be accounted not on the basis of theexhaustion of style but on the basis of the difference in the socio.-culturalsituations of the two artsand their social functions. As is wellknown, the Maurya rulers borrowed heavily from the Achaemenianand Hellenistic arts. Asoka tried to discourage popular festivals,gatherings (samajas)and the observation of vows (vratas)as is seenfrom his edicts. But after the disintegration of the Maurya empirethere was a revival of popular elements both in religion and art. Theart of the Buddhist monuments of Bharhutand Sanchi shows stronglinks with the tribal and village cults of the Yakshas,Nagas and treespirits.39The names of some of the donors in inscriptionssuggest theirassociationwith tribesand clans.In contrastto the individualistic tastes of the Mauryaruler, it is thecollective tastes of the people that found representationin the post-Mauryaart. This was possible because art now became a cooperativeeffortof a largenumberof people,merchants,artisans,monks,nunswhocould donate to Buddhist monuments. At Sanchi out of 631 donativeinscriptions,only three mention royalty,while the largest single groupof donors, about 200, were monks and nuns hailing from differenttowns.40 The Magadhandominancein art and economy gave place tothe flowering of numerouscentres between Bengaland Punjabhavingindependentcoinage system.Thesurpluswas widely distributedamongsmaller kingdoms. The social position of craftsmenimproved as theywereindependentpersons earningcashincome.Terracottaart also reflects the changed social situations of the twoperiods. While the Maurya royal society and upper classes ofMagadha commissioned special potters (rajakumbhakaras)41o pro-duce artistic terracottasresembling Hellenistic figurines, the countryoutside Magadhawas producingcrude terracottas or cults and rituals.But in the post-Mauryaperiod with the wider distribution of surplusand rapidprogressof urbanization here was an unprecedentedmarket


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10 SOCIALSCIENTISTfor terracottas.Largenumber of people had purchasing power to buyluxury goods, including art objects.Terracotta-making ose to the levelof an industry and terracottasbecame commodities for the market,therelationship of the potter-artists and his clientele became to someextent indirect due to the agency of the market. The potter-artistmetthe mass demand for terracottasby the use of moulds, which in theirturn influenced the art of terracottas.Compositions in linear relief, asin stone carvings of Bharhut,appearedin terracottaart.THEFIRSTTHROUGHTHE THIRDCENTURYADWith the active Indo-Roman trade in the early centuries of theChristianera, the number and position of trade and craftguilds furtherincreased. Numerous Buddhist establishments appeared on the traderoute sites of the western Deccan,Andhra and Karnatakasupportedbyextensive donations from commercial and artisan groups, monks andnuns, queens and noble ladies.Nearly800 rock-cutcaves were excavatedin the Deccan during the Satavahana period of which 128 bearinscriptions.42 Twelve caves record royal inscriptions, but there arehundreds of small individual donationsby craftsmenand artisans suchas potters, weavers, flower-vendors, braziers, kasakaras, ivoryworkers, goldsmiths, ironsmiths and so on, all of whom in the preva-lent economy could accumulatemoney which was not possible in latervillage economy. D.D. Kosambi43while discussing the various types ofdonorsat the western Indian caves points out that names of donors fromdifferent towns are marked on various portions of the caves, but theplans of the caves are unified. The design of the caves was supervisedby navakarmikas(overseers), who were often monks.44Kosambi has discussed the location of caves near trade routes andalso the participation of monastic establishments in trade and com-merce. He suggests an intimate connectionbetween the rich monasteryat Karle and the wealthy merchants' settlement of Dhenukakata.45Monks and nuns who donated to Buddhistestablishments seem to haveaccumulatedmoney as contractedwith the triflingpossessions allowedto them by the Vinaya rule. In a recent publication Himanshu Ray hasexamined in detail the role of Buddhist monasteries in the economiclife of the WesternDeccan.46

During this period prolific schools of Indian art developed inAndhracentres in the south and Mathura n the north,on which manyscholars have specialized. What we may note is that archaeologi-callythe connectionbetween urbanismandmonasticism s very stronginAndhra.Buddhismflourishedin Andhraas long as urbanismand tradeflourished.47Mathuraalso was an importantcommercialtown connect-ing Gandharawith the inland towns of the Ganga basin and those ofUjjain-Bharuch oute. It became a centre of artisticactivity against thebackgroundof vast international rade,extensive cosmopolitancontactsand urbanprosperityunder the Kushanaswhose empire stretchedfrom


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOF ARTIN EARLY NDIA 11the Gangabasin to the Aral Sea in CentralAsia, controllingthe traderoutesbetweenRome,IranandChina.48The foreign royalty enlisted the support of religion, mainlyBuddhism,and to some extentJainismand Brahmanism,promotedtheinterest of the mercantile community and enhanced the activity oftrade and commerceon which the prosperityof the empire depended.Buddhismin its turnunderwentchanges in its behavioural and doctri-nal aspects and cateredto the needs of the mixed populationof differ-ent geographicalareasalong with trade routes. The Sarvastivadinsectof TheravadaBuddhism,having its texts in Sanskrit was dominant inmany areasof the empire includingMathuraand Peshawar.The Kushana rulers further reinforced their power and position bydeifying themselvesin variousways, specially by embossingnimbusontheir portraits, by having grandiloquent titles and by institutingancestor worship of dead kings. For the first time in India we comeacross the art of portraiture in the ancestor shrine at Mat nearMathura. Here the Parthian-Iranianmodels were adopted in stricthieratic frontality.49The socio-religious set-up generatedthe need for Bhaktior devotionfor a personal god. The Buddha and several Brahmanicaldeities gottheir first representationduring this period. In this context the contro-versy as to where the first image of the Buddha was made sidetracksthe issue of the changes that were taking place in the religious life ofthe period. The Mathuraworkshops produced a large number of theBuddha and Bodhisattva images, some for exporting to sites likeSanchi, Sarnath,Sravasti and Taxila.The images show the continuityof indigenous traditionof the massiveYakshaforms.50The inscriptions of Mathura,unlike at Gandhara,indicate Indiannames of artists. The sculptor Sivamitramade a life-size image of theBuddhafor the Jetavanamonasteryof Sravasti.51The improved posi-tion of the stone-carversof Mathuramade possible for them to donateimages.The artof Mathuraand Andhracentresreflectsopulence and sensu-alism in the consciously posed Yakshisand femalefiguresin contrasttothe simplicity and naivety of the Bharhut Yakshis and Devatas.Bacchanalianthemes were depicted at Mathura on achamanakundis(water pots for libation) placed in Viharas of monks. The AndhrasculpturalreliefsdecoratingBuddhiststupas emphasized scenes in thelife of the Buddha prior to his Enlightenment,his stay in the harem,luxuriesof the courtandso forth.As we proceed from Bharhutand Sanchito Mathura,or from Bhajaand Pitalkhora o Karle,we can notice an increasingsense of depth insculptureand an advancein the artist'sconceptionof the humanfigure.The early phase of Amaravatiin 2nd-lst century BC,which came im-mediately after the Megalithicphase of the site, was nearerto the artof Bharhut,52but soon with increasedurbanism,highly sophisticatedand animated art appeared.Amaravatisculpturesreveal maturityand


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12 SOCIALSCIENTISTcomplexity of art. This can be partly accounted for by the progress inthe craft of sculpture and the inner development of art. But theincreasing cultivation of sringara and sensualization in art point tofactors external to the sphere of the inner logic of art-to the affluentsocial climate nurtured on the growing trade and urban development inearly centuries of the Christian era. The nagaraka or the cultured citi-zen, well versed in arts, represented the ideal of this urban culture.

IVc. AD 300-600In this period of transition when the upper classes, mercantile and thatof the newly emerging landlords, had amassed wealth that there wasan overall development in the arts, both literary and visual arts: ar-chitecture, sculpture, painting and terracotta. At this time when thefeudal tendencies had just begun to appear, art reflects the zest andvitality of the renewed brahmanism. For the first time in the 5thcentury AD temples were constructed in permanent material of stone.This was indeed an important landmark in the history of Indianarchitecture and could not have been possible without the correspond-ing achievements in architectural methods and techniques, develop-ments in the science of mathematics and engineering. But it was also asmuch inspired by the growing importance of Bhakti and by the newlyestablished Smarta-Pauranic religion which was associated with thenew social set-up.

Temples were built at numerous local centres and feudal headquar-ters. Art activity was decentralized. This is more evident in centralIndia where monuments of the 5th-6th century were spread over a widearea, many of them away from towns. Temples (of stone and brick) werebuilt at Sanchi, Tigawa, Khoh, Nachna, Pipariya, Bhumara,Deogadh, Darra, Mandasor, Bilsad, Gadhwa, Tumain, Bhitari, Eran,Pawaya, Achichchhatra, Bhitarganv, Ramtek, Mandhal-just tomention some important temple sites.53 Several temples were builtoutside the main Gupta-Vakataka domain, e.g. in Gujarat, Bengal,Assam and Punjab.

Building of temples away from the main centres and land grants tobrahmanas in uncleared territories led to dissemination of knowledgeof agriculture, calendar and technology and boosted agrarian expan-sion. It accelerated the Sanskritization process in tribal areas andremote villages. The Ramayana and Mahabharata appeared for thefirst time in temple art at Nachna, Deogadh, Gadhwa, Paunar andother sites.It would be worthwhile to find out the social status of the patrons oftemples wherever epigraphical material is available. How manydonors were from the royal families and the samanta class? Did mer-chants or craft guilds donate to religious monuments as they did in theearlier period? The evidence of patronage to a sun temple by silkweavers is well known from the Mandasor inscription of AD 473. While


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOF ART IN EARLY NDIA 13there are three inscriptions of ministers and feudatories of theVatsagulmabranchof the Vakatakasto the Buddhists, from the mainbranch and the Vatsagulmabranch only one merchant is reported.54Therearesporadicmerchantdonationsin westernIndia,as for instance,under the Maitrakasa tradesman built a vihara n AD 589.55Did mer-chants patronize Brahmanicaltemples in this period? There is notmuch evidence of the Gupta emperors'direct patronagefor the princi-pal monuments.Theonly works whose donor was clearlya Guptaem-peror are the three Jaina images dedicated by Ramagupta nearVidisha.56 However, the famous colossal Varahaat Udayagiri rescu-ing the Earth Goddess is conceived allegorically to representChandraguptaII who saved the earthfrom the Sakadomination.57At Udayagiri,the two caves No. 6 and 7 have inscriptionsof feuda-toriesof Chandragupta I.Oneis a pious gift madein G.E.82/AD 402bya maharaja of the Sanakanikas who meditated at the feet ofChandragupta II,58 while the other by Sabavirasena, a hereditaryminister of Chandraguptahailing from Pataliputra,has the inscrip-tion in verse which proclaimshis intellectual accomplishments.59Theformerin contrastseems to be a tribal chief. The art of their respectivecaves (Nos. 6 and 7) reveals different qualities, as pointed out byJoanna Williams.60While the tribal chief's cave is more parochial inapproach,the ministeremployed carverswho were fully aware of thecurrent style at Mathura. Such details from epigraphs, whereveravailable,can help us to focus on art at a closer view within the wide-angle framework of the general social set-up. Similarly, WalterSpink'sworkon Ajantagives us a microscopicview on developmentsinthese Buddhist caves.61A conscious break from the previous naturalistic style of theKushana art is noticed by art historiansin the Gupta art style with itstendency towards abstraction. Sculpture attained refinement and'classical'quality at Sarnathand Mathura. On the other hand, localethnic influences and ideology of neo-brahmanism are reflected insculpturalreliefs of Kausambi,Pawaya, Besnagar,etc. Numerous newforms of Siva and Vishnu, including the Visvarupa (cosmic form)emerged. There was a lively development in the field of philosophy.Yoga and Mahayana Buddhism-which gave spiritual content tosculpture. Sculpture could convey the qualities of inward-looking intheir expression, as for instance, the Buddha images of Sarnath,theEkamukhi linga at Khoh and the majestic Vishnu from Mathura.Coomaraswamy refers to 'the close parallels that exist at this timebetween the development of art and literature:the same abundancepervades the Sanskrit Kavya iterature, the Ajanta paintings and thedecorationof the Guptareliefs.'62Another significantdevelopment in art is that 'the image has takenits place in architecture'63,and it gets integrated in the generaldecorativescheme of the temple,as seen at Deogadh or Nachna. In thegreat cave temple of the Elephantaisland near Bombay,hewn out of


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14 SOCIALSCIENTISTrock in the time of a local feudatory dynasty of the KonkanMauryas64in the middle of the 6th century, not only the images of Sadasiva('Trimurti'),Siva as Ardhanari or Gangadharaare magnificent as in-dividual sculptures,but in the totalconfigurationof images surroundingthe linga in the sanctum, they evoke the 'presenceof Siva'.65The artisthas meaningfully planned their placement in pairs, representing theopposite rasas(sentiments), e.g. Siva as Aghora (fierce) facing Siva inhis placid form of the bridegroomin his marriagescene. The vitality ofpauranic myths, the poetic imagery of Kalidasa,66combined with theskill of master artists have produced great art in this Pasupata Saivasanctuary.Meanwhile terracottaart of the period reflects the social trends inthe two distinct categories,viz. (1) the miniaturefigurines and plaquesused by nagarakasor rituals and home decoration,and (2) large-sizedarchitecturalterracottafigures and plaques associated with Buddhistmonasteries (Mahasthan,MirpurKhas, Devni Mori) and Brahmanicaltemples (Pawaya, Ahichchhatra, Bhitarganv, Chausa, etc.) whichare more homely in character. A specialized craftsman pustakaraka(clay modeller) as distinct from kumbhakara(potter) came into picturewhen terracottasculpture was used for architecturaldecoration.67 t issignificant to note that the output of miniature terracottasmade forurban market dwindled in the post-Gupta period with the decline oftowns and market economy. The relationship of the terracotta pro-duction with urbanmarketeconomy in the contextof the second urban-ization of India is a fruitful area of research in the social historicalstudy of art.68Art historians notice a turning point in style in about AD 550,69though lingering 'classical'elements continued in eastern Indian sites.From about this time onwards there was a further growth of localpowers. Urban centresin the north and east declined and some of themsuch as Mathura,Gayaand Vaishaliemerged as pilgrimage centres.70

Vc. AD 600-1300c. 600-900There was a rise of numerous petty states, about fifty, between the 5thand 7th centuries, and many of them appeared in such areas as hadnever experienced any regular state machinery.71The collection andconsumptionof surpluswas no longercentralizedbut becamemoreandmore diffused and localized. Towns in this period were mainly pil-grimage centres, military encampments (skandhawaras)nd adminis-trative centres. The nagarakaethos was missing. The distinctionbetween the town and countrysidebecame increasinglyblurred.Therewas considerableagrarianexpansion from the close of the 8th centuryAD, particularly in peninsular India where there was an attemptedbreakthrough n the mode of agriculturalproduction.72Numerous local


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOF ARTIN EARLY NDIA 15centres of artemergedas religiousdonation also increasedwith the riseof the proliferationof local rulers and feudatories.A little before AD 600, the centre of artistic activity shifted fromnorth centralIndia, the heartof the Gupta empire, to southern India,where there was hectic temple building activity under the Chalukyasites at Badami, Aihole, Mahakut, Pattadakal, Alampur, KudaveliSangamesvara, and under the Pallavas at Mahabalipuram,Kanchiand other centres, to eastern India in the Chhatisgadh region(Mahakosala)under the Panduvamsis at Sirpur,Kharod, Tala, Palari,Rajim,and several centresin Bihar.FrederickAsher writing on the artof eastern Indiaobserves:'Ingeneral,the remainsshow that especiallyafterthe time of the Guptasthe artsbegan to flourishin EasternIndia,even though the Guptaperiod is often called a Golden Age of Indianculture.'73However, dated works are few until the establishment ofthe Pala authority in the area. In western India Brahmanicaltemplesand Buddhistmonasterieswere built under the Maitrakasof Vallabhi,Chapotkatasof Bhillamala,and Garulakasof western Saurashtra.74The classical idiom was now interpreted in terms of varied localethnic culturalbackground, though to some extent the all-India tradi-tion of art still persisted. Krishna Deva75 has noted Vakatakaartistictraditions of Ajantapersisting in the Mahakosalatemples of 6th-7thcenturies. The earlier Sanskritic trend in culture and art graduallygives way to regionalversions.Regionalversions of the Ramayanaarerepresented in temples of Pattadakai.Some of the sculptural panelshave inscribed labels in which the names of Ramayanacharactersarelocalized, e.g. Lakhan, Site, Suppankhi.76This suggests the preva-lence of a Kannada version of the Ramayanamentioned in the 9thcentury work Kavirajamarga.77Folkish elements are noticeable in sculptural panels of Nalandatemple II (7th century) which was similarities with terracottapanelsof Antichakand Paharpur(8th century).Images are expressive of theemotionalexperienceand ideology of the art public. This is evident atBhubaneswar in the dancers of the Parasuramesvara temple (7thcentury)and the fierceforms of gods and goddesses at the VaitalDeul(8th century)which is pervaded with Tantricatmosphere.In this period when the Bhakti poets sang devotional hymns intemplesof south India,we come acrossone of thegrandestdepictionsofKrishnalifting the mount Govardhanaat Mahabalipura, he sea-portof the Pallavas. Here the spectator (devotee) can himself become apartof the sceneof cowherdsunderthe mountainandbe transformed othe legendary time, away from the time of day to day existence.Anotherpanoramicvision can also be had at Mahabalipuramn one ofthe greatest moments of India'snarrativeart depicting the Descent oftheGangaor Arunja'spenance.Fromabout 750onwards artactivitygot a furtherimpetus under thefeuding but well established ruling families: the Palas in east India,the Pratiharas n north and centralIndia, and the Rashtrakutas n the


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16 SOCIALSCIENTISTDeccan.It is not so much their directpatronagebut rather it is the gen-eral environment in the vast territory under their rule which couldcreate conditions for the arts to flourish. Within their respectiverealms, local differences of style became minimized and more unifiedstyles emerged. Forinstance,under the Palas who brought Bengal andBihar under their political control, cultural identity of eastern Indiacan be seen in art. Some of the magnificentmonuments of India appearin this period of which the rock-cut Kailasanatha temple at Elloraunder the Rashtrakutaruler KrishnaI (later half of the 8th century) isa finest example.One can feel here the fightingmoods of gods and god-desses engaged in violent struggles against their enemies. Ravana'smight is capturedin the scene of his shaking the mount Kailasa.

In this period large Buddhist viharas were built in eastern Indiaand elsewhere which were lavishly endowed with land and villages.Unlike the earlier Buddhist monuments situated near towns theviharasof this period emerged independentof towns, and functioned asself-sufficient economic units.78The Nalanda monastery, when HsuanTsang visited it in the middle of the 7th century, owned 100 villages.Slightly later, I-tsing mentions 200 villages under this mahavihara.Several Buddhist monasteries flourished under the Pala kings, ofwhich the Somapura (Paharpur) and Vikramasila (probablyAntichak) were founded by Dharmapala (c. AD 770-810).79 Thewealthy Buddhist establishments of Ratnagiri (Orissa), Mainamati(Bangladesh), Rajbadidanga (Bengal), Sirpur (Madhya Pradesh) arewell known, and quite a few were emerging in Tamil Nadu(Nagapattinam acquired importance under the Chola rulers) andKashmir. Kalhana notes founding of Buddhist viharas by the royalfamilies and ministers of Kashmir during this period. With lavishendowments and village folk at their disposal, the Buddhist viharas,like the Brahmanical temples, turned into landlords. It seems thatartisans were attached to monasteriesand remuneratedby them eitherin provisions or the grants of plots of land.80 Thereiwas hierarchyamong monks. The Nalanda monastery, according to Hsuan Tsang,accommodatedten thousandmonk students.At the recent excavationofthe Antichakmonastery,the exposed structures,only of one mound outof nine, suggest that it must have accommodated about a thousandpersons.81 Referringto Nalanda, Debala Mitrawrites, 'In later periodcame into vogue well protected self-sufficient monasteries of two ormore storeys enclosed by high walls with no openings except theentrance.'82 It will be fruitful to undertake detailed research on thesocio-economic role of the Buddhist mahaviharas of the earlymedieval period, their relationship with the State, and the differenttypes of donorswho supportedthem.The productionof metal sculpture, though known earlier,picked upin the Gupta-Vakatakaperiod,83 and was increasingly undertakenfrom the 7th-8thcentury onwards in eastern India. Kashmir, Chamba,Gujarat,Deccan, Andhra and Tamil Nadu. Hsuan Tsang mentions a


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOF ART IN EARLY NDIA 17colossal 80 feet high Buddhabronze at Nalanda.The productionof thelarge-seizedbronze (90 x 42 )as fromSultanganj n Biharin about 7thcenturytestifies not only to the skill of bronzeworkingateliers but alsoto an advance in metal technology of the period.84Some of the metalcasting centres in eastern India were the Buddhist monastic sites ofNalanda, Kurkihar, Mainamati, Paharpur, Ratnagiri and Antichak,where evidence of furnaces, ovens, and crucibles for casting werefound.85 Whether there was trade in metal images is not clear, butKalhana (Rajatarangini, IV 259-263) records that an image of theBuddha was brought to Kashmir on the back of an elephant fromMagadha in King Lalitaditya'stime (firsthalf of the 8th century AD).This image which Lalitaditya gifted to his minister Chankuna musthave been a specially made image for the KashmirKing.It is noteworthy that from the 7th century onwards the BuddhistVajrayana pantheon became elaborate and well-classified with mul-tiplicity of gods and goddesses-Dhyani Buddhas and their families(kulas),female counterpartsand guardiansof gates, each with symboland colour.86 Similarly, in their evolution by 10th centuryVaishnavism (Pancharatra)and Saivism (Saiva-Siddhanta)also hadelaboratepantheons. Structurally,both were based on the emanationconcept involving a hierarchyof deities as in a pyramid, with Para-Vasudeva or Para-Sivaat the apex and a chain of emanated deities orcosmic elements up to the 'gross'earth element (prithvi-tattva)at thebase.87Perceptionsand mannerof beholding in religion as well as artwere much influencedby hierarchicalsocial set-up with its prescribedbehaviourof rank and order.To return to the temple. Richly endowed from the 5th century ADonwards, the temple was actively undergoing experimentation in itsground plan, elevation and sikharadesign. This is evident in the ar-chitecturaldevelopment we see from the Gupta temples of Sanchi (c.AD 400) and Tigawa (c. AD 450) with plain walls to the Deogadhtemple (early 6th century AD) which has cardinal niches or indenta-tions in its exterior wall on three sides containing sculptural reliefs.These reliefs represent various aspects of Vishnu such as Seshasayi,Nara-Narayana and Gajendra-moksha,while his main image wasenshrined in the sanctum. This is the beginning of displaying on theouter walls the sculptural manifestations of the main divinity of thesanctum,88a practicewhich continues with furtherdevelopmentsin thematuretemples of 10th-13thcenturies.By6th-7thcenturyADthe majormodes of architecture-Nagaraand Dravida-appear but are at anexperimental stage. At Mahakut and Pattadakal in the Chalukyanregion during the 7th-8thcenturiestemples of both types stand close toeach other,and temples of apsidal plan (Durgatemple) are also seen.The increased architectural activity of the period improved theposition of architectsand sculptors.R.N. Misrasignificantlydraws ourattention to the fact that epigraphs of the post-Gupta period reveal'the emergence of a new class of artists, viz, sutradharas,which was


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18 SOCIALSCIENTISTdestined to play an importantrole in the building activity.' In inscrip-tions sutradharas claimed knowledge of vastu texts as well as of thepractice of architecture. There was some sort of hierarchical set-upamong artists in which the sutradharafigured at the top, followed bysuch categories of artists and workmen as vijnanin,silpi, rupakara ndkarmin.In addition to this there was a labour force to assist the expertartistsin manual work.89In this context we may ask whether forced labour (vishti) wasimposed on artists. Did unskilled labour only come within its con-straints or also skilled and expert artists?Potters (terracotta-makers),who in the ancient period were free persons earning cash income, weresubjectedto forcedlabourin AD592in western India.90Forced abour ismentioned in the records of the Maitrakas of Valabhi, theRashtrakutasand the Gurjara-Pratiharas,ut is not mentioned in theParamaras, the Chalukyas, the Chahamanas, the Gahadavalas andthe Chandellas. This possibly means that forced labour was on thewane or its rigours had abated with the arrivalof the money economyfrom about the 10th century AD onwards, though some Kalachuriin-scriptions refer to vishti.91Regional rulers such as the Panduvamsi kings of Kosala in the 7thcentury had their own sutradhara.92 ersonal interest in artistic activ-ity by the rulers is evidenced in the case of MahendravikamavarmanPallava who called himself vichitrachitta (of inventive mind), andpossibly of King Meruvarman of Chamba (c. 700) under whom thefamous sculptorGugga createdmagnificentmetal sculptures.93The factthat Gugga's name has been inscribed on the four brass images of hiscreation indicates the respect under which he was held. Thesutradhara Sri Gunda constructed a temple for the queen ofVikramaditya II at Pattadakal. Another inscription of this templetown refers to Sarva Siddha Acharyas 'who seem to have representedprobablysome guild of architectsor builders'.94At Alampurthe archi-tect who built the gate (mahadvara) was given gift of land by afeudatory of the RashtrakutaKing Dharavarsha-Dhruva.95Thereis areference to a Pasupata acharya'ssutradharaat Jhalrapatan.96Fromthe 9th century onwards, the information about the sutradharasandothercategoriesof artistsgrows in volume. Thereare many instancesofpersonal sutradharasof kings of different dynasties and religiousacharyason which R.N. Misra provides a good deal of material. Thesutradharashemselves formed part of the feudal order and held titleslike samanta, ranaka, thakkura,particularly under the Ganga andSenakings of easternIndia.97c. AD900-1300The stupendous architecture and profuse sculptural decoration oftemples in the period bear the impress of the opulent patronclass-therulers, queens, princes, military chiefs, religious acharyas,mahasamantaand other feudal officers. Merchantdonations are also


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOF ARTIN EARLY NDIA 19recorded in some areas, but, as B.P. Mazumdar98 points out, in northernIndia, except under the Chalukyas and the Vaghelas, not a single mer-chant has been found to donate a whole village or construct big temples.Donations by merchants were poorer in comparison to those by landedaristocrats. They pulled their resources together as at Siyodani nearGwalior between AD 903 and 968.99 At Khajuraho sreshthis donatedJaina images and ministers built Jaina temples in the 10th-llth cen-turies. Merchant donations to temples need to be investigated in thecontext of some growth of mercantile activity in this period. There isalso evidence to show that merchants had joined feudal order.100The temple itself had become by this time a feudal organizationholding big estates and had in its services a large number of functionar-ies such as priests of different hierarchical status, devadasis, musi-cians, tailors, barbers, garland makers etc. who were remuneratedthrough land. The Somanatha temple in the early 11th century, forinstance, had 500 devadasis, 300 barbers and a large number of priestson day and night duties. It is said to be endowed with 10,000 vil-lages.101 The social position and wealth of the Tanjavur temple builtby RajarajaChola (AD 985-1014) is well known.102 Tanjavur blossomedinto a huge town consisting of an internal circuit around the templemeant for the residence of the priestly, administrative and other elitegroups and an outer circuit for professional and other service groups. Itbecame the royal centre, Rajarajesvara, with its quarters named afterthe king and his family and also included a series of army contingents.The Chola patronage to the temple, as shown by R.Champakalakshmi, had direct relation to royal power structure.103The growing importance of the temple in the socio-religious life, thestaging of dance-dramas, the reciting of the Puranas and other texts,and the celebration of festivals in its premises104 along with theavailability of liberal donations led to the expansion of the size of thetemple by addition of new structures. The early Gupta temple consistedof the sanctum and a porch to shelter the worshipper, to which a smallhall, mandapa, was added in due course. But in the 10th century, abigger hall called mahamandapa with a central platform is seen atKhajuraho, and in the third quarter of the 11th century a special hallfor dance, called rangamandapa, was constructed at Modhera inGujarat. In Orissa in about the 12th century Bhakti cult and thedevadasi institution made it necessary to add bhogamandapa (hall forofferings) and natamandira (hall for dance),105 which were con-structed on the same axis as of the sanctum (deul or garbhagriha)andthe audience hall (jagamohana). With additions of several other ac-cessory structures the courtyards of the Orissan temples became quitelarge in dimensions: 520 feet by 465 feet of the Lingaraja temple; 665feet by 640 feet of the Jagannatha Puri temple; 865 feet by 540 feet ofthe Konarak temple.106 A comparison of these large enclosures withmuch smaller area of the mandala-like enclosure of the 10th centuryMuktesvara temple at Bhubaneswar indicates the rapid course of de-


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20 SOCIAL CIENTISTvelopment in the three centuries. These grand temples with their ac-cessory buildings and enclosures were like replicas of palace complexes.The god was treated like a king and his abode rivalled in splendourthe palaces of kings and feudatories. The Orissan kings dedicated theirkingdom to Lord Jagannatha and ruled only as feudatories of the god.Ananga Bhima Ill's kingdom is referred to in one of his inscriptions atBhubaneswar as Purushottama Samrajya.l07The feudal society valued greatly the heights of buildings and in-scriptions proudly mention tall temples (prasadas) rivalling mountainpeaks. The temples of this period increased considerably in theirheights. For instance, at Bhubaneswar the 10th century Muktesvara is34-1/2 feet high, the 11th century Rajarani is 59 feet high, theBrahmesvara is 60 feet high, the Lingaraja is 148 feet high, while the12th century temple at Puri is 200 feet high and the 13th centuryKonarak temple (whose sikhara is fallen) is calculated to have been225 feet high.108 The growing demand for monumentality of structureinvolved constructional problems, and the architects working withinthe rigid pillar-lintel-corbel scheme109 met this demand by severaldevices within the grammar of this traditional framework, which weneed not discuss here. But one of the changes in the ground plan of theNagara temple was an increase in the number of the projections(rathas) of the exterior wall.Architects now devised five, seven or even nine ratha-projections ofthe wall which, apart from their structural functions of increasing theload-bearing capacity of the wall, also created extra space for accom-modating the divine hierarchy. There were numerous deities withtheir parivaras (families), various avarana (surrounding) deities, theeight Dikpalas guarding the temple on the eight points of the compass,and so forth, who needed space to be accommodated on the temple. Thereligious pantheons-Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina, had considerablyexpanded by this time. The zigzag arrangement of walls created extrasurface for their inclusion on temples.Architects and their royal patrons loved elaborate and complicateddesigns in this period. The temple design was much more elaborate inthe Bhumija110 mode of temple in Malwa, particularly in theNilakanthesvara temple of Udayapur, inscribed AD 1081, and in theDeccan at the Ambarnatha temple (c. AD 1060) near Bombay. In thesouth, the 12th-13th century Hoysala temples in Karnataka haveelaborate star-shaped plans evolved by rotating the square round itscentral axis.In the closed economy and localism of the feudal structureart wasincreasinglyconditionedby regionalismand canonization.In the aboutthe 10th century we see several regional schools III of art each inter-preting the temple according to the social functions, climatic and geo-graphical needs and availability of the building materials in thearea. For example, we have in eastern India, the schools of Kalinga(Orissa) and Vanga (Bengal); in central India the four schools112of


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOFARTIN EARLY NDIA 21Jejakabhukti (Khajuraho), Dahala, Gopagiri (Gwalior) and Malwaregions;in western India the schools of Rajasthanand Gujaratwhich inthe 11thcentury amalgamatedto form the Maru-Gurjarachool,113 ndso on. Eachregionalschool though influencedto a certainextent by ex-traneous trends, had its own interpretationof the relation betweenmonumentaland plasticform.Art was influenced by traditionalism which operated throughsilpa-canons.Silpa prescriptionswere incorporatedin Varahamihira'sBrihatsamhita (6th century) and in religious texts such as theHayasirsha Pancharatra, Matsya Purana, Vishnu dharmottaraPurana,etc. What is noteworthy is that independent Vastusastrasdated before the 10th century are hardly available except theVastutilaka from western India, assigned to the 7th century AD114Hsuan Tsang mentions silpasthanavidyaamong the five Vidyas orSastras which, as Coomaraswamy1l5 says, suggests the existence ofSilpasastrain the 7th century. Fromthe 10th-llth century onwards alarge number of Silpasastras and Vastusastras were written. FromOrissa we have Bhuvanapradipa,Silpa Prakasa, etc.; from Malwa:Samaranganasutradhara, Jayaprichchha, Rekharnava,Pramanamanjari, Rupamandana (of later date); from Gujarat-Rajasthan: Aparajitaprichchha, Jayaprichchhadhikara,Vastuvidya, Vastusastra, etc., and from the south Mayamatam,Tantrasamuchchaya,ilparatna,Manasara(of later date), and so on.The temples built from the middle of the 10th century to about thethird quarter of the 11th century show the initial advantages of theadherence to Silpa-canonswhich transmittedsystematized experienceof generationswithout yet inhibitingthe emergenceof new forms. Thetemple form reached its final perfectionin this period. The KandariyaMahadeva temple at Khajuraho, the Lingaraja temple atBhubaneswar, the Nilakanthesvara temple at Udayapur, the Suryatemple at Modhera, the Brihadisvaratemple at Tanjavurare some ofthe masterpieces of temple architecture within the matrix of theSilpa-canons of their respective regional schools. But the art of themonuments erected after these great achievementsreflects mechanicalrepetitionof motifsand excessive conformism o silpa-canons.Sculpture in this period was dominated by architecturaldesign ofthe temple. This becomes more evident in the Bhumija temples ofMalwaand the Deccan,whereasin the Maru-Gurjarachool of westernIndia, and in the Hoysala temples profusion of sculpturaldecorationgives the impression that architecture s treated sculpturally.Animal,vegetal and abstractdesigns and even human figures had their role intemple art of the period as decorative motifs (alankaras).However, acloser view at Khajurahowill show us how artists have meaningfullyused conventional alankaras.But the magnificenceof sculpture of theearlier period was now limited by architecturalframework. Some ofthe themes which fascinated artists and patrons were surasundaris(celestial females), Tantric acharyas n company with women, war


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22 SOCIALSCIENTISTscenes and hunting parties. It is significant to note that the sculpturalnarration of the epics and Krishnalila finds varying treatment in thetemples of the north and south during this period. Although there aresome temple sites such as Padhavli and Markandi which vividly nar-rate stories, the general trend noticed in the north as revealed atModhera, Nagda, Kekind, Sinnar, Khajuraho, etc. is the abbreviatedand decorative treatment of the epic themes. On the other hand thesouthern regions of Karnataka, Andhra and Tamil Nadu witnessed anarrative upsurge which could be a consequence of the Bhakti move-ment and dance drama traditions.

'Portrait' sculpture, though seen at Kanchi, Mahabalipuram, Belur,Ittagi, Konarak, Dahala, Khajuraho, Abu, etc. was not realistic but anidealized depiction which did not represent the actual portrait of theking or queen. This can be explained on the ground that the Indianartist perceived in terms of 'types' rather than the actual person. Forinstance, a queen could be represented according to the lakshnas(characteristics) depicting a padmini (lotus) type rather than drawingher actual portrait.116 This fixation of types, which explains the ab-sence of realistic portraiture in India, at least up to the Mughal times,is seen not only in the visual arts but also in court literature, donativeinscriptions, eulogies, etc. Instead of giving the actual account

of kingsin their charitas and inscriptions, the court poets presented romanticaccount, as for instance, the Vikramankadevacharita of Bilhana.There is a hierarchical scale in the portrayals of kings at Belur(12th century) and Konarak (13th century). The royal figure is shownbig and the other functionaries decreasing in size according to theirstatus. Feudal hierarchical considerations entered into the descriptionof residential architecture in the Aparajitaprichcha (81, 2-10) ofGujarat in the 12th century. This Vastu text specifies the size of theresidence of nine categories of nobles according to their relative statusin feudal hierarchy. Moreover, the feudal titles of the gajapati,asvapati and narapati seen in royal charters117 of the period find cor-respondence in the sculptural mouldings of the gajathara, asvatharaand naratharaon llth-13th century temples of several regional schoolsincluding those of central India and western India (Maru-Gurjara).

VIWe have had a general picture of art under feudal conditions. Nowbefore we end this Address let us briefly halt at Khajuraho to have acloser view of its art.The temple town of Kharjuravahaka had more than 25 temples builtunder the Chandella Rajput kings, their feudatories and Jainaministers between AD 900 and 1150.118 The architects of the threeHindu sandhara (having built-in circumambulation path) temples ofthis town, viz. the Lakshmana (AD 954), the Visvanatha (AD 1002),and the Kandariya Mahadeva (c. AD 1050) have employed puns(slesha)1 19 and intentional double-meaning language


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VKFig. 1 Ground Plan of the Visvanatha Temple, Khajuraho showing overlMahamandapa and the garbhagriha. (After Archaeological S


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24 SOCIALSCIENTIST(sandhyabhasha),he code language used by the Tantrikasto concealesoteric doctrines from non-initiates.120 They have expressed thisambiguous language on a special architecturalpart of the temple, viz,the juncture wall (kapilior sandhi-kshetra)connecting the sanctum(garbhagriha) and the great hall. Only the three above mentionedsandharatemples of the site have juncturewalls formed by an overlapof two squares (Fig.) whereas the nirandharatemples without innerambulatorydo not have suchan overlapof two squareson theirjuncture.Let us clarify at the outset that these were not temples of theextreme Kaula-Kapalika sects. On the contrary, the Lakshmanatemple was dedicated to Vaikuntha,a composite form of Vishnu, andwas affiliated to PancharatraKashmiragama,121which at this stageof its development had admitted Vedic elements.122 Its inscriptionssupports Trayidharmaof the Vedas and the protection to cows andbrahmanas.123 ts patron king Yasovarman honoured brahmanas.Hisson Dhangadeva got settled brahmanas well-versed in the Vedas nearthe Visvanatha temple which he built before AD 1002, and alsoperformed the tulapurushadanaceremony. The Visvanatha templefurther mentions the royal priest BhattaYasodharawho, according toa copper plate of Dhanga, was a brahmana of the Bharadvajagotraand a follower of the VajasaneyiSakha.124Dhanga donated a villageto him on the occasionof a lunareclipse. As I have discussed elsewhere,there is a strong possibility that Saivism of Khajurahowas of SaivaSiddhanta sect which was of moderate order.125Both the PancharatraKashmiragama and the Saiva Siddhanta at this stage of theirdevelopment in this region seem to be within the Misra Tantric-Vedicreligion and the Brahmanicalfold.126The Lakshmana temple was the first mature temple in the eliteNagara style at Khajurahoand was constructed by king Yasovarmanwhen he was still a feudatory of the Gurjara-Pratiharas,but wasconsolidating his political power and social status. In building thismajestictemple he asserted his power and proclaimedhis acquiringofthe prestigious image of Vaikuntha (Vishnu) from his overlordDevapala and his conquest of the strategic Kalanjara fort. Theinscription builds up a fighting mood in the description of Vaikunthaas 'Daityari' (enemy of demons) slaying 'Kapila and others', with aroaring voice, and at the terrestrial level, king Yasovarman is called'kunthitari',who has dulled his enemies (Gurjara-Pratiharas,Chedisand others).127 He is further equated with Vishnu and Krishna.Interestingly, twelve sculptural reliefs of the sanctum wall depictKrishnaslaying demons.There is yet another level of power struggle between the combinedforces of Brahmanicalreligion against the non-Vedic heretical sectswhich had earlier got ascendancy. This struggle is metaphoricallyexpressedon the juncturewall of the Lakshmana emple by projectionofthe theme of the play Prabodhachandrodayar its prototype. I haveexamined the details of this philosophical play in the context of the


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26 SOCIALSCIENTISTsanctum of the divinity, as an intentional code language, sandhyabhasha.The surface meaning is erotic and deludes non-initiates, butbeneath lies a hidden meaning expressing perhapsa yogic exercise or astage in meditation.132Such a well integratedplacementof images, and the employment ofslesha, dhwani and sandhya bhasha in sculpture implies asutradhara,well-versed not only in art, architecture and poetics, butalso in the metaphysical system of the sect to which the templebelonged. The Kandariya Mahadeva temple does not preserve adedicatory inscription (except for a line on its pilaster), but theinscription of the earlier Visvanatha temple mentions its sutradharaChhichha by name who was 'well-versed in Visvakarmasastra'. Thecontemporary ParamaraKing Bhoja (c. 1010-1055)in his Vastu textSamaranganasutradhara (chapter 44) states that the architect(sthapati) should be proficient in various sciences such asmathematics,astronomy, astrology, prosody, philosophy, art, etc. So itis not unlikely that the architectcould design such a complex scheme ofa temple in this period.However, it is more likely that the architect was guided in theplacement of images by the religious acharyawho had grasped themetaphysical structure of the system. The name 'Urdhvastva' of anacharya s found inscribed below another four-legged Sadasiva image,now in the Khajuraho ite museum.133The name suggests his affiliationto Saiva Siddhanta sect whose network had spread to other parts ofcentral India, viz. Dahala, Malwa and Gwalior.134It is well knownthat the Rajagurus Isanasiva Pandita and Sarvasiva Panditainfluenced, the rituals and construction of the Chola temples. TheSaiva Siddhanta texts, written in the south, such asIsanasivagurudevapaddhati, Somasambhupaddhati, Mayamatam,etc. have chapters on iconography and architecture. In fact these aswell as the Pancharatratexts135are more detailed regarding sthana-nirnaya(placement) of images than the Vastu or Silpa texts. The roleof religious acharya n influencing the architectneeds to be examinedwherever material is available.136 He could be an intermediarybetween the architectand the patronin this period.The Kandariya Mahadeva temple represents a phase of India'stemple art and architecture in its creative and meaningful momentwhen artistic form was harmoniously integrated with conceptualsignificance. The rhythms of its majestic architecture with itshierarchically placed images in relation to the Centre can be felt even900 years after its construction.Its artistic excellence transcends socialdimensions.137


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOF ART IN EARLY NDIA 27NOTESAND REFERENCESI thank Profs. R.S.Sharma,M.A. Dhaky, and Dr. K. Mankodi for their comments andsuggestionson the first draftof this address.

1. JamesH. Barett, 'TheSociology of Art',in TheSociology f Art and Literature:Reader,d. MiltonC.Albrecht,JamesH. Barnettand MasonGriff,London, 1970,p.629.2. See also Arnold Hauser, The Philosophyof Art History, London 1959; ErnstFischer,TheNecessityof Art, A MarxistApproach,irst published 1959,reprint byPenguinBooks.3. PramodChandra, TheStudy of IndianTempleArchitecture' n Studies n IndianTempleArchitecture,American Institute of Indian Studies, 1975, pp. 35-36. Ondebate on dynasticnomenclature ee A. Ghosh'sremarks n Seminar n IndianArtHistory,New Delhi, 1962.4. Encyclopaediaf IndianTempleArchitecture,henceforwardEncy ITA)sponsoredby the American Institute of IndianStudies,Vol. I, 1983, 1986,published in twoparts deals with Dravidatemples of South India;Vol. II,part I, 1988,documentsNagara temples of North India.5. Pramod Chandra, On the Studyof IndianArt, Asia.Society, 1983;also his 'TheStudy of IndianTempleArchitecture',n Studies n IndianTempleArchitecture6. M.S. Mate in Review of IndologicalResearchin Last 75 Years ed. by P.J.Chinmulgundand V.V.Mirashi,Pune,1957.7. Ratan Parimoo, working paper in Proceedings f Workshopn History of Art,Baroda, 1979, and 'Coomaraswamy and Indian Art History', in Paroksa,CoomaraswamyentenarySeminarPapers,ed. Gulam Mohammed Sheikh, K.G.Subramanyanand KapilaVatsyayan,New Delhi, 1984.8. DevanganaDesai, 'Studiesin Indian TerracottaArt (upto A.D. 800)-TrendsandProspects'.In Proceedingsf Workshopn Historyof Art, Baroda,1979.9. Exploring India's Sacred Art-Selected Writings of Stella Kramrisch,ed. byBarbaraStoler Miller, Philadelphia, 1983. Also in this book her essay, 'Artist,Patron,and Public n India' 1956),and 'Traditions f the Indian Craftsmen'1959).10. Amita Ray, LifeandArt of EarlyAndhradesa, elhi, 1983.11. R.N. Misra, Ancient Artists and Art-Activity,Simla, 1975, also 'A Profile ofIndianArtists',in Paroksa,1984; Artists n EarlyMiddle Ages' in IndianStudies,Essays Presentedin Memoryof Prof. NiharranjanRay, ed. by Amita Ray, H.Sanyal, S.C. Ray, Delhi, 1984.12. Vidya Dehejia. The Popularand Collective Basisof EarlyBuddhistPatronage'nPatronagen IndianCulture, d. BarbaraStolerMiller,PrincetonUniversity Press,forthcoming,also 'Patron,Artist and Temple:An Introduction'n 'MonarchsandTemples',MargVol. XXXIX.No.2.13. Devangana Desai, Erotic Sculptureof India-A Socio-CulturalStudy. SecondEdition, 1985, Chapter VIII, 'The Hindu Temple in its Social Setting'. 'SocialBackgroundof Ancient IndianTerracottas'n HistoryandSociety,Essays n Honourof Prof. NiharranjanRay, ed. Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya, Calcutta, 1978.'Terracottas nd UrbanCultureof Ancient India' n the ArtandSocietySymposiumof the IndianHistoryCongress,CalicutSession,1976,reprinted n K.M.Shrimali,ed. Essaysin IndianArt, Religionand Society,IHC Golden Jubilee Year Series,Vol. I, 1987.Also 'TheSocialMilieu of AncientIndianTerracottas 00 BC-600AD' nFromIndianEarth,4,000 Yearsof TerracottaArt, ed. by Amy Poster, BrooklynMuseum, 986.

14. RomilaThapar,Ancient ndianSocialHistory,New Delhi, 1978,pp. 123-125.15. R.S. Sharma, Perspective n Social and EconomicHistory of EarlyIndia, NewDelhi, 1983, pp. 105-157;earlierpublished in Lighton EarlyIndianSocietyandEconomy,Bombay,1966.16. R.S. Shrma, Urban Decayin India(c. 300-c. 1000), New Delhi, 1987. Also hisearlier paper, 'Decay of Gangetic Towns in Gupta and Post-Gupta Times',Proceedingsf theIndianHistoryCongress,3rd Session,Muzaffarpur,1972.17. R.S.Sharma,Indian Feudalism . 300-1200,Calcutta,1966.D.C. Sircar considered the word 'feudalism'to be a misnomer in the Indiansituation and believed that it was confused with landlordism. But as RomilaThapar says, 'Indian feudalism did not emphasise the economic contractto thesame degree as certain types of Europeanfeudalism, but the difference is not


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28 SOCIALSCEINTISTsignificantas to precludethe use of the termfeudalismfor conditionsprevailinginIndia during this period.'A Historyof India,Penguin Books, 1966,p. 242. For thepremisesof the model of earlyIndianfeudalism see D.N. Jha.Inhis Introduction oFeudalSocialFormationn EarlyIndia,(henceforward FSFEI),Delhi, 1987.

18. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, UrbanCentres in EarlyMedieval India: An Overview', inSituating IndianHistory for Sarvepalli Gopal, ed. S. Bhattachrya and RomilaThapar,Delhi 1986, pp. 12-13. See also V.K. Thakur, Urbanizaationn AncientIndia,New Delhi, 1981.19. R.N. Nandi, SocialRootsof Religion n AncientIndia,Calcutta,1986,p. 54.20. Romila Thapar,AncientIndianSocialHistory,p.124.21. B.N.S.Yadava,'Problemof the Interactionbetween Socio-EconomicClasses in theEarlyMedievalComplex' n FSFEI, d. by D.N.Jha,p. 199.22. See also classifications of early Indian Art by (1) PramodChandra,The SculptureofIndia,3000 BC-1300ADWashington, 1985,pp. 19-20;(2) KarlJ. Khandalavala(consulting editor), The GreatTradition-Indian ronzeMasterpieces,New Delhi,1988,p.7.23. R.S.Sharma,Perspectives..., pp. 128-145.24. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, op.cit., p. 20 R. Champakalakshmi, 'Urbanization inMedieval TamilNadu', in Situating ndianHistory,p. 36.25. R. Champakalakshmi, ibid., p.47; Amita Ray, 'Urbanization in Bengal',PresidentialAddressAncientIndiaSection,IndianHistory Congress,Goa, 1987.26. Amongrecentpapersby historiansdiscussingartand iconsmention shouldbe madeof RajanGurukkal's From he Royaltyof Icons to the Divinity of Royalty:Aspectsof VaisnavaIcons and Kingshipin Medieval South India'in Vaisnavism n IndianArtsandCulture, d. RatanParimoo,New Delhi, 1987;And V.K.Thakur's FeudalContent of Pala Parimoo,New Delhi, 1987;and V.K.Thakur's Feudal ContentofPala Art:A Frameworkof Enquiry',Proceedingsf IHC, Goa,1987.27. Romila Thapar, A History of India, pp. T11-112, R. Champakalakshmi,'Urbaniztion in South India : The Role of ideology and Policy', PresidentialAddress,AncientIndiaSection,IndianHistory Congress,Srinagar,1986,pp. 10-11:Himanshu P. Ray, Monasteryand Guild,Commerce nder the Satavahanas,Delhi1986,has examined the details during the Satavahanaperiod.28. R.C. Hazra, Studiesin the Puranic Recordson Hindu Rites and Customs,Dacca,1940,p. 189;P.V. Kane,History of Dharmasastra, , part ii, Poona, 1962,pp. 947ff: Devangana Desai, 'Art under Feudalism in India' in IndianHistoricalReview,Vol. I, 1974,reprinted n FSFEI, 987.29. R.S. Sharma,IndianFeudalism, . 58;D.N. Jha,op.cit., p.13.30. MirceaEliade, 'MaterialMilieu of Tantrism'n FSFEI.31. MirceaEliade, Yoga:Immortalitynd Freedom,BollingenSeries, 1958,pp. 400-401;Suvira Jaiswal, TheOriginand Development f Vaisnavism, econd edition, 1981,pp. 22-23. Devangana Desai, EroticSculpture..., pp. 112-113;M.C.Joshi, 'Sakta-Tantrism n the GuptaAge', in ArunaBharati,Prof.A.N. JaniFelicitationVolume,Baroda,1983,pp. 77-81.32. P.V. Kane,op.cit,II, ii, pp. 1031,1095;V, ii, p. 869;R.C.Hazra,op.cit.,p. 260;J.N.Banerjea, Pauranicand Tantric Religion,Calcutta, 1966. Also D. Desai,EroticSculpture..., pp. 131-132.33. V.S. Pathak, 'Saivism in Early Medieval India as known from ArchaeologicalSources mainly Inscriptions', Bharati, Vol.3, 1959-60;J. Van Troy, 'The SocialStructureof the Saiva-SiddhantaAscetics (700-1300)', ndica,Vol. II,1974,p. 78.34. R. Nagaswamy, 'Iconography and Significance of the Brhadisvara TempleTanjavur',n Discourseson Siva,ed. MichaelMeister,Philadelphia,1984,pp. 174ff. see also R.N. Nandi, Religious nstitutionsand Cults in theDeccan,Delhi, 1973,pp. 11,96.35. M.G.S.Narayanan and Veluthat Kesavan 'BhaktiMovement in South India', inS.C. Malik ed. Indian Movements:SomeAspects of Dissent, Protest and Reform,Simla, 1978. Veluthat Kesavan, 'The Temple Base of the Bhakti Movement inSouth India',PIHC,40th Session, Waltair, 979,pp. 185 ff.36. Ibid.Also R. Champakalakshmi,Presidential Address, Ancient India Section,IHC,Srinagar,1986,pp;33-34.37. Niharranjan Ray, Mauryaand Post-MauryaArt, Second edition, 1975. See alsoRomila Thapar, Asokaand the Decline of the Mauryas,second edition, 1973.Appendixon MauryanArt.


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SOCIALDIMENSIONSOF ART IN EARLY NDIA 2938. Stella Kramrisch,Unknown ndia:RitualArt in Tribeand Village,Philadelphia,1968,pp. 50-70;NiharranjanRay,op.cit,pp. 57-59.39. Vidya Dehejia,'ThePopularand CollectiveBasis of EarlyBuddhist Patronage',in Patronagen IndianCulture,orthcoming.41. V.S. Agrawala, PaninkalinBharatavarsha,Hindi), p. 223.42. Himanshu Ray, op.cit, p. 35; S. Nagaraju,BuddhistArchitecture,Delhi 1981, p.311.43. D.D. Kosambi,An Introductiono theStudyof IndianHistory,Bombay, 1956, pp.248 ff.44. R.N.Misra,op.cit.,pp.17-18.45. D.D. Kosambi, 'Dhenukakata' n JBBRASVol. XXX, pt. ii, 1957, pp. 50-71.Reproducedin A.J. Syed ed. D.D. Kosambi n Historyand Society:ProblemsofInterpretation,ombay,1985,p. 199.46. HimanshuRay,op.cit., pp. 104,112,183 ff.47. R.S.Sharma,UrbanDecay,p. 100.48. J.M.Rosenfield,TheDynasticArtsof theKushans, 967,p.I.49. Ibid.50. A. Coomaraswamy, p.cit,pp. 29-30.51. R.C.Sharma,BuddistArtof Mathura,Delhi, 1984,p. 180.52. A. Ghosh and H. Sarkar,Beginnings f SculpturalArt in South-East ndia;A Stelefrom Amaravati',AncientIndia,Nos. 20 & 21, 1964-65.pp. 168-177,pls. XXXIX-XLIV.53. Ency.ITA,NorthIndia,Vol. II,pt. I. pp, 19ff,59 ff.54. K.M. Shrimali, AgrarianStructure n CentralIndiaand the NorthernDeccan(AStudyin Vakatakanscriptions), 987,pp. 28-29.55. M.A.Dhakyin Ency. TA,NorthIndia,p. 172.56. J.C.Harle, GuptaSculpture,Oxford, 1974,p. 11. JoannaG. Williams, TheArt of

Gupta ndia,Princeton,1982,p. 4.57. KrishnaDeva in Ency.ITA.North India,p. 21. J.C.Harle,op.cit,p.10, suggeststhatthe kneeling figurewith folded hands could represent he donorking (pls. 12,15).58. CII, III,pp. 21-25.59. CII, III,pp. 34-36.60. JoannaWilliams,op.cit.,pp. 40-41.61. WalterSpink, 'Ajanta'sChronology: Politics and Patronage', n Kaladarsana,d.by JoannaWilliams,1981, Ajanta o Ellora',Marg,XX,1967.62. A. Coomaraswamy,HistoryofIndian nd Indonesian rt, 1927,Dover edition 1965,p. 72.63. Ibid.,p. 71.64. S. Gorakshkar,A HariharaImagerecoveredfromJogeshwariand the ProblemofDating Gharapuri Elephanta)',n Madhu,FelicitationVolume in honour of ShriM.N. Deshpande, ed. M.S. Nagaraja Rao, Delhi 1981, pp. 247-251. KarlKhandalavala,review of JISOA (1978), n LalitKala20, pp. 45-46;M.A. Dhakyin Ency. TA,NorthIndia,pp. 85-91.65. Stella Kramrisch,ThePresence f Siva,Princeton,1981,deals with the sculpturalimageryof Elephantan an Appendix.66. S. Gorakshkar, Kalidasaand the Mahayogi at Gharapuri',n Kusumanjali,ShriC. SivaramamurtiCommemorationVolume,ed. M.S.NagarajaRao, Delhi, 1987.67. DevanganaDesai, 'Terracottas nd UrbanCulture of Anceint India c. 600 BC-AD600' in K.M. Shrimali ed. Essaysin IndianArt, Religionand Society,p. 147; alsothe same paperwith photographs n the NationalMuseumBulletin,Nos. 4-6, 1983,p. 63.68. See Also S.P. Gupta, 'SociologicalInterpretationof Ancient Indian Terracottas',The Proceedingsof the FourthAnnual Conferenceof the Indian ArchaeologicalSociety,Nagpur, 1970.69 J.C.Harle, The Art and Architecturef the IndianSubcontinent,Pelican History,1986,Preface;JoannaWilliams,op.cit.,p. 155:PramodChandra,StoneSculpturenthe AllahabadMuseum,AmericanInstituteof IndianStudies, 1970,pp. 23-24.70. R.S.Sharma,UrbanDecay;R.N. Nandi, SocialRootsof Religion. ., pp. 18 ff., pp.46-54.71. R.S. Sharma,op.cit., .184.72. R.N. Nandi, op.cit., p. xviii.73. FrederickM. Asher,TheArtofEastern ndia300-800,Minneapolis,1980,p. 14.


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30 SOCIALSCIENTIST74. M.P.Voraand M.A. Dhaky in Ency.ITA,North India,pp. 186ff;MichaelMeister,ibid,pp. 207ff.75. KrishnaDeva, Ibid.pp. 225, 226,229.76. Devangana Desai, 'Narration of the RamayanaEpisode-Vali Vadha in Indian

Sculpture (up to AD 1300)', n IndianStudies,EssaysPresented n Memoryof Prof.NiharranjanRay, Delhi, 1984, p. 82; J. Fleet, Indian Antiquity, Vol. X, 1881,InscriptionNo. CXIV.77. R.S. Mugali, Historyof KannadaLiterature, ahitya Akademi, 1975, p. 13.78. R.S.Sharma,UrbanDecay,pp. 161-165.79. Debala Mitra,BuddhistMonuments,Calcutta,1971,pp. 16, 240.80. R.S Sharma,Ibid.,p. 129.81. Ibidp. 162;IAR 1975-76,pp. 6-7; 1976-77;p. ii; 1978-79,p. 43, and unpublishedreports.82. Debalad Mitra,op.cit.,pp. 40-41.83. A.P. JamkhedkarTheBuddhain Bronze:Phophnarand Ramtek', n IndianBronzeMasterpieces, d. Karl Khandalawala, 1988.84. EasternIndianBronzes,Part I, NiharranjanRay; Part II, Karl Khandalavala andSadashiv Gorakshkar,Lalit KalaAkademi, 1986,pp. 96, 100;F. Asher, op.cit.,pp.57-59.85. Ibid.,p. 100. R.S.Sharmaop.cit.,p. 128.86. B. Bhattacharyya,The IndianBuddhistIconography,evised edition 1968, pp. 35-41, 47-49.87. F. Otto Schrader,Introduction o the Pancaratra nd the Ahirbhudhnya amihita,Madras, 1916,pp. 40 ff; J.N. Banerjea,The Development of Hindu Iconography,Calcutta, 1956, pp. 387ff; T.A. Gopinatha Rao, Elementsof Hindu Iconography,Vol. II,pt. ff. reprint1971,pp. 361 ff.88. See Stella Kramrisch,TheHindu Temple,1946, Calcutta, reprint 1980, pp. 159,165, 197, 273, 318 ff, on the cardinal niches of the walls or ghanadvaras(massivedoors) from where the centraldivinity's influence is believed to radiateout to thedevotee.89. R.N. Misra,op.cit.,pp. 34 f, 54 ff.90. Epigrraphia ndica,XXX,No. 30; R.S.Sharma,IndianFeudalism,p. 49.91. Ibid.,pp. 242-243.92. R.N. Misra,op.cit.,p 64.93. P. Pal, 'MunificentMonarchand a SuperiorSculptor-Eighth CenturyChamba', n'Monarchsand Temples', ed. V. Dehejia, Marg.Vol. XXXIX,No. 2. Pal says, 'Iknow of no other instance in the history of Indian art where a corpus of metalsculpturesbears the signatureof a single artist.'See also M. Postel, A. Neven, K.Mankodi, Antiquitiesof Himachal,Bombay,1985,pp. 23, 44, 95-97.

94. R.N. Misra,op.cit.,p.46.95. M. RamaRao, EarlyCalukyanTemple f AndhraDesa,Hyderabad,1965, p. 9.96. R.N. Misra,op.cit.,p. 48.97. Ibid., pp. 56, 60, 64; see also A.V. Narasimha Murthy, 'A Study of the LableInscriptions of the Hoysala Sculptores', Indian Epigraphy, ts Bearingon theHistory of Art, ed. F.M. Asher and G.S. Gal, New Delhi, 1985, pp. 215-219;M.Seshadri, 'Sculptors and Architects of Ancient and Medieval Karnataka',HalfYearlyJournal'ofthe Mysore University: Vol. XXIX-XXX, 970-71, pp. 1-10; S.Settar, 'Peregrinations of Medieval Artists', Journalof IndianHistory, GoldenJubileeVolume,1973pp. 419-436.98. B.P. Mazumdar, 'Merchantsand Landed Aristocracyin the Feudal Economy ofNorthern India (8th to 12th century AD)' in D.C. Sircar ed. Land System andFeudalismn AncientIndia,Calcutta 1966,p.70.99. Epigraphiandica Vol. I, pp. 162-179.See also, Urmila Bhagowalia, VaisnavismandSociety n Northernndia(AD700-1200),New Delhi, 1980for other instances.100. B.N.S.Yadava,in D.C. Sircared. LandSystem .., pp. 89-90;BP. Mazumdar,Ibid.,pp. 67-69;R.S.Sharma,op.cit.,pp. 70-71.101. P. Niyogi, Contributionso the EconomicHistoryof Northern ndiafrom the Tenthto theTwelfthCenturyA.D., Calcutta, 1962, pp. 286-291.102. D.N. Jha,'Templesas LandedMagnates n EarlyMedievalSouth India (c. AD700-1300)', n IndianSociety:HistoricalProbings InMemoryof D.D. Kosambi)ed. R.S.Sharmaand V. Jha,New Delhi, 1974,pp. 202-216.103. R. Champakalakshmi,PresidentialAddrss, Ancient India, IHC. Srinagar,1986,pp. 34-37.


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Social Dimensions of Art in Early India