1

“The Enemy was in Hackansack last night Burning & Destroing …”

British Incursions into Bergen County, Spring 1780

John U. Rees

Dedicated to the memory of Company Fellow Kemble Widmer.

Part I.

“So much for a Scotch Prize.”

Paramus, New Jersey, 23 March 1780

The winter of 1779–80 was the worst of the War for Independence, indeed the entire

century, and Gen. George Washington’s chief concern was finding sufficient food,

clothing, and blankets for his troops. Despite the severe weather, numerous small actions

occurred during the time of the Continental Army winter cantonment near Morristown,

New Jersey. From 21 December 1779 to 30 April 1780 at least a dozen confrontations

took place within a fifty–mile radius of Morristown, probably the best known being

American Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling’s 15 January 1780 raid across the

ice to Staten Island. Two lesser–known clashes happened at or near Paramus within the

space of a month early that spring, and those actions are examined below.1

By 1780 the military focus of the War for Independence had moved south to the

Carolinas, and northern warfare was largely relegated to internecine community conflicts,

and punitive or foraging expeditions. From its beginning the war had been one of

neighbor against neighbor, brother against brother, and nowhere was this more in

evidence than in northern New Jersey. One reason for the Continental Army post at

Paramus, and part of the British desire to eradicate it, was the so–called London Trade,

whereby local “disaffected” inhabitants supplied much–needed goods to British–held

New York. Continental forces in the area were intended to interdict that trade and protect

local Whigs, whereas the British high command certainly wanted to extend their control

over the region. The March 1780 raid against Paramus and Hackensack was originally

instigated by Maj. Gen. William Tryon, former Royal Governor of New York, who

recommended the enterprise to Lt. Gen. Wilhelm von Knyphausen, then overall

commander at New York in the absence of Crown commander in chief Lt. Gen. Sir

Henry Clinton. Tryon’s wish was to punish the rebellious inhabitants of Hackensack, a

sentiment Knyphausen supported. An intelligence agent, known only as AZ, kept General

Tryon informed of area defenses. On 6 February he relayed information supplied by a

British soldier’s wife who had just traveled through Paramus, the gist of which was, “the

regiment that has laid at Paramus for some time past was relieved a few days ago by

another consisting of between two and three hundred men, that they have guards at

Hendrick Zabriskie’s and the widow Ackerman’s, on the road from Paramus Church to

New Bridge, also another at a fulling mill to the eastward of the church. This being the

case, they are open and exposed on every side but their front.” The only immediate result

of this and other reports was an inconclusive 10 February British light cavalry incursion

into Hackensack (part of an aborted attempt to capture General Washington in his winter

quarters), but that town and the post at Paramus remained on the British agenda.2

On Wednesday 22 March 1780, a “Cool Windy” day, a deputation of the “Magistrates,

Sheriff & Officers of the Militia of the County of Bergen residing at Hackensack & its

2

Vicinity” had written Maj. Christopher Stuart, 5th Pennsylvania Regiment, commanding

at Paramus, apprising him of the danger of enemy attack:

We … find ourselves necessitated to make Application to You for a Detachment or

Party from your Command, to assist in protecting us & our Neighbours … against the

Incursions & Depredations of small Parties of the Enemy & their vile Abettors the

refugees.

In Order to justify this our Application, we beg Leave to Advise you that we are

credibly informed that the Enemy have in Contemplation to make an Attack & Incursion

on the Inhabitants of Hackensack within five Days; That the well affected Inhabitants, tho

willing to risque their Persons in Defence of their Property are too few in Number for the

wished for Purpose of repelling the Enemy’s Parties or keeping up continual Guards &

Scouts for their Security without the Assistance of some Party of Continental Troops (till

some Measures can be taken by the State for Our Protection) And conceiving that the

Security of your Detachment in some Measure depends on regular Scouts & Guards

being kept up near the Lines. We are from Necessity & from Duty to ourselves our

Neighbours & our Country constrained to solicit & request in the most pressing Terms,

that if it be consistent with your Orders from His Excellency the Commander in Chief,

You will immediately detach a Party of your men for the Purposes of assisting the well

affected Inhabitants of this Place against the Incursions of the Parties of the Enemy.3

The next day the enemy struck, confirming the well–intentioned but belated warning.

Marching in two columns, Lt. Col. John Howard’s British Foot Guards grenadier and

light infantry companies took a roundabout route to Paramus, while Lt. Col. Duncan

McPherson, commanding elements of seven units, the British 42d and 43d regiments, and

German Ansbach (also known as the 1st Ansbach-Bayreuth), Bayreuth (a.k.a. the 2d

Ansbach–Bayreuth), von Donop, Landgraf (Landgrave), and Leib (also called “du

Corps”) Regiments, captured Hackensack, then proceeded to join Howard’s force.4

Writing from “Pyramus March 24th 1780,” Major Stuart described the attack:

I have the Honor of informing your Excellency that at 6 OClock yesterday Morning I

received Information of the Enemys being at Hackensack in Consequence of which, I

gave the necessary Orders for assembling the Troops under my Command (without the

smallest Expectation of their making my Detachment their Object at that Hour) but the

Cantonments being so extensive, prevented the Troops collecting as soon as I could wish

having detach’d small Parties different Ways and riding round the Cantoonments Myself

to gain Intelligence. I heard a Firing up the Road leading to Kings–Ferry, upon which I

readily concluded it must be an attack made upon a serjeants Picquitt posted there, and

which were chiefly taken. Immediately after this the small detach’d Parties return’d,

being press’d close by the Enemy to my Quarters. Previous to this I had given Directions

for the two left Companies to take post on an Emminence opposite the Church, to cover

the Retreat of the two Companies cantoon’d on the Right. As soon as the Enemy found

their Intentions were frustrated, they seem’d more dispos’d to plunder than pursue Us,

and immediately commencd their Retreat from the Church, down the Hackensack Road

plundering indiscrimately.

The precipitate Manner in which they retreated and the Cries of the injur’d Inhabitants

induced Me to pursue them notwithstanding the Disparity of Numbers, I not being able to

collect more than 100 Men the Enemy suppos’d to be about 500.

3

Maj. Christopher Stuart, commander of the Paramus detachment, noted, “I … order’d the

Men to unsling their Packs and detach’d a Subaltern & 20 Men with Orders to harass them

while I with the Rest of the Detachment was close after.” Continental Army private, 1780.

Though this depicts a soldier of the Delaware Regiment, with the distinctive yellow binding

on his cocked hat, blue regimental coat with red facings were also worn by the regiments of

the Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia lines, as stipulated by the October 1779 uniform

regulations. Gaitered overalls, linen for summer, wool for winter, were the preferred

legwear for Continental troops at that period of the war. Philip Katcher, Uniforms of the

Continental Army (York, Pa.: George Shumway Publisher, 1981), 23, 80.

4

I then order’d the Men to unsling their Packs and detach’d a Subaltern & 20 Men with

Orders to harass them while I with the Rest of the Detachment was close after – On my

way down I was joind by perhaps 30 Militia who behav’d with great Spirit –

During the Enemy’s Retreat they did not discover an Inclination to halt, the Subaltern’s

Party keeping a continual Fire on their Rear which obliged them to run without

Intermission from a Mile below the Church to the New Bridge (the Distance not less than

Eleven Miles) at which Place I was induc’d to believe the friendly Inhabitants would

have assembled & endeavourd to obstruct their Retreat by hoisting or cutting away the

Bridge but on my Arrival finding that the Militia had not collected according to my

former Expectations and the Enemy having taken up the Bridge and posted Themselves

on an Emminence the Other side I thought prudent to retire to my Station, the Men

having recievd no Refreshment during the Day. The Officers & Men in Genl. behav’d

with Spirit and discovered a great Disposition to chastise Them – I beg leave to mention

Mr. Peter Fell to your Excellency, from whose Knowledge of the Country and Exertions

on the Occasion We receiv’d much Benefit …5

One of the earliest intimations the Continental Army high command had of the attack

was dated “8 Oclock A.M. 23rd March Acquackana[ck] Bridge,” and sent by Lt. Col.

Samuel Hay, 10th Pennsylvania Regiment, to Maj. Gen. Baron Johann De Kalb at

Springfield:6

This moment I have Inteligence (by four British Prisoners brought to this place by the

Militia at Hackensack) that 400 of the Enemy Comd. by a Col. McPherson came to

Hackensack last night & was to be Joyned by 400 more at the New Bridge and are

advancing now to Paramus. The Prisoners I have sent to the guard at Second River.

They have Burned the Court house and sundry other Houses.

I am Dear Genl. &c.

Saml. Hay Lt. Col:

N.B. I have no troops here as I am on Furlough.

De Kalb also received a 10 A.M. note from 5th Connecticut Capt. Abner Prior

stationed at Newark, reporting, “I Have this moment heard that the Enemy was in

Hackansack last night Burning & Destroing it is Said to be about Three hundred british

and they was advancen to wards Paramius …” Relaying these notes the next day to

General Washington the Baron also informed him “The four Prisoners, three of which are

Anspackers, I will Send to Head Q. under Escort … The Prisoners tell me that the Party

at Hackensack to which they belonged, was to return to New York after Burning Sundry

Buildings, that they had neither Baggage nor Provision with them.”7

___________________________

Image on following page

Map of Bergen County, New Jersey, showing the area of operations for the 23 March 1780

attacks on Hackensack and Paramus. Joel Altsbuler, 1976, Bergen County Cultural and

Heritage Commission. See also map of Hackensack Valley, 1776, and "Operations of

MacPherson and Howard, March 23, 1780"; both in Adrian C. Leiby, The Revolutionary

War in the Hackensack Valley: The Jersey Dutch and the Neutral Ground (New Brunswick,

N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1962), inside cover, and page 242.

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Seventh Pennsylvania Surgeon’s Mate Gustavus Henderson (a.k.a. John Rose), with

his regiment at Jockey Hollow, left this lively (and partisan) secondhand narrative of the

23 March action:

Since writing to my brother a more particular account of the late Skirmish has come to

hand. A Majors command was detach’d to Paramus, the enemy sent out a party to

surprize the Major but he luckily had intelligence of it. They came on however so secretly

as to surprize the advanc’d Picquet consisting of a sergt. Corpl. and ten men they then

proceeded on towards the Majors quarters passing by part of the Detachment without

alarming them but the Major had still good intelligence & was ready to receive them

when they came up. We had the honor of giving the first salute which put them into

disorder they fac’d to the right about and were retreating when the party they pass’d lay

in ambuscade within 10 or 15 Yards of the road & gave them a flanker [flanking fire]

which settled them Helter Skelter away they ran. A Capt. [John] Marshall of the 3rd

[Pennsylvania] & a Capt. [Abraham] Claypoole of the 11th Penna. Regt. pursued & kill’d

& took some say forty but be that as it may four of the prisoners arriv’d at Morristown on

Saturday evening & a sergt. & 10 Hessians & one British Soldier arriv’d there yesterday

– so much for a Scotch Prize.8

It seems Major Stuart’s detachment of Continentals at Paramus was largely composed

of Pennsylvania troops, though contingents serving at outposts at the time often contained

officers and enlisted men from different states. It is known that one private from

Maryland and another from Rhode Island were among those captured on 23 March and

taken into New York. The Continental force posted at Hopperstown one month later

consisted of officers and men from four Pennsylvania regiments, as well as Jackson’s,

Sherburne’s, and Spencer’s Additional Continental regiments.9

British officers’ accounts reflect differences in perspective and conflicting claims.

Major Stuart made no mention of being put to flight, and Surgeon’s Mate Rose claimed

the British were “put … into disorder … fac’d to the right about and … Helter Skelter

away they ran.” That contention was supported in part by Foot Guards Ens. George Eld,

but not mentioned by Foot Guards Lieutenant Colonel Howard in his report to Brig. Gen.

Edward Mathew the day after the action:

Kings Bridge March 24th 1780

Sir … the Detachment of Guards under my Command consisting of 300 Men marched

to Spiken Devil Creek ready to be embarked at 7 OClock Wednesday Evening; the Boats

from the Obstructions met with us at Kings Bridge, did not arrive till half past 10, which

occasioned our not reaching Closter Landing till 12 OClock at Night. The Distance from

thence to Peramus Church was at least 17 Miles from the Detour we were obliged to

make to come in the Rear of the Enemies Pickets, and to prevent our being discovered.

As it was two Hours after Day break before we could possibly arrive at Peramus, and the

Surprise of the Rebel Posts could by no means be compleated, according to the Plan first

adopted, I took the Liberty of ordering our Men to load, and to make an Alteration in the

Numbers detach’d under Lt. Cols. Stuart and Hall, as I had then learned their principal

Force was collected at Peramus Church.

I ordered Lieut. Coll. [James] Stuart [1st Foot Guards] with 50 Men to march on the

Road the East Side of Saddle River, and Lieut. Coll. [Francis] Hall [3d Foot Guards] with

60 of the Light Infantry to proceed to Hopper’s House, taking with me 190 Men on the

Road the West Side of Saddle River leading to their Main Body at Peramus which I heard

consisted of 250 Men, have since learned from a Deserter who came in on our Retreat

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their Numbers at the Church were near 300. I found them drawn up behind a Stone Wall

before the Church, afterwards they altered their Position with their left to a Barn part of

them remaining behind the Wall, and seemed determined to wait our coming up, but on

ordering our Men to form and attack, they immediately fled, and as our Soldiers had been

greatly fatigued with a March of near 18 Miles after pursuing them a Mile and half and

taking near 20 Prisoners, as I found nothing more cou’d be effected, I ordered the Men

back to Peramus Bridge to join Lieut. Colls. Stuart and Hall who had Directions to meet

us there. The former surprised a Corporal and Six Men, another Picket in a House

adjoining of an Officer and 20 Men had just Time to run off leaving their Arms, 30 stand

of which Lt. Coll. Stuart destroyed in the House. Lieut. Coll. Hall surprised a Picket of 9

Men, one of which got off, the Main Body at Hoppers House having received

Information half an Hour before the Arrival of the Party made their Escape.

After the Detachments of the Guards had joined, I took the Road to New Bridge, and

fell in with the Corps under Lt. Coll. [Duncan] McPherson. We suffered some Loss in

our Retreat, which the Rebels who had collected in Force harrassed till we had passed

New Bridge. Capt. [David] Anstruther of the 42nd was unfortunately wounded.

After crossing the River Hackinsack, I ordered the Bridge to be broke down to prevent

the Rebels passing it; in this Service Capts. [Francis] Dundass [1st Foot Guards] and

[George] Elde [2d Foot Guards] of the Light Infantry were particularly active themselves

taking up the Boards under the Enemy’s Fire.

We continued our March after with little Molestation, and embarked the Detachment

of Guards at Moore’s Landing near Fort Lee agreeable to the Commands of His

Excellency Lieut. Genl. Knyphausen.

I beg leave to mention the great Assistance I received from all the Officers under my

Command, particularly Lt. Coll. McPherson, as also the spirited Behaviour of the British

and German Troops. Lieut. Cranston of the Navy was like wise very active in his

Department.

J. Howard Capt. & Lt. Coll.

1st Rt. Guards

The inclosed [not found] is a Return of the Killed and Wounded of the Detachment of

Guards.

Serjt. Smith and the two Private Men missing were left on the Road on Account of

Illness some Time before the Detachment reached Peramus.

It should be noted that Colonel Howard’s force consisted of two grenadier and two light

infantry companies of the Guards, plus “enough men from Kings Bridge to raise his force

to three hundred…” (See endnote for British Foot Guards organization in America.)10

Guards Ensign Eld fills in details from a company officer’s point–of–view, first noting

"March 23d. – At six in the evening a detachmt of 600 commanded by Lt. Col. Howard

marched to Spithim Devil creek, from whence at about ten they embarked in flat bottom

boats and landed at 1/2 past twelve at Kloster dock in the Jersies –“11

He continued,

having marched since seven in the morning I was sent forward with 60 Light Infantry to

attack a rebel Picquet, on the right of the main body of the rebels who were

advantageously posted & fortified in the Church Yard at a place called Paramus – the

Piqt. was placed at the edge of a wood with a plain of half an mile in the rear, – I

surprized the Picqt. which instantly fled & the most famous chase over the plain ensued –

we were in at the death of seven. – I had given orders that my Party should not fire but

use their Bayonets – notwithstanding the Main Body Being apprized of Coll. Howards

attack, fled into the woods – I fired at an Officer who was mounted, who to save himself

cast away his saddle bags – which contained above 27.000 Dollars, paper Currny, orders,

8

letter, &ca the dollars (reservg a few thousd. for myself) I sold for a farthing each &

distributed to the men – after a tiresome march, I rejoined Coll. H. who immediately

retreated – On our return which was by a different route, we were joined by a detachment

of the 42d Regt. & Hessians & 43d. –12

Eld then recounted the mounting confusion of the withdrawal.

The Rebels now collected & began to harass our rear – I had the Command of the rear

Guard – Capn. [Francis] Dundass [1st Foot Guards] flanked – the road in which we

marched was wide & walled on each side – the road being a continuation of sudden hills

–the main Body was little annoyed – & afforded me an opportunity of disputing each

heighth – the rebels made three charges and each time were repulsed – their loss was as

ten to one – Coll. Howards retreat was so precipitate that he never once detached a party

to my support; fortunately for me, the rebels now changed their attack to the left of our

line of march – they now flanked from behind trees, &ca with the greatest security – the

road on that side being open & a narrow & impassable swamp immediately adjoining it

…we retreated, annoyed by a constant fire, with great loss – which produced a general

confusion, Coll. Howard neglecting to give any orders – till we arrived at a Bridge …13

The ensign claimed for himself the lion’s share of the rearguard command, while

attributing further disorder and difficulty to Colonel Howard:

… so great was Howards confusion, that as the rear Guard was crossing the Bridge, he

was threatening the trembling Owner of the adjacent house, with death & destruction if

he did not take up the planks of the Bridge – as this was impossible, our army not

chooseing to make the attempt & the Owner of the house from inclination not intending

to do it, I volunteered the duty & promised Coll. Howard to destroy the Bridge, I never

professed myself a volunteer for any duty, but on this occasion I had two reasons for my

Conduct.

The first reason arose from my having perceived that the Enemy were bringing Cannon

& horse – the whole weight of which must have been sustained by the rear guard, the

other was, vanity; the vanity of attempting that danger, which a whole army had avoided

– I now called the Light Infantry, which composed the rear guard to assist me, but so

great was the panic, –that only– four remained. – Captn. Dundass hearing my voice

joined me as did Captns. [David] Anstruther [42d Regiment] & [Ensign George] Dennis

[43d Regiment] with one private of the 43d & 2 privates of the 42d. Regt. The Hessian

detachment perceiving our intentions formed on a small rise & covered our attempt –

Under a very heavy fire, we effected our design, by dislodging the planks – which

effectually prevented the horse & feild [sic] pieces from following our line of March. As

this was done in the full view of the whole army, my vanity once more got the

ascendancy over my reason, inducing me to remain the last on the Bridge – In our

retreating from the Bridge – three of the Light Infantry were killed, one [each] of the 42

& 43 – Captn. A[nstruther]: was wounded – Lt Dennis slightly – Dundass & myself

escaped … having thus destroyed the Bridge, which rendered the rest of the retreat safe &

easy –14

And all is well that ends well: “Capt Dundass & myself recd. in public orders the

thanks of Genl. Mathew, the Commanding Officer of Kings bridge – as also Genl.

Knyphausen's thanks … We now (March 24th. 5 o'clock even'g) recrossed the North

river, after a march of 40 miles thro' the enemy's Country –We took 1 Captn. & 100

privates – our loss must have been nearly 30."15

9

At Hackensack Captain William Thorne, 43rd

Regiment, commanded a detachment of

British and German troops detailed to “attack every House … pointed out to them by the

Guides and Refugees … to apprehend every Man they found and bring them to Sobrisky’s

Mill …” Thorne and his men remained in the town while the rest of Colonel McPherson’s

force advanced to Paramus. (Portrait in private collection. Photograph courtesy of Fellow

Gregory J.W. Urwin.)

___________________________

10

The commander of the southern column, Lieutenant Colonel McPherson, 42d

Regiment, provided his perspective of events to General Knyphausen:

… the Detachment of 300 Men under my Command embarked on board the Boats at the

Hay Wharf by 7 o’Clock of the Evening of the 22nd Instant, and landed at Weyhake

[Weehawken] a little before Ten; from thence we marched, and got to the little Ferry on

Hackensack River by 12 o’Clock, over which the Detachment was transported in a small

Whale Boat and one Canoe by three o’Clock in the Morning; here I made the Disposition

for surprising Hackensack, to effectuate which I ordered a Subaltern and 25 Men of the

43rd Regiment to push on briskly until they got to the End of the Town, next to

Newbridge, there to halt, and intercept every Person who might attempt to make their

Escape; the remaining Part of the Detachment of the 43rd Regiment, with the 50

Anspachs, under the Command of Captain [William] Thorne of the 43rd I ordered to

follow and to attack every House that should be pointed out to them by the [Loyalist]

Guides and Refugees, and to apprehend every Man they found and bring them to

Sobrisky’s [Zabriskie’s] Mill, there to remain until the Detachment returned from

Paramus, and I have the Pleasure to inform your Excellency, that the Plan had the desired

Effect, the Militia and Inhabitants being catched in their Beds.

At half an Hour after 5 oClock I marched with the Detachment from Hackensack,

leaving Capt. Thorne with One hundred Men there, for the Purpose I have mentioned,

and proceeded to Sobrisky’s Mills, where I arrived at a quarter of an hour after 6 oClock,

from thence I continued marching towards Paramus, without any Opposition. And about

a quarter of an hour after 7o’Clock in the Morning, we heard a scattering Fire in our

Front, on this we pushed and got with[in] a quarter of a Mile of Paramus Church, when

we observed the Enemy run, and Colonel Howard with the Guards in pursuit of them.

Saddles River prevented my intercepting the Fugitives; here 13 Deserters joined us, and

here I halted and sent to Colonel Howard for Orders, who sent me Word, that he with his

Detachment would join us immediately, which he accordingly did. What happened on

our Return while Colonel Howard commanded, your Excellency will be informed of by

him. We parted from the Guards opposite to Fort Lee and arrived at Weyhake about

Sunset, where we embarked on board the Flat–Boats, and landed at the Hay Wharf ‘twixt

Seven & Eight o’Clock in the Evening of the 23rd Instant, after a Circuit of above forty

Miles. Sixty four Prisoners were brought to this City. …

It is with much Satisfaction I inform your Excellency, that the Officers and Men,

British and Foreigners, on this very fatiguing Service, behaved with the greatest

Regularity and Spirit.16

11

A soldier of the 42nd

Regiment Grenadier, Winter 1779-80. While the 42nd

Regiment light

and grenadier companies served in South Carolina that winter of 1780, the battalion

companies took part in the 23rd

March Paramus attack. In December 1779 the entire

regiment had been issued brown “donation cloth” to be made into gaiter-trousers, also

called overalls, for campaign wear. On 4 December 1779 Grenadier Capt. John Peebles

noted, “The mens brown trowzers are almost finish’d …” Don Troiani, Don Troiani’s

Soldiers in America, 1754-1865 (Mechanicsburg, Pa.: Stackpole Boooks, 1998), 41-42; Ira. D.

Gruber, John Peebles’ American War: The Diary of a Scottish Grenadier, 1776-1782

(Mechanicsburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1998), 310, 313. (Painting by Don Troiani,

www.historicalimagebank.com )

12

Johann Dohla, a private in the Bayreuth Regiment (sometimes referred to as the

Seybothen Regiment, after its commander), wrote of his experience with McPherson’s

force. Private Dohla matter–of–factly describes the destruction and looting in occupied

Hackensack:

22 March. During the evening, after tattoo, I went with a strong command. It was drawn

from all the regiments which lay here in New York and consisted of four hundred men

under the command of the Scottish Major Kleevlington[?] and Captain Tannenberg of the

Hessians. We were carried in boats across the North River to the province of New Jersey.

Then we marched almost the entire night, at the quickest pace and as silently as possible,

mostly through forests. Toward three o’clock in the morning we reached Hackensack, a

large and beautiful settlement consisting of about two hundred houses. This village was

attacked and all houses were immediately broken into and everything ruined; doors,

windows, boxes, and chests, everything lumped together and plundered. All the males

were taken prisoners, and the townhall and some other splendid buildings were set on

fire. We took considerable booty, money, silver pocket watches, silver plate and spoons,

as well as furniture, good clothing, fine English linen, good silk stockings, gloves, other

materials. This village of Hackensack lies sixteen English miles from New York and has

rich inhabitants.17

Dohla continued on with Colonel McPherson’s main force to Paramus, which the

German private called “Pollingtown.” Private Dohla also misidentified the officer leading

the northern column as Col. Andreas Emmerich, whereas the commander was actually

Colonel Howard of the Guards.

23 March. At daybreak we again marched out of Hackensack. We wished to proceed two

miles further to Pollingtown [Paramus], a small city where we hoped to capture a rebel

command of two hundred men. However, we were betrayed by spies and the rebels came

against us from all sides, we had to begin the return march. They would have taken us all

prisoners, because they were five or six times stronger than we were, if Colonel [Howard]

… of the English had not joined us with four hundred light infantry and jaegers. On the

previous day they had been transferred across the North River beyond Kingsbridge and

were to have supported us during the attack on Pollingtown. [Colonel Howard] covered

our flank as soon as he had joined us, and we slowly pulled back under a steady fire,

which last[ed] more than six hours. During this time we threw away or discarded most of

our furniture booty. At eight o’clock in the evening we again arrived at New York, after

the enemy had followed us to the water of the North River. From this expedition we had

dead three Scots, eleven English and Hessians; and Private Bar, of our regiment, made

prisoner.18

The Landgraf regimental journal recorded that following the abortive assault on the

main Continental force, “both detachments returned to Rabriesmils [Zabriskie’s Mills],

where they were joined by the detachment of Anspach troops, that had remained behind

at Hackinsack, and then all returned together by way of Nery bridge [New Bridge].

Colonel Howard’s detachment embarked near Fort Lee, and Lieutenant–Colonel

[McPherson’s] marched with the prisoners as far as Wheehack [Weehawkin], where the

boats were awaiting them.”19

13

Officer and private of the Regiment Landgraf. “Several men of the Landgrave Regiment,

who belonged to the detachment, could not keep up on account of fatigue, and fell into the

rebels’ hands, after which they remained almost three years imprisoned in Philadelphia.

The rebels’ loss cannot be estimated very exactly.” (Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg,

Germany, E 195/2, page 229.)

___________________________

Bayreuth Private Dohla closes with an account of his personal plunder, all of which he

was forced to discard by the roadside. If every man jettisoned a similar load, the highway

must have been a demoralizing sight.

On this day my life was exposed to many hundreds of bullets. My booty, which I had

been fortunate enough to retain, consisted of two silver pocket watches, three silver

buckles, one pair of women’s white cotton stockings, one pair of men’s summer

stockings, two men’s and four women’s shirts of fine English linen, two fine tablecloths,

one silver food and tea spoon, five Spanish dollars and six York shillings in money,

eleven complete mattress covers of fine linen, and more than two dozen pieces of silk

fabric, as well as six silver plates and one silver drinking cup, all tied together in a pack

which, because of the hasty march, I had to throw away.20

14

Hessian Adjutant General Maj. Carl Leopold Baurmeister wrote this account to

Hessian Lord High Chancellor Baron von Jungkenn, describing some of the difficulties in

coordinating the two columns, and the effect of the quickly mobilized Continentals and

militia:

In order to surprise an enemy post of three hundred men at Paramus church beyond

Hackensack in Jersey, Lieutenant Colonel Howard took four flank companies [grenadiers

and light infantry] of British Guards and enough men from Kings Bridge to raise his

force to three hundred, went up the North River to Philipse’s house on flatboats, and

crossed over to Jersey in the night of 22nd–23rd. At the same time, Lieutenant Colonel

MacPherson of the local garrison departed with three hundred men and crossed over to

Jersey at Weehawken, situated almost straight across the river from the northern part of

the city. It was agreed that the two detachments should approach Paramus at the same

time. But Lieutenant Colonel Howard came upon the enemy post earlier than did

Lieutenant Colonel MacPherson, for the latter met with considerable interference in

crossing the North River and also encountered several small rebel pickets on his march

through Hackensack.

The rebels in the meantime had taken a position in the graveyard, and their

commander, Major Stuart [5th Pennsylvania], made a valiant defense. Finally, however,

he was compelled to fall back, and on his retreat he encountered Lieutenant Colonel

MacPherson’s detachment. The heavy firing alarmed a great part of Jersey, and enemy

troops approached from all sides in such numbers that our detachments could not hope

for further success. They therefore decided to retreat over New Bridge. This gave the

enemy so much courage that they followed close upon the heels of the detachments and

even made some prisoners. Aside from – wounded, among them two officers of the

British Guards, who together with sixty–five prisoners and fourteen deserters, came in by

way of Powles Hook, we had nine killed and eighteen missing.21

To Lord Amherst, Lt. Gen. James Robertson noted, “General Knyphausen is much

liked, gives great Application, and forms every Day Projects to protect our Friends and

annoy the Enemy,” then went on to relate, “A Body of them lay at Paramis and

Hackinsack, – He detached a Party of three hundred of them from this and another from

Kingsbridge. A Boat was sent from hence to carry the first over Second River. A delay

about Boats [this may refer to the bottleneck caused by McPherson’s detachment’s

Hackensack River crossing using only “a small Whale Boat and one Canoe,“ in addition

to the passage over the Hudson River] broke the concerted Meeting of the two Parties and

gave an Opportunity to many of the Rebels to escape. Our People returned after a March

of thirty nine Miles with Sixty four Prisoners.”22

The raid and several participating officers were recognized in general orders, “Head

Quarters New York 25 March 1780”:

His Excellency Lieutenant General von Knyphausen requests that his approbation be

made known in published orders to Lieutenant Colonel Howard of the Guards, Lieutenant

Colonel McPherson of the 42nd Regiment, and the officers and men under their

command for the good conduct on the morning of the 23rd of this month during the

fatiguing expedition to Paramus and Hackensack and, although it was not as successful as

might be wished, due to unavoidable circumstances, it still provided honor to the troops.

His Excellency is appreciative of the dedication to duty of Lieutenants Cranton and Peery

of the Navy who commanded the division of flatboats, and also of Lieutenant Hatfield of

15

the Royal Volunteer Militia [possibly Captain Cornelius Hetfield, King’s Militia

Volunteers] for his bravery during this opportunity23

Identifying Navy lieutenants Cranton (or Cranston) and Peery is problematic, at best.

For the former, compiled Admiralty records show only one man with a similar name

serving in 1780, Lt. James, Lord Cranstoun, who was at Gibraltar at that time. Lord

Cranstoun’s younger brother, Midshipman Charles Cranstoun, was serving as an acting

lieutenant when he was captured in 1776 and imprisoned in Rhode Island; however, his

whereabouts following his February 1777 exchange is unknown. No Lieutenant Cranton

(or similar name) was found on the Admiralty sea pay list of officers serving on ships on

the North American station in March 1780. Lieutenant Peery could have been one of

several Naval officers with the surname Parry, Peevey, or Peers.24

The Naval officers’ roles merit further discussion. Cranton, as overall commander, was

likely a senior lieutenant, while the individual boat’s officers were junior lieutenants,

midshipmen, or master’s mates. Furthermore, the naval officers in charge of the flatboat

flotillas were responsible for a very difficult undertaking, coordinating and transporting a

substantial body of troops across a river at night. Given the dual river crossings, as senior

officer Cranton probably took personal charge of Colonel Howard’s boats, given the

difficult task of having to travel “up the North River to Philipse’s house,” and from there

ferry the Guards to the New Jersey side. Lieutenant Peery likely commanded Colonel

McPherson’s flotilla, which, as related by Adjutant General Baurmeister, from New York

“crossed over to Jersey at Weehawken, situated almost straight across the river from the

northern part of the city,” but something, perhaps the tide, caused the operation to go

awry, and “MacPherson … met with considerable interference in crossing the North

River.”25

16

Colonel John Howard: “… the Detachment of Guards under my Command consisting of

300 Men marched to Spiken Devil Creek ready to be embarked at 7 OClock Wednesday

Evening; the Boats … did not arrive till half past 10, which occasioned our not reaching

Closter Landing till 12 OClock at Night.” Royal Navy officers had charge of as many as

twenty-four flatboats during the March 1780 Paramus operation. This contemporary model

represents a Royal Navy flat-bottomed boat carrying troops. Georgian full hull model, raised

3/4 view, circa 1758, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, U.K. Pictured in Robert

Gardiner, Navies and the American Revolution 1775-1783 (London, Chatham Publishing,

1996), 61, 62-63. With thanks to Robert Brooks and Fellow Gregory J.W. Urwin.

___________________________

17

Period model of Royal Navy landing boat, circa 1776.

National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, U.K. ___________________________

While given only a passing mention in officers’ reports, river crossings were difficult

in the best of conditions. The nature of the flatboats themselves, barely seaworthy,

difficult to row and maneuver, and detested by Royal Navy personnel, was at the root of

the trouble. Darkness added to the difficulty, and, depending on tidal conditions, one or

both crossings may have had to contend with turbulence caused by freshwater currents

meeting an incoming saltwater tide. A single flatboat was propelled with twenty oars and

crewed by twenty–five men (probably apportioned as follows: one boat commander, one

coxswain, one quartermaster’s mate, and twenty–two able seamen); for various reasons,

the craft were often loaded only to fifty or seventy percent of their passenger capacity.

Six such vessels would have carried one hundred and fifty crewmen, plus one hundred

and fifty to two hundred soldiers, and approximately ten to twelve flatboats were needed

for each river crossing made that night. Thus, as many as twenty–four watercraft may

have been used in the operation.26

18

Royal Navy flat-bottomed boat, the type used in the March 1780 Paramus operation. Detail

from painting by Robert Clevely erroneously titled, "The occupation of Newport, Rhode

Island, December 1776" (executed by a captain's clerk who witnessed the event); the image

actually portrays the landing at Kip’s Bay, Manhattan Island, on 15 September 1776.

National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, U.K., PAH9491. Pictured in Robert Gardiner, Navies

and the American Revolution 1775-1783 (London, Chatham Publishing, 1996), 61, 62-63. With

thanks to Fellows Linnea Bass and Gregory J.W. Urwin. See also, Don N. Hagist, “A New

Interpretation of a Robert Cleveley Painting” (manuscript submitted to The Mariner’s

Mirror).

___________________________

These events were covered in a number of newspaper accounts, some of which offer

new details. The 27 March 1780 New–York Gazette and the Weekly Mercury’s article was

written with a Loyalist bent: NEW–YORK, March 24.

On Wednesday evening a detachment of the Royal Army, under the command of Col.

Howard, crossed from this city to the Jersies, and proceeded to Hackensack, where a

number of continental troops were assembled to protect sundry new fangled Justices of

the Peace, who had assembled there to devise means to harrass and distress such of their

neighbours as were thought to be disaffected to the cause of rebellion. It was not until the

troops were close by them that they were apprised of their danger, when they fled with

the greatest precipitation, after animating the rebel soldiers to stand their ground, that

their retreat might be the more secure. The poor wretches did so for a little time, but after

a few being killed, they broke and made the best of their way home; however, several of

them were made prisoners, and brought to town last night. Our loss was, one killed and

another wounded.27

19

The 3 April issue of that paper added that McPherson’s force “composed of the British

and German troops in garrison” at New York was to act in conjunction with Howard’s

Guards, which,

landed at Kloster several miles above Fort Lee … to penetrate into the country to the

northward of Hopper’s town, and destined to attack the rear of the rebel cantonments at

that place … [and Lieutenant Colonel McPherson’s men] taking their route by the little

ferry upon Hackinsack, where boats was sent to transport them across, were to have

surprised the town of Hackensack, in which a company of Militia were quartered and

pushing forwards, to have fallen upon the front of the Paramus cantonments; these

services were not effected owing to unavoidable delays, till several hours later than was

intended. Lieut. Col. Howard arrived near Hopper’s town two hours after day–break in

the morning of the 23rd, and continuing his march, surprised two pickets, and pressed

one of their cantonments so closely as to oblige the officer and his command to leave

their arms behind them, which to the amount of thirty stand were destroyed; their main

body, consisting of between two and three hundred men, made a shew of defence at the

church, but finding they would be instantly attacked, they retired with precipitation, were

pursued for above a mile, and several prisoners taken. Lieutenant–Colonel Macpherson’s

detachment at this time on its march through the cantonments, which were found

abandoned, made its appearance upon the road near the church, having taken a few

prisoners … In the course of the march a Clergyman with another inoffensive inhabitant

(taken prisoners by mistake) were dismissed, and reported to have been accidently shot

by the Rebels.

Sixty–four prisoners were brought from Jersey, of those, twenty–four belonged to the

continental troops, and a captain and twenty–three were militia men: Thirteen deserters

also, who were a part of the Paramus command, came off with their arms. The loss of the

Rebels in killed and wounded cannot be ascertained.28

An American account noted that the “militia collected fast, attacked them furiously,

and several of our prisoners were relieved,” identifying the wounded civilian as “Mr.

Periam, tutor of the academy at Paramus … taken prisoner; but, being wounded by our

people in the enemy’s retreat, he was left behind; he is in a likely way to recover, though

badly wounded in the shoulder.” The clergyman was Loyalist Warmoldus Kuypers, who,

according to his son, “was obliged to march above twenty miles (in the wintry season)

tho’ excessive weak and in a bad state of health, and having his home plundered and

himself beat and ill treated [until] (upon conviction of error) he was permitted to return

home to his to a distressed family.” Despite events, “he still persevered in his loyalty and

remained with his congregation in hopes of doing good.”29

Other pro–independence articles stress the depredations at Hackensack, and losses

among local inhabitants. The New–York Packet, and the American Advertiser (30 March)

stated that

a party of British and foreign troops from New York, supposed about four hundred,

advanced as far as Paramus, and, in their usual manner, plundered several houses … We

have good information that the enemy had three or four waggons full of killed and

wounded; their retreat was so precipitate, that when any of their dead and wounded fell

off the wagon, they did not tarry to take them up. The Hackensack militia behaved with

spirit, and sustained but little loss. The enemy burnt, in this excursion, the courthouse in

Hackensack, and one or two dwelling houses; they plundered mr. Campbell,

tavernkeeper, of a large sum of Continental, hard money, &c.30

20

The New Jersey Journal’s rather florid account claimed that

a party of the enemy … penetrated into the country as far as Paramus. In their route, cruelty

and devastation, the characteristic of the tyrant’s troops, marked their steps. At Hackensack

they burnt the court–house and two dwelling–houses, and almost tore the house of Mr.

Campbell, inn–keeper, to pieces, after plundering him of a very considerable sum of specie

and continental money. In short, they plundered indiscriminately both whig and tory. Their

cruelty and brutality to women was unparalleled; some they inhumanely choaked to make

them tell where their money was; and one, we hear, was so unfortunate as to have her arm

broke by them. The militia of the county turned out spiritedly, and forming a junction with a

few continental troops that lay at Paramus, pushed them, on their retreat, very hard, took a

few prisoners, and killed and wounded several, whom they carried off in waggons. –

Remember, apostate Britons! That your towns, during the last summer, have been in the

power of our fleets; and that, perhaps, may be the case the ensuing one, when taught by your

example, we may retaliate ten fold.31

The 29 March New Jersey Gazette account detailed the destruction and mentioned

civilian casualties:

Extract of a letter from Hackinsack, dated March 24.

Yesterday morning at 4 o’clock, a detachment of the enemy of about 200 men,

commanded by Lt. Col. M’Pherson, of the 42nd regt. made a descent upon this place by

way of the Little Ferry. Soon after they entered the town they burnt the Court–house, and

also Messrs. Boyd’s and Chapple’s dwelling houses, and then proceeded to Paramus,

with intention to surprize the detachment of continental troops under the command of

Major Stuart. At that place the enemy were joined by another party of equal force, which

landed at Closter and marched by Weirmiss, and would probably have effected their

purpose had not Major Stuart received information of their approach. In their rout they

plundered and abused the inhabitants indiscriminately, in a most pitiable manner; and

carried off between 20 and 30 of the inhabitants prisoners. Capt. Outwater of our militia,

and Hendrick Van Geison, were slightly wounded, but not taken off. In this excursion

the enemy had a number killed and wounded, and near 20 of them were made prisoners

by our troops, who behaved exceedingly well; and hung upon their rear as they retreated

from Paramus to Fort Lee, where they embarked.32

The Loyalist New–York Gazette: and the Weekly Mercury listed sixty–two men carried

off from Hackensack and Paramus, including several identified as regular or militia

soldiers, and five blacks, viz.,

New–York, March 27.

The following is a List of the Prisoners brought to this City last Thursday Night by the

Parties that were lately at Paramus and Hackinsack, in New–Jersey …

John Armstrong, David Baldwin, Gillion Barthoff, John Bogart, John Bond, William

Bradshaw, John Brady, Jacobus Brower, William Brower, William Browning, Peter

Byall, Ezekiel Burrell, John Clancey, John Coalby, David Colden, Charles Corper,

Christian Demarest, John Demarest, Isaac Denton, Jonathan Doramus, Thomas Dorman,

John Durjee, Morris Earl [Bergen militia], George Field, Silas Frost, William Hammell,

William Hammell, Jr., Thomas Harris, Edward Harvey [2d Rhode Island Regiment],

Captain Abraham Herring, Rowland Hill, Charles Hugh, James Kent [Bergen militia],

John Kiney, Patrick Kirkin, Andrew Lord [5th Maryland Regiment], Benjamin Marsh,

21

James M’Donald, Benjamin Old, Christian O’Neil, William Provost, John Romayn,

Patrick Scentling, Thomas Scotland, Charles Simmons, Ebenezer Spinnage, William

Stewart, Abraham Storms, James Teny, John Van Antwerp, John Van Gissen, G. Van

Wagenen, Henry Van Winkle, Isaac Varvalen [Vervalen], John Williams, Joseph

Williams, Peter Zabriskie; Will, Jack, John, Venter, and Hector (Negroes).33

Ens. George Eld of the British Guards noted, “I volunteered … & promised Coll. Howard

to destroy the Bridge … The Hessian detachment perceiving our intentions formed on a

small rise & covered our attempt –“ Officers and men of the veteran German Regiment von

Donop as they would have appeared during the American War. The German regiments on

the March 1780 Paramus expedition played a support role, suffering most of their casualties

while withdrawing towards New Bridge.

___________________________

Continental commander Major Stuart reported troop casualties as follows:

Return of the wounded & missing of Continental Troops [23 March 1780.] 34

Wounded — 1 Sub[altern], 2 R[ank] & file.

Missing — 1 Serjt., 1 D[rum] & Fife, 33 R & file.

Return of the Enemy kill’d wounded & made Prisoners.

Kill’d — 1 R[ank] & file found.

Wounded — The Number uncertain, two Waggon loads.

Prisoners — 1 Drum, 8 R & file exclusive of 6 taken by the Militia and sent to

Newark.

22

Adjutant General Baurmeister informed the Hessian Lord High Chancellor, “Aside

from [the] wounded, among them two officers of the British Foot Guards, who together

with sixty–five prisoners and fourteen deserters, came in by way of Powles Hook, we had

nine killed and eighteen missing.”35

British Deputy Adjutant General Frederick

MacKenzie gave total British and German losses as “1 Rank & File Killed; 1 Officer, 17

Rank & File Wounded; 1 Drummer, 12 Rank & File Missing,” noted “Capt. [David]

Anstruther 42d Regt. Wounded,” and provided a detailed accounting:

“Return of the Killed, Wounded & Missing, at the attack of the Rebel Troops at Paramus,

in Jersey the 23rd March 1780.”

British

Guards: 1 Rank & File Killed; 9 Rank & File Wounded; 2 Rank & File Missing.

42d. 1 Officer, 4 Rank & File Wounded; 1 Rank & File Missing.

43d. 2 Rank & File Wounded.

German

Regiment du Corps (Leib Regiment): 2 Rank & File Wounded; 1 Drummer Missing.

Landgrave: 2 Rank & File Missing.

Donop: 4 Rank & File Missing.

1st. Ansbach: 2 Rank & File Missing.

2d. Ansbach (Bayreuth): 1 Rank & File Missing. 36

The journalist for the Regiment Landgraf noted of the aftermath, “Several men of the

Landgrave Regiment, who belonged to the detachment, could not keep up on account of

fatigue, and fell into the rebels’ hands, after which they remained almost three years

imprisoned in Philadelphia. The rebels’ loss cannot be estimated very exactly.”37

Other records tell bits and pieces of the raid’s story. Some were only a few years

removed from the event, such as militia Capt. John Outwater’s May 1783 statement, “that

Elias Brevoort has Lost One Musquit On An Alarm By the British March the twenty third

1780 then under my Command …”38

Nineteenth century pension accounts provide more

information about individual soldiers. Some, such as militia Pvt. Garret Brinkerhoff, left

complete narratives:

In the month of March 1780 … Volunteered to Serve at a minutes warning under Capt.

David Vanbusum … In the month of April [actually March] the British Refugees and

Tories made an incursion in the county as far up as the town of Hackensack at which

place they Burnt the Court House and a dweling house of Adam Boyd then Sheriff of the

said County of Bergen, of which disaster we Receved newes and were in a short time on

our march to oppose them but coming to the place where they had commited the

depredation – the enemy were on their Retreate / our company with the Rest of the militia

Stationed at Hackensack followed in their Rear and annoyed them considerable before

they arrived at their encampment in the Lower part of the County. Our Company then

Returned to Hackensack with the Rest of the militia. Here we were stationed fourteen

days to the best of the deponents Recollection.39

23

Other men gave only minimal information. Pvt. Andrew Lord, named in the 27 March

1780 New–York Gazette: and Weekly Mercury roster of captives, noted having enlisted in

summer 1777 for three years in Capt. John Lynch’s company, Col. William Richardson’s

5th Maryland Regiment, “At the expiration of which time reenlisted at a place called

Wicks’ Farm, near Morris Town in the Jerseys. Taken prisoner while out on a scouting

party or expedition under Major John [either major of the 2nd Maryland Regiment, or

mistaken for Christopher] Stewart at a place called Peramner near the Sea Board and

carried to New York, afterward Exchanged & joined the new 3rd Regt. at Annapolis, was

at the capture of Cornwallis …” Morris Earl was also named on the newspaper prisoner

list. His wife Elisabeth remembered that “her husband … was taken prisoner at a place

Called little ferry … by the Enemy and Carried to New York and Confined in the Sugar

House for five month & Six day, and … her husband arrived at home on the very day

when Gen. Poor was buried at Hackensack in the County of Bergen.” Henry Berdan also

noted that Earl “was taken prisoner at a place called little ferry below Hackensack, and

taken to New York and confined in the sugar house and there kept for six months …”40

Catharine Kent gave a substantial deposition in her quest for her husband’s pension.

Mrs. Kent’s account of James Kent’s revolutionary service, interspersed with some

military minutiae and personal memories are a fitting end to this story of the Paramus

raid:

James Kent … was a private and sergeant in the … Militia and other Troops of Bergen

County New Jersey … her husband … was a native of Sussex County New Jersey and

was at the time of the breaking out of the revolutionary war, an apprentice to John

Freeland, at the Blacksmithing business, at a place called the “Ponds” in Franklin

Township … the said John Freeland upon the breaking out of the war give up the

blacksmithing business and her … husband having no employment entered the service in

the Militia, and served as a substitute … in the Wheat Harves[t] in the month of July

1779, she became intimately acquainted with her said husband, as it was at the time that

their Courtship Commenced and at that time she distinctly recollects he was in service as

a sergeant, in a Company of Troops, that was then Stationed in the Village of

Hackensack, and was quartered in Willson’s old School House … said Company had, as

she understood, been raised in the different Counties by enlistment for one Campaign,

and that it continued so stationed, until on or about the first of January ensuing, when

their terms expired and they were then discharged, as she well remembers. … [The]

Company kept a picquet guard at New Bridge, of which guard she distinctly recollects

her … husband was every other day the officer … it is her impression that said

Companys term for which it had been raised to serve was six months, and she distinctly

recollects that it was in what was called the Hard winter that said Company was

discharged …her … husband received his pay in paper money about the time he was

discharged, and … [the] Company drew their regular rations and cooked them in the farm

houses, and lived in the School house, six Soldiers being in a mess … she lived during

the time said Company laid there between the Village of Hackensack and New Bridge,

where … [the] Companys picquet guard was kept, on the main road and that she

distinctly recollects seeing the … picquets pass and repass every knight and morning

during the whole time it laid there … immediately after … [her husband’s] discharge …

he went up to the Ponds, and failing to get any employment there, he came back to

Hackensack again while yet it was Winter, and she think it was Captain Outwater, was

then enlisting a Company for three months service into whose company her … husband

enlisted as sergeant for the term, and whether it was before, or just after said Company

24

had been embodied in to service she cannot remember, he was taken prisoner, and was

taken to New York City, where he was kept a prisoner of War, until in June, when he, “as

he, and others that was prisoners with him, afterwards informed her,” despairing of being

soon exchanged he enlisted with the enemy, and he was with the British Army sent down

to Staten Island, where he deserted, and as she distinctly recollects he came to

Hackensack in that same month dressed in a full suit of British regimentals. That he said

he had been enlisted about one week when he deserted …41

(The second part of this series will examine the 16 April 1780 reprise attack on

Hopperstown, near Paramus, in Bergen County, New Jersey.)

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to a number of friends and acquaintances for their contributions: Fellow

Linnea Bass for her expertise on the British Guards Regiments, Bob Brooks for his

insights concerning the naval aspects of the Paramus operation and other advice, Stephen

Gilbert’s information on British officers’ identities, Joseph Malit (Infanterie regiment von

Donop, http://www.vondonop.org/vondonophome.html) and Robert A. Selig for

assistance with period images of German troops, Steve Rayner for contributing the

account of Guards officer George Eld, Fellow Don Londahl–Smidt’s knowledge of the

German forces, and Fellow Gregory Urwin’s advice and support. This work would not

have been possible without Todd Braisted’s (http://www.royalprovincial.com/)

contribution of numerous transcribed documents, and generosity with so many other

resources.

Endnotes

1. For a an excellent study of the 1779–80 Morristown cantonment, including Major

General William Alexander, Lord Stirling’s January 1780 Staten Island raid and other

corresponding events see, Samuel Stelle Smith, Winter at Morristown, 1779–1780: The

Darkest Hour (Monmouth Beach: Philip Freneau Press, N.J., 1979); For a list of raids and

skirmishes in Northern New Jersey that winter and spring see, Howard H. Peckham, ed,

The Toll of Independence: Engagements & Battle Casualties of the American Revolution

(Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1974), 78–85; For details on

supply shortages and the 1780 winter see, John U. Rees, "'The great distress of the Army

for want of Blankets ...': Supply Shortages, Suffering Soldiers, and a Secret Mission

During the Hard Winter of 1780," Military Collector &Historian, vol. 52, no. 3 (Fall

2000), 98–110, World Wide Web, http://revwar75.com/library/rees/blanketts.htm).

2. Smith, Winter at Morristown, 27–28. Adrian C. Leiby, The Revolutionary War in the

Hackensack Valley: The Jersey Dutch and the Neutral Ground (New Brunswick, N.J.:

Rutgers University Press, 1962), 235–238.

3. Citizens of Bergen County, New Jersey, to Christopher Stuart, 22 March 1780, George

Washington Papers, Presidential Papers Microfilm (Washington: Library of Congress,

1961), series 4, reel 56. This letter was signed by Justices Hendrick Cuyper, Peter Haring,

Jacob Terhune, and Isaac Vanderbeck, Sheriff Adam Boyd, and four mililtia officers:

Adjutant Cornelius Haring, Captains John Outwater, Samuel Demarest, and Elias

Romaine, and Lieutenant David Demarest; Lieutenant Colonel Josiah Harmar, 6th

Pennsylvania Regiment, recorded the mid–March weather:

25

“March 22nd: [1780, Wednesday] Cool windy Weather …”

“March 23rd: [Thursday] Cool day …”

“March 24th: [Friday] Sleety Weather”

Lt. Col. Josiah Harmar’s Journal No. 1, 11 November 1778 to 2 September 1780, p. 92,

Josiah Harmar Papers, William L. Clements Library, Univ. of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

4. The British and German units involved are detailed in Frederick MacKenzie, “Return

of the Killed, Wounded & Missing, at the attack of the Rebel Troops at Paramus, in

Jersey the 23rd March 1780,” Sir Henry Clinton Papers, vol. 89, item 31, The University

of Michigan, William L. Clements. The regiment noted in MacKenzie’s casualty return

as “du Corps” is the often–used French name for the Hessen–Cassel Leib Regiment.

“Leib” [body] the same as the French “du Corps” [of the body]. The international

language of diplomacy was French; many official documents list the German officers and

units with the French spellings of their names; e.g., von Bose becomes De Bose,

Leibregiment (or Leib–Infanterie–Regiment) becomes Regiment du Corps, etc.

(Clarification courtesy of Bob Brooks and Donald Londahl–Smidt.) Johann Conrad

Dohla, A Hessian Diary of the American Revolution, Bruce E. Burgoyne, trans. and ed.

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), xvii-xviii.

5. Christopher Stuart to Washington, 25 March 1780, GW Papers, Library of Congress,

series 4, reel 56. Stuart was appointed major 5th Pennsylvania in June 1777 (captured at

Fort Washington in November 1776, he was exchanged January 1777); on 17 April 1780

he was appointed lieutenant colonel of the 3d Pennsylvania.

6. Samuel Hays to Johann De Kalb, 23 March 1780, GW Papers, Library of Congress,

series 4, reel 56.

7. Abner Prior to Johann De Kalb, 23 March 1780, and De Kalb to Washington, 24

March 1780, ibid.

8. Gustavus Henderson (a.k.a. John Rose) to John Nicholson, 27 March 1780, New

Jersey Historical Society, MG 14, Box 1, folder 65 (Courtesy of Todd Braisted).

John Rose, “His proper name was Baron Gustavus H. de Rosenthal, surgeon 7th

Pennsylvania Regiment, 12th June, 1777; found not competent and transferred to General

Hospital as Surgeon’s–Mate, under the name of Gustavus Henderson; appointed

Surgeon’s–Mate 7th Pennsylvania Regiment, 1st March, 1780; afterwards appointed

Surgeon on the Revenge [a vessel]; taken prisoner in fall of 1780 … served as Aide–de–

Camp to General Irvine in 1781 and 1782 …” Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register of

Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the Revolution – April 1775 to

December 1783 Washington, D.C.: The Rare Book Publishing Shop, Inc., 1914), 474.

A “Scotch Prize” is something that once won turns out to be no prize at all. Here are two

contemporary, or near contemporary, uses of the term: Colonel Samuel Miles’ account of

the Battle of Long Island, 27 August 1776, “We had proceeded but a short distance

before we were again engaged with a superior body of the enemy, and here we lost a

number of men, but took Major Moncrieffe, their commanding officer, prisoner, but he

was a Scotch prize, for Ensign Brodhead, who took him and had him in possession for

some hours, was obliged to surrender himself.” “Journal Of Col. Samuel Miles,

Concerning The Battle Of Long Island–1776,” John B. Linn and William H. Egle, eds.,

Pennsylvania Archives, series 2, vol. I (Harrisburg: Lane S. Hart, Printer, 1879), 522;

James Fenimore Cooper, The Pilot; A Tale of the Sea, "’This has been a Scotch prize that

we've taken,’ muttered a surly old seaman; ‘a ship without head–money or cargo! There

26

was kitchen timber enough in the old jug of a place, to have given an outfit in crockery

and knee–buckles, to every lad in the ship; but, no! let a man's mouth water ever so much

for food and raiment, damme if the officers would give him leave to steal even so good a

thing as a spare Bible.’" James Fenimore Cooper, The Pilot; A Tale of the Sea, vol. 2

(New York: Charles Wiley, 1823), chapter XII, 191.

http://etext.lib. virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer–

eafpublic?id=eaf053v2.xml&data=/texts/eaf&tag=public&part=12&division=div

9. At this time, besides New Jersey militia soldiers, only five Continentals have been

identified as being present at the 23 March Paramus attack: Maj. Christopher Stuart, 5th Pennsylvania Regiment

Capt. John Marshall, 3d Pennsylvania

Capt. Abraham Claypoole, 11th Pennsylvania

Pvt. Edward Harvey, 2d Rhode Island

Pvt. Andrew Lord, 5th Maryland

Continental troops known to have with the Major Byles’ force at Hopperstown on 16

April 1780 were: Maj. Thomas Lambert Byles, 5th Pennsylvania Regiment

Capt. Jonathan Hallett, 2d New York

Capt. Jacob Weaver, 10th Pennsylvania

Capt. Isaac Seely, 5th Pennsylvania

Lieutenant Samuel Bryson, 7th Pennsylvania

Lieutenant James Glentworth, 6th Pennsylvania

Ensign Nathaniel Thatcher, Jackson’s Additional Regiment

Ensign Henry Sherman, Sherburne’s Additional Regiment

Pvt. Josiah Willard, Jackson’s Additional Regiment

Pvt. David Jacobs, Spencer’s Additional Regiment

10. John Howard to Major General Edward Mathew, 24 March 1780 (enclosed in Sir

Henry Clinton to Lord George Germain, 4 July 1780), Great Britain, Public Record

Office, Colonial Office, Class 5, vol. 100, pp. 89–92. The use of four Guards flank

companies is mentioned in, Carl Leopold Baurmeister to Friedrich Christian Arnold,

Baron von Jungkenn, Muntzer von Mohrenstamm, Hesse–Cassel Lord High Chancellor

and Minister of State, 26 March 1780, Bernard A. Uhlendorf, ed., Revolution in America:

Confidential Letters and Journals … of Adjutant General Major [Carl Leopold]

Baurmeister of the Hessian Forces (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press,

1957), 345–346. British Guards officers’ identities can be found in Steven M. Baule with

Stephen Gilbert, British Army Officers Who Served in the American Revolution, 1775–

1783 (Westminster, Md.: Heritage Books, 2004).

In March 1780 the Guards flank company officers were: 1st Battalion Grenadier Company

Lt. Col. the Hon. Chapel Norton, Coldstream Guards

Capt. Charles Horneck, Third Guards

Capt. Florentius Boscawen, Third Guards

1st Battalion Light Infantry Company

Lieut. Colonel Francis Hall, Third Guards

Capt. William Maynard, Coldstream Guards

Capt. William, Lord Dundass, First Guards

27

2d Battalion Grenadier Company

Lieut. Col. Lowther Pennington, Coldstream Guards

Capt. Robert Lovelace, Coldstream Guards

Ensign George Mathew, Coldstream Guards

2d Battalion Light Infantry Company

Ensign John Goodricke, First Guards

Ensign George Eld, Coldstream Guards

Below is a primer on Foot Guards organization:

(Excerpted from, William W. Burke and Linnea M. Bass, “Brigade of Guards on the

American Service” (World Wide Web), http://www.brigadeofguards.org/history.html “On 13 February 1776 the Earl of Loudoun, commanding His Majesty's Foot Guards, issued

orders forming a detachment to serve in the American War for Independence. The unit was to

consist of men and officers from all three existing regiments: the First (now Grenadier) Guards,

the Coldstream Guards, and the Third (now Scots) Guards. The original order called for the

detachment for American Service to consist of 30 officers, 82 NCOs, 14 drummers, 6 fifers, and

960 privates. Three staff officers, five additional staff, and one drummer were added to the

strength prior to embarkation for North America. The men were to be selected by draft from the

three regiments of Foot Guards. Captain and Lieutenant Colonel Edward Mathew, Coldstream

Guards, was chosen for the command. An augmentation to each regiment was ordered to replace

the men going abroad.

The initial organization of the Service Brigade's companies in 1776 included a Grenadier

Company, a Light Infantry Company, and eight infantry companies numbered the 1st through the

8th. In early March 1776, a draft of 15 privates from each of the 64 companies in the three

regiments provided the men for American service. They were reorganized into ten new

companies. The 120 drafts from the 8 existing grenadier companies (4 in First Guards, 2 each in

Coldstream and Third) formed a composite Grenadier Company. The 56 regular infantry

companies (24 in First Guards, 16 each in Coldstream and Third) contributed 840 privates.

Ninety–six of them were diverted to form a composite Light Infantry Company, since there was

no extant light infantry in the Guards. The remaining 744 men were divided into 8 regular

infantry companies of 93 men each.

The Grenadier and Light Infantry Companies were made up of officers, NCOs and men from

all three Regiments of Guards. The 4th or "Brigade" Company was originally staffed by First

Guards officers, but consisted of NCOs and rank and file from elements of each of the three

Guards regiments at home. 1st through 3d Companies consisted of First Guards personnel; 5th

and 6th Companies were Scots Guards; 7th and 8th Companies were Coldstream Guards. These

ten companies were at first styled a "detachment," but on arrival in America they were, by Howe's

orders, reorganized into a Brigade of two battalions. NOTE: The Brigade Co. was not a

headquarters co., but was called that because of its composite nature.

First Battalion consisted of the Grenadiers and the 1st through 4th Companies; Second

Battalion was constituted by the 5th through 8th Companies and the Light Infantry. When 2d

Battalion was activated, the existing staff was assigned to First Battalion and took on Brigade

Staff functions as well. A new position, that of Battalion Commandant, was created. A staff was

also appointed for Second Battalion, beginning with an Adjutant and Sergeant–Major. Additional

Second Battalion Staff positions were created over time. It was necessary to fill the newly created

positions with officers already assigned to companies, since no additional officers were ordered

out to staff the battalion. Due to a shortage of officers caused by sickness, detached service,

28

promotions, etc., some of these posts were subsequently filled by NCOs and volunteers (civilians

awaiting commissions).

MAJOR RESTRUCTURINGS (1779 and 1780)

A. In April of 1779 the Brigade was reduced to six infantry, or center, companies by the

activation of one additional grenadier company and one additional light infantry company. The

original Grenadier Company became the First Battalion Grenadier Company and the Brigade

Company (at that time the 3d Co.) was designated as the 1st Battalion Light Infantry

Company. Companies 5 and 6 became the 4th and 5th respectively. The 7th was redesignated as

the Second Battalion Grenadier Company and the 8th was renumbered as the 6th. The original

Light Infantry Company was renamed the Second Battalion Light Infantry Company.

The First Battalion then consisted of the 1st Grenadier Company, the 1st, 2d, and 3d Battalion

Companies, and the 1st Light Infantry. Second Battalion was composed of the 2d Grenadiers, 4th,

5th, and 6th Battalion Companies, and the 2d Light Infantry.

TOTAL: 4 flank, 6 battalion companies

B. In August of 1779 a large draft of officers and soldiers arrived. It was specified that the new

5th Company would take on a Brigade Company function by absorbing supernumerary Scots and

Coldstream Guards privates and NCOs who were not in the 4th or 6th Companies, respectively.

After the initial orders for the reorganization were given, several officers complained that they

would prefer to stay with men from their own regiments if possible and many of them were

reassigned the next day.

TOTAL: 4 flank, 6 battalion companies

C. In October 1780 in October 1780 the 2d Grenadiers and the 2d Light Infantry Company were

reduced to zero strength due to reduced officer strength. The officers and men were reassigned to

the remaining eight companies. The 1st Battalion Light Infantry was transferred to Second

Battalion, and the flank companies lost their Battalion designations.

TOTAL: 2 flank, 6 battalion companies.”

(Courtesy of Fellow Linnea Bass)

11. George Eld, Memoranda of Lieutenant–Colonel Eld, of the Coldstream Guards,

during his Service in America, in the Years 1779 and 1780. – Original Letters of Hugh,

Earl Percy and afterwards Duke of Northumberland, between April 17, 1774, and July

11, 1778 (Boston: Published by Order of the Trustees, 1892), 8–9.

12. Ibid., 9.

13. Ibid., 9.

14. Ibid., 9–10.

15. Ibid., 10.

16. Duncan McPherson to Wilhelm von Knyphausen, 24 March 1780 (enclosed in Sir

Henry Clinton to Lord George Germain, 4 July 1780), Great Britain, PRO, Colonial

Office, Class 5, vol. 100, pp. 93–95. There were two colonels of the same name serving

in America; below is the service record of Duncan McPherson who took part in the

March 1780 Paramus expedition: Unknown officer rank, 89th Foot (also major in the

army) 23 July 1772; subsequently to half pay at an unknown date, then captain of an

Additional Company, 1/42d Foot, 15 August 1775; wounded in action at Piscataway,

N.J., 10 May 1777; promoted to lieutenant colonel, 29 August 1777; to major 2/71st Foot

31 December 1780 (vice Patrick Ferguson, killed); colonel in the army, 20 November

1782. Survived the war and was senior British lieutenant colonel in the spring 1783

"Local" Army List published in New York City. Retired 24 November 1783 (courtesy of

Stephen Gilbert); see also, Baule and Gilbert, British Army Officers Who Served in the

American Revolution for the careers of Captain David Anstruther, 42d Regiment, and

Captain William Thorne, 43d Regiment.

29

17. Dohla, A Hessian Diary of the American Revolution, 120–121.

18. Ibid., 121.

19. Journal of the Leib Infantry Regiment von Wutginau, 1779–84 (“This regiment was

known as the Regiment von Wutginau in 1776, then named the Regiment Landgraf until

1783.”), Hessian Documents of the American Revolution, 1776–1783, Lidgerwood

transcripts, Morristown National Historic Park, Letter X – (English transcript), fiche 321,

16–17. See also, Lion G. Miles and James L. Kochan, Guide to Hessian Documents of the

American Revolution, 1776–1783: Transcripts and Translations from the Lidgerwood

Collection at Morristown National Historical Park, Morristown, New Jersey (G.K. Hall

& Co., 1989), 32–33.

20. Dohla, A Hessian Diary of the American Revolution, 121–122.

21. Carl Leopold Baurmeister to Friedrich Christian Arnold, Baron von Jungkenn,

Muntzer von Mohrenstamm, Hesse–Cassel Lord High Chancellor and Minister of State,

26 March 1780, Uhlendorf, Revolution in America, 345–346; The Journal of the

Regiment Landgraf (Landgrave) noted of the operation, “On March 22nd [1780] two

detachments from the army crossed the Hudson river into Jersey, the one from Kingsbridge

consisting of 300 mounted troops under Lieutenant–Colonel Howard, the other from the Newyork

garrison consisting of 300 mounted Anspach and Hessian troops under Lieutenant–Colonel

Phaison [McPherson] of the 42nd Regiment. Lieutenant–Colonel Howard’s detachment landed at

Kloster [landing], some miles from Fort Lee, the other at Whehack [Weehawken]; the former was

to advance to the north side of Hoppestown, and attack the rebels who were quartered there in the

rear; the latter was to cross the small Jersey [Hackensack River] near Hackinsack, to which place

boats had been sent, which were to convey them across; the men were first to attack the town of

Hackinsack, where there was a company of militiamen, and then the van of the cantonments

further on. But these attacks took place several hours later than had been intended, on account of

great obstacles. Lieutenant–Colonel Howard arrived at Hoppetown on the morning of March 23rd

before daybreak, continued his march and attacked two pickets, and went so near to one of their

cantonments, that the officer and his detachment were forced to leave their guns behind them,

thirty of which were spoilt. Their main corps seemed to offer some resistance near the church, but

they retired hastily, when they saw that the attack was likely to be severe; however they were

pursued for a mile, and several of them were taken prisoners. At that moment Colonel Phason’s

detachment came along the road near the church on its march through the abandoned

cantonments, after it had attempted to [p. 17] overtake the rebels, which was impossible,

however, on account of their speed. Thereupon both detachments returned to Rabriesmils

[Zabriskie’s Mills], where they were joined by the detachment of Anspach troops, that had

remained behind at Hackinsack, and then all returned together by way of Nery bridge [New

Bridge]. Colonel Howard’s detachment embarked near Fort Lee, and Lieutenant–Colonel

[McPherson’s] marched with the prisoners as far as Wheehack [Weehawkin], where the boats

were awaiting them. Our loss consisted of two dead, one of whom belonged to the Guards, and 12

wounded. Several men of the Landgrave Regiment, who belonged to the detachment, could not

keep up on account of fatigue, and fell into the rebels’ hands, after which they remained almost

three years imprisoned in Philadelphia. The rebels’ loss cannot be estimated very exactly.” Journal of the Leib Infantry Regiment von Wutginau/Landgraf, 1779–84, Hessian

Documents of the American Revolution, 1776–1783, Lidgerwood transcripts, Letter X –

(English transcript), fiche 321, 16–17.

22. James Robertson to Lord Amherst, 25 March 1780, Milton M. Klein and Ronald W.

Howard, eds., The Twilight of British Rule: The New York Letter Book of General James

Robertson, 1780–1783 (Cooperstown, N.Y.: The New York State Historical Association,

1983), 77–78; Duncan McPherson to Wilhelm von Knyphausen, 24 March 1780

30

(enclosed in Sir Henry Clinton to Lord George Germain, 4 July 1780), Great Britain,

PRO, Colonial Office, Class 5, vol. 100, pp. 93–95.

23. 25 March 1780 general orders (New York), Ordre Buch vom Hochloeblichen

Regiment von Mirbach vom 10ten Maerz 1777 bis den 24ten Juny 1780, Bestand 10 e,

Nr. I/9, Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg (Regt von Mirbach Order Book, 10 March

1777–24 June 1780), Transcript and translation in the Lidgerwood Collection of Hessian

Transcripts, Letter DZ, Morristown National Historical Park (Courtesy of Donald

Londahl–Smidt).

24. The identity of “Lieut. Cranston of the Navy” is difficult to pin down, but Bob

Brooks kindly provided the information that indicates a possible identity. A notable

resource, The Commissioned Sea Officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815 (David Syrett

and R.L. DiNardo, eds., London: Navy Records Society Occasional Publications, vol.1,

1994), lists one Cranton and two officers named Cranstoun, an alternate spelling, all of

whom were not in New York in March 1780. James, Lord Cranstoun, is listed, but his

younger brother Charles, who had been captured in June 1776 and exchanged in February

1777, is not. Charles may have been the senior officer commanding Colonel Howard’s

flatboats. There are several possibilities for Lieutenant “Peery”: John Parrey (lieutenant,

6 November 1778), never promoted, died 1790; Charles Spencer Parry (lieutenant, 16

May 1778, never promoted, died 1797; Paul Parry (lieutenant, 13 May 1778), never

promoted, died 1803. Nothing is known of these officers’ naval service. Another

possibility is John Consett Peers (lieutenant, 2 November 1778); baptized 5 October

1751, reported as having lost an arm when the Massachusetts Navy ship Tyrannicide

captured HM Dispatch, Armed Schooner, 12 July 1776. Following release from captivity,

commissioned and given command of HM Crane, Row Galley, stationed at New York.

Present on the Crane as of 14 April 1779. Next given the command of HM Argo, Armed

Brig, taken when Charlestown fell. Purchased for £1000 on 15 May 1780, HM Argo,

Armed Brig, was not commissioned until 10 July 1780. A gap exists in Peers records 14

April 1779 (New York) and 10 July 1780 (Charlestown). See, Bob Brooks to author

(emails), 2 March 2005, 2:12 PM, 6 March 2005, 8:44 PM, and 14 March 2005, 10:26

AM (author’s correspondence).

25. Carl Leopold Baurmeister to Baron von Jungkenn, 26 March 1780, Uhlendorf,

Revolution in America, 345–346.

26. Bob Brooks to author (email), 5 March 2005, 8:43 PM. (author’s correspondence).

27. The New–York Gazette and the Weekly Mercury, 27 March 1780.

28. The New–York Gazette and the Weekly Mercury, 3 April 1780. The Royal Gazette, no.

365, 29 March 1780, contained the same article, given here in its entirety: “New–York, March 29.

On Wednesday night the 22nd inst. Two detachments of the army were passed over the Hudson’s

River into Jersey; one from Kingsbridge, consisting of Three Hundred men from the Brigade of

Guards under the command of Lieut. Col. Howard; the other from New–York of equal force,

composed of the British and German Troops in Garrison, under the command of Lieut. Col.

Macpherson, of the 42nd regt.

Lieut. Col. Howard’s detachment landed at Kloster several miles above Fort Lee; the troops from

the city at Wheehawk; the former were to penetrate into the country to the northward of Hopper’s

Town, and destined to attack the rear of the Rebel Cantonments at that place; the latter taking their

Route by the little ferry upon Hackinsac: where boats were sent to transport them across, were to

have surprized the town of Hackinsac, in which a company of Militia were quartered, and pushing

31

forwards, to have fallen upon the front of the Paramus cantoonments: These services were not

effected owing to unavoidable delays, ‘till several hours later than was intended. Lieut. Col. Howard

arrived near Hopper’s Town, two hours after day break in the morning of the 23rd, and continuing

his march, surprised two pickets, and pressed one of their cantoonments so closely as to oblige the

officer and his command to leave their arms behind them, which to the amount of above thirty stand

were destroyed; their main body, consisting of between two and three hundred men made a shew of

defence at the church, but finding they would be instantly attacked, they retired with precipitation,

were pursued above a mile, and several prisoners were taken. Lieut. Col. Macpherson’s detachment

at this time upon its march through the cantoonments, which were found abandoned, made its

appearance upon the road near the church, having taken a few prisoners.

Every further attempt to come up with the enemy, being impracticable, both detachments returned

to Zabriskie’s Mills, where being joined by the party left at Hackinsac, which had taken several

prisoners, the troops retired by New–Bridge and the English Neighbourhood; Lieut. Col. Howard’s

detachment embarking near Fort Lee; Lieut. Col. Macpherson’s with the prisoners continuing their

march to Wheehawk, where boats were waiting to receive them.

One man of the Guards was killed, Capt. Anstruther of the 42nd regt. and a few men were

wounded upon the march towards the English Neighbourhood, the rebels in loose parties, keeping up

an irregular fire upon the rear, and some men dropped behind from fatigue.

In the course of the march a Clergyman with another inoffensive inhabitant (taken prisoners by

mistake) were dismissed, and are reported to have been accidentally shot by the Rebels.

Sixty–four prisoners were brought from Jersey, of those, twenty–four belonged to the continental

troops, and a Captain and twenty three were militia men: Thirteen deserters also, who were a part of

the Paramus command, came off with their arms. – The loss of the Rebels in killed and wounded

cannot be ascertained.” William Nelson, ed., "Extracts from American Newspapers Relating

to New Jersey," vol. IV., 1 November 1779–30 September 1780, Documents Relating to the

Revolutionary History of the State of New Jersey, Second Series, (Trenton, N.J., 1914), 253–

254.

29. The New–York Packet, and the American Advertiser (Fishkill,) 30 March 1780;

Extract published as The New–York Packet, no. 167, 30 March 1780, in Nelson, "Extracts

from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey," Documents Relating to New Jersey,

280; Leiby, Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley, 245.

30. The New–York Packet, and the American Advertiser (Fishkill), no. 167, 30 March

1780, Nelson, "Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey," Documents

Relating to the Revolutionary History of the State of New Jersey, 280.

31. New Jersey Journal (Chatham), 29 March 1780, Nelson, "Extracts from American

Newspapers Relating to New Jersey," Documents Relating to the Revolutionary History of

the State of New Jersey, 257.

32. The New Jersey Gazette (Trenton,) 29 March 1780; Extract published as the New

Jersey Gazette, vol. III, no. 118, 29 March 1780, in Nelson, "Extracts from American

Newspapers Relating to New Jersey," Documents Relating to the Revolutionary History of

the State of New Jersey, 276–277.

33. The New–York Gazette: and the Weekly Mercury, no. 1484, 27 March 1780, Nelson,

"Extracts from American Newspapers Relating to New Jersey," Documents Relating to the

Revolutionary History of the State of New Jersey, 62.

34. Christopher Stuart, “Return of the wounded & missing of Continental Troops” and

“Return of the Enemy kill’d wounded & made Prisoners,” enclosure, Christopher Stuart

to Washington, 25 March 1780, GW Papers, Library of Congress, series 4, reel 56.

32

35. Uhlendorf, Revolution in America, 345–346.

36. Frederick MacKenzie, “Return of the Killed, Wounded & Missing, at the attack of the

Rebel Troops at Paramus, in Jersey the 23d March 1780,” Sir Henry Clinton Papers, vol.

89, item 31, The University of Michigan, William L. Clements Library.

37. Journal of the Leib Infantry Regiment von Wutginau, 1779–84 (“This regiment was

known as the Regiment von Wutginau in 1776, then named the Regiment Landgraf until

1783.”), Hessian Documents of the American Revolution, 1776–1783, Lidgerwood

transcripts, Morristown National Historic Park, Letter X – (English transcript), fiche 321,

16–17. See also, Lion G. Miles and James L. Kochan, Guide to Hessian Documents of the

American Revolution, 1776–1783: Transcripts and Translations from the Lidgerwood

Collection at Morristown National Historical Park, Morristown, New Jersey (G.K. Hall

& Co., 1989), 32–33.

38. John Outwater certification, 17 May 1783, New Jersey State Archives, Department of

Defense, Military Records, Revolutionary War, Revolutionary Manuscripts Numbered,

document no. 10.

39. Garret Brinkerhoff deposition, 25 February 1834 (W136), (National Archives

Microfilm Publication M804, 2,670 rolls, roll 342) Revolutionary War Pension and

Bounty Land Warrant Application Files, 1800–1900, Record Group 15; National

Archives Building, Washington, DC.

40. Andrew Lord deposition, 8 October 1818 (S34965), ibid, roll 1585; Elisabeth Earl

deposition, 29 September 1837, Morris Earl pension file (W849), ibid, roll 885; Henry

Berdan deposition, 28 September 1841, Morris Earl pension file (W849), ibid, roll 885.

41. Catharine Kent deposition, 23 October 1844, James Kent pension file (W20313),

ibid., roll 1474.