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INVESTING A NATION IN THE EDUCATION OF YOUTH

Investing a Nation in the Education of Youth:

The Role of Teacher Preparation in the Success of Cuba’s Education System

Gabrielle Kearns

New York University

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Abstract

This paper evaluates the components of teacher preparation in Cuba that have contributed to the

success of the country’s K-12 education system. For the purposes of this discussion, teacher

preparation is defined as any action that imparts instructional tools and techniques to educate a

child. To analyze the most crucial elements in teacher preparation, I explore student-centered

techniques, study the most successful elements of university teacher preparation, and analyze the

ways in which Cuba employs families as informal teachers. Last, I use this chronological

analysis of teacher development to analyze the impact of current diplomatic and economic

changes on Cuba’s highly regarded education system. Research of scholarly literature and site

visits within Cuba reveal that the key elements of Cuba’s system are its ability to mobilize the

entire community to prioritize education and its student-centered preparation methods. I

conclude that Cuba will need to take calculated action to preserve this system and maintain its

prestige amidst the changes facing the country.

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Other nations can learn many lessons from Cuba’s education system. Since the Cuban

revolution, great strides have been made in preparing teachers who will use the nation’s limited

resources to enhance educational opportunities for their students, investing parents in the

process. Through traditional and untraditional means, Cuba prepares classroom teachers, family

members, and other stakeholders to contribute to the learning of youth in Cuba. The nationwide

prioritization of educational goals despite economic challenges and the investment of the

populace in continuing educational prestige have led Cuba to defy the odds, maintaining high-

quality education in a developing country struggling financially.

The History of Teacher Preparation in Cuba

Prior to the Cuban Revolution, Cuba’s education system was largely unequal. The same

applied to its preparation programs for teachers. A prime example of the inequities in teacher

capabilities is what MacDonald describes as the “sale of teaching posts,” where teachers would

avoid teaching posts in rural communities by paying unqualified surrogates to take over their

classrooms (2009, p. 29-31). As a result, some students had teachers who were prepared, while

paid position fillers who lacked any qualifications taught others. Regardless of the preparedness

of their teacher under that system, students still lacked equal access to education at all levels, and

curriculum was insufficient; even prepared teachers lacked higher education (MacDonald, 2009,

p. 31).

After the Cuban Revolution, the focus of education shifted to become more inclusive of

all members of society. The Literacy Campaign of the 1960s began after Fidel Castro claimed at

the United Nations that Cuba would eliminate illiteracy within its borders over the period of one

year. To do so, the entire nation mobilized around education, symbolizing the dawn of a new era

in education in Cuba. To start, Castro called for volunteer literacy instructors to be sent around

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the country. An effective marketing campaign motivated inhabitants and volunteers to offer their

services. Needing more teachers, Castro even closed down schools so that everyone could

participate in the Literacy Campaign, even volunteers as young as eight years old. The

militaristic training of these volunteers sheds light on a new, accelerated model of teacher

preparation to accomplish national goals in Cuba (MacDonald, 2009, p. 45-48).

Not only were trained teachers sent around the country to supervise and teach people how

to read, but young volunteers, called brigadistas, were sent to literacy teacher training camps.

Early wake-up calls were coupled with physical education regimens. Innovative methods, such

as cultural sensitivity training, prepared students to immerse themselves in rural communities.

Brigadistas also learned the psychology of adult education, which was crucial to accomplishing

the goals of the Literacy Campaign (MacDonald, 2009, p. 49-50). This full immersion and

emphasis on understanding their adult students and their students’ lifestyles highlighted the

respect and humility with which brigadistas were expected to approach their work. Long gone

were the days of schools that only the elite could access. Instead, Cuba transitioned to a model

that prized students from all backgrounds and encouraged teachers to embrace the

socioeconomic upbringing of their pupils.

One of the manuals used by teachers, Venceremos, was an innovative instructional tool in

its own right. While Alfabeticimos, their other manual, resembled prerevolutionary phonics texts

and contained traditional structural elements of reading instruction, Venceremos focused on

learners’ self-worth in teaching literacy (MacDonald, 2009, p. 50). Venceremos linked words to

emotions that fit into the rural students’ schemas. The example offered by MacDonald is a

photograph of a poor family in the United States linked to the vocabulary word “poverty” (2009,

p. 51). Students were able to tie the meaning of words to their emotions and commit the

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structural rules to memory more easily given the emotional significance tied to the lesson. The

magnitude of this accomplishment was explained by MacDonald: “[T]he Cubans had, probably

unintentionally, discovered psychological bases for cognition hitherto unappreciated” (2009, p.

58). Though this discovery was only made in Cuba as a result of the country’s socialist context,

which allowed for a national shutdown in support of education and stressed equality, the impact

is far-reaching. Even today, developed countries struggle to teach impoverished students reading

due to the lack of reading materials in classrooms to which they can relate. In developing a

manual like Venceremos, which appealed to the emotions of impoverished students in rural

areas, Cuba had made a revolutionary step towards accounting for the student’s schema in

developing curricular materials for teachers.

In describing his preparation to MacDonald, Mercedes Benitêz Cabrera, a former literacy

campaign instructor, explained, “That was some training school! The teachers were really young

and they kept on contradicting each other. I really don’t know how we learned, but we must

have learned something…. I didn’t really know what I was doing until I ended up on the windiest

hilltop in all of Cuba with a family of adults” (2009, p. 64). Cabrera hinted at one of the most

fascinating aspects of the Literacy Campaign: even its teachers could not fully understand why it

worked. It seems, however, that it was the flexibility of teachers and their motivation to respect

their students’ personal learning styles that made more of a difference than their formal teacher

preparation program.

One sees evidence of this flexibility and motivation in the brigadistas’ accounts of their

experiences during the Literacy Campaign. The teachers used whatever materials they could get

their hands on. Some strayed from the manual altogether, using other techniques that proved to

be more effective for that individual student. While the methods employed were not consistent,

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each teacher’s commitment to find a way that worked for the student, even those who seemed

impossible to teach, didn’t waver. The teachers also shared a commitment to the ideals of

literacy as power and education as unification, a necessary component to the success of the social

piece of the Cuban Revolution and national identity formation (2009, p. 60-65).

Traditional Teacher Preparation in Modern-Day Cuba

Under Cuba’s current system, the university curriculum for aspiring teachers has come a

long way from the days of accelerated teacher-training camps, like those opened during the

literacy campaign. As learned through visits to two such schools, Cuban pedagogical institutes’

leaders take pride in the broad knowledge base acquired by students. At the Universidad de

Ciencias Pedagógicas Enrique José Varona in Marianao, administrators described the

components of the bachelor’s degree program in education. All students receive a strong

background in various content areas. This aspect of the university curriculum highlights the

socialist context to Cuba’s program, specifically the centralization of higher education and

standardization of course work across the country.

This centralization avoids differences in teacher capability based on undergraduate

institution or region. For example, all teachers, whether they were educated in Havana or Santa

Clara, have met certain standards in content preparation for courses such as mathematics.

Carnoy, Gove, and Marshall note, “On average, we observed that Cuban teachers seem to know

more about the subject matter (mathematics) and appear to have a clearer idea of how to teach it

effectively than most of their counterparts,” (2007, p. 143). I would argue, nonetheless, that

inequalities likely remain based on the quality of the teacher preparation program. An institution

like the University of Havana, which prides itself on the rigor of its courses and only accepts the

top students who apply, likely turns out more qualified teachers. Though we were told that all

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students in the programs are given equal opportunities, there was a clear difference, seen even in

facility quality, between elite schools like the Latin American School of Medicine and the

University of Havana, and schools like the University of Cienfuegos and Universidad de

Ciencias Pedagógicas Félix Varela. Nonetheless, this emphasis on content knowledge has across

the board turned out teachers who are highly qualified, specifically in the context of historical

teacher preparation, both in Cuba and in Latin America in general.

Aspiring teachers in universities learn student-centered teaching techniques. In schools,

diagnostic tests are not viewed as opportunities to punish teachers but are instead used to inform

the student’s next teacher of the student’s progress and gaps in knowledge. Hunt describes her

conversation with a school principal in 2000: “I mentioned that in the U.S. there are politicians

who think we should test children in every grade and retain those who fail the tests. Principal

Diaz drew back in horror. ‘Oh, no! Some children just need more time…. And retaining a child

really damages his self-esteem…. It is necessary to place the child at the center of the process.’”

(2003, p. 248). The culture of improvement that exists amongst teachers within the school is

imparted to their students, who are able to achieve without high-stakes testing and extreme

pressure. Instead, they achieve through communal efforts towards their education and a strong

focus on their personal learning styles.

The other piece of the traditional teacher preparation program that sets Cuba apart is the

strong student teaching program required of all aspiring teachers. Gasperini explains, “Teachers'

professional development is characterized by a strong linkage between theory and practice

during both pre- and in-service teacher phases. Both pre- and in-service teacher training are

school based, to foster greater relevance of teacher training to school and student needs and to

link training institutions and schools” (2000, p. 9). Students in teacher preparation programs in

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Cuba described the ties between their time spent in class at their university and their time spent

practicing in a school. By their second year of study, students observe veteran teachers in local

schools. During this period of observation, students are even encouraged to critique veteran

teachers! The fact that a student can comfortably tell a veteran teacher where they could

improve their teaching practice highlights an essential element of Cuba’s success in preparing

teachers. In their teacher preparation, Cuba has fostered the development of lifelong learners.

This culture carries into schools, where teachers take criticism as an opportunity to get better and

serve more students, instead of taking critiques as a personal attack on their craft. Again, this

component emerges from Cuba’s socialist society, which stresses collaboration to meet goals

over competition (MacDonald, 2009, p. 105).

Student teaching continues in years three through five for students, as described at the

Universidad de Ciencias Pedagógicas Félix Varela, where students experience increasing

responsibilities in field practice. Specialists in content areas like art and foreign language are

certified to teach at all levels after obtaining their bachelor’s degree. For this reason, specialists

work at different levels during their student-teaching years. One student described that he would

be working in a primary school one year and then move on to experience middle and secondary

education so that he would truly be qualified to teach in any of these environments after

graduation. When asked about their preparation, the majority of students whom I spoke with

jumped straight to their student-teaching experience. Like the brigadistas finding their way as

instructors, students studying education in Cuba recognize the value that practice in the field

adds, an experience that cannot be replicated within the confines of a university classroom.

While there are arguments in favor of reforming the field-based system, since teachers enter the

classroom at a younger age, I argue that, provided that the students have met high levels of

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achievement, teaching is an art best perfected through experience (Breidlid, 2007, p. 625).

Additionally, principals supervise new teachers closely, ensuring that students are learning in

every classroom, regardless of their teacher’s age or experience (Carnoy, Gove, & Marshall,

2007, 155).

At all of the pedagogical institutions visited in Cuba, administrators and students

highlighted the opportunities for students to conduct research. In Santa Clara, this research has

led to community initiatives, such as literacy programs at a local penitentiary. Gasperini notes

the expectation that teachers continue to conduct research after graduation and present their

findings. This is another example of the collaborative environment, where best practices are

shared nationwide to improve the quality of education throughout Cuba (2000, p. 9). As

mentioned previously, schools in Cuba exhibit a strong culture of improvement amongst

teachers. Yearly qualitative reviews look at teachers’ lesson plans and student achievement. As

described at the Universidad de Ciencias Pedagógicas Enrique José Varona, the reviews are not

utilized for punitive measures, but instead are used to help teachers find areas for growth.

Teachers work in groups at their schools to problem solve, plan curriculum, and develop

materials; they also receive both content and teaching support from supervisors (Gasperini, 2000,

p. 9).

Teachers are able and encouraged to pursue graduate-level degrees. At the special

education school, named after Dora Alonso, almost half of the teachers were working towards

master’s or doctoral degrees. We did learn, however, from informal conversations with the tour

guides that the number of opportunities for graduate study is limited, and many students sit on

long waiting lists for spots, given government financial limitations in recent years. On a less

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formal level, in-service programming is offered to teachers. They are therefore able to stay

abreast of any developments in instructional methodology.

Current Nontraditional Teacher Preparation

One of the defining features of the success of the Cuban education system is its effective

mobilization of the community in pursuit of educational goals. This was evident in the Literacy

Campaign and can also be seen through current programs aimed at connecting parents and other

family members to the student’s education. All stakeholders in a child’s life are thus accountable

for continuing the schooling process outside of the traditional classroom. Programs like Educa a

Tu Hijo, workshops at family education centers, and home visits from teachers all serve as

evidence of the responsibility bestowed upon the family in educating children.

Educa a Tu Hijo is offered as an alternative to the Circulos Infantiles, which require a fee

based on the parent’s salary. Under the Educa a Tu Hijo model, parents are equipped with the

tools they need to see to it that their children are prepared for kindergarten (Keon, 2009). As a

Circulo Infantile teacher described, though the social conditions are not the same, students are

delivered the same material and take the same diagnostic tests. Early childhood educators are

charged with teaching courses to parents, instructing them on how to deliver the material

effectively. Volunteers go to the students’ homes to assist parents as well. The British Medical

Journal reported that only 13% of children who went through the Educa a Tu Hijo program were

not at an appropriate stage of development when they began school; that figure is lower than

those in developed nations like Canada and Australia (Hertzman 347). This success pays off in

primary and secondary schooling.

In Cuban schools, relationships with parents and the community are stressed at all levels

of education. “Teachers act as community activists and are involved in activities such as parents'

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education and similar activities that have a positive impact on children's education,” (Gasperini,

10). As a Circulo Infantile teacher described, teachers have frequent meetings with parents and

are in contact at least once per week. Additionally, there are family education centers that host

workshops to help parents meet their kids’ needs. In these meetings, parents are able to ask

questions about their child’s education and how they can help at home. Information regarding

health, nutrition, and socialization is also distributed.

Special education schools, like the Dora Alonso School in Havana, take pride in their

family education. As described at a visit, the Dora Alonso School holds monthly meetings for

parents, in addition to hosting parents to observe classrooms regularly. During these meetings,

they show families how to work with their special needs child and go through activities that will

help their child communicate and make progress. Another goal of these meetings is to help

parents make materials for their children to work with at home, like the visual aids that students

with autism use at school to go through their daily schedules. Last, parents are able to share their

experiences with each other and find a community of support. Other workshops are offered for

siblings and grandparents so that all the stakeholders in the child’s life can learn to work with

their student with special needs.

Teachers in primary, early childhood, and special education schools also perform home

visits. At the Dora Alonso School, one of the main goals of their visits is to observe the child’s

living conditions to inform their instruction. Teachers also advise the family on how to make the

home more conducive to student progress, specifically for children with autism. Home visits

highlight the efforts made by teachers to tailor instruction to their students. Cuban teachers

understand that they must take into account the whole student, including their living

environment, to differentiate their instruction and foster student learning. These home visits also

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serve to hold parents accountable, as their mere existence reinforces the fact that parents are

expected to help their children learn.

In addition to the enlistment of parents and family members as informal “teachers”

responsible for the education of youth in Cuba, Cuba has also embarked on a quest to train

teachers internationally. At the Dora Alonso School, teachers from other Latin American

countries reportedly visit to learn about up-to-date teaching techniques for students with autism.

Because Cuban special education schools are quite resourceful in developing materials like

visual aids with limited funds, Latin American teachers from nations of varying backgrounds can

gain techniques through these visits that are easily transferable in a variety of contexts. This

process also occurs through the Yo, Sí Puedo literacy program, which has now been

implemented in countries across various continents. The program’s concepts of dignity, schema-

based instruction, and differentiation have led the Cuban model to succeed not only in Cuba, but

also in other nations (MacDonald, 2009, p. 49-50)

Yo, Sí Puedo is designed to eliminate illiteracy and modeled after Cuba’s successful

Literacy Campaign of the 1960s. As discussed in the Cuban context, the curriculum relies on the

use of volunteer teachers who will recognize the dignity of the student and present material in a

context familiar to the student. (Steele, 2008, p. 34). The program’s success in Cuba has been

widely studied, and its adaptability and focus on student-centered learning are the most crucial

components of the volunteer teacher training, leading to significant results in Cuba and beyond.

As described at the Literacy Museum in Havana, in many cases, Cuban consultants travel to

other countries to help advise leaders on how to adapt and implement the program. In the case of

Uruguay, an adviser travelled to Cuba, videotaping lessons and orienting himself with the

curriculum. The instructors are trained to stress the need for collaboration within the group,

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reflecting the socialist values of the original Cuban program and creating a safe space where all

students feel valued and can express themselves (UNESCO). As noted in UNESCO’s program

description, teachers in Uruguay are given flexibility to adapt the curriculum based on their

students and the resources available to the teacher.

Another preparation feature that varies from country to country where the Yo, Sí Puedo

program has been implemented is the status of teachers. In Uruguay, for example, all of the

literacy teachers hold teaching certificates, which contrasts starkly with the composition of the

literacy teaching volunteers in the Cuban Literacy Campaign (UNESCO and MacDonald, 2009).

These differences reflect one of the successful aspects of the program, namely that it can adapt

based on the context of the adoptive nation. In Uruguay, implementation has been slower and

more targeted than the nationwide movement in Cuba in the 1960s (UNESCO). Because they

are more qualified to begin with, the Uruguayan teachers do not require the same regimented

boot-camp style training that was used in the Cuban Literacy Campaign. Instead, they attend a

session to familiarize themselves with the strategies and values behind the program. Teachers,

too, are taught to collaborate with one another, reflecting the overall focus on emulation, as is

also prevalent in the Cuban education system’s socialistic value system (MacDonald, 2009).

Another progressive component of the teacher-training program for Yo, Sí Puedo is the

focus on data-driven instruction, evidenced by the submission of both qualitative and

quantitative data on student progress by teachers. The data is then utilized to make changes to

the program (UNESCO). One area in which the program in Uruguay seeks to grow is the

teachers’ social engagement (UNESCO). This reflects a desire to emulate the Cuban model,

where the national mobilization was crucial to the scope of success in eliminating illiteracy

throughout the country. In developing, marketing, and implementing the Yo, Sí Puedo program,

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Cuba has effectively extended its unique literacy teacher preparation model to other countries,

both in and outside of Latin America.

Challenges and Change for the Future

In the current climate, Cuba is undergoing much economic change, which will

undoubtedly have a social impact. In education, changes to the current system will produce new

benefits and challenges to preserving that which makes Cuban teacher preparation successful.

In the university system, this will mean preserving equity in preparation despite decentralization.

In teaching practice, change will require increased in-service education for current teachers.

Last, it will become increasingly necessary fort the nation to maintain the priority of education in

the government’s budget despite a shifting economic landscape.

One common theme to our university visits was the leaders’ descriptions of the current

changes to the university curriculum. For example, students and administrators are advocating

for a reduction in the degree time to four years, comparable to many other nations. While this is

positive in that it would enable increased study abroad opportunities for students and makes

sense for the curriculum requirements for many fields, Cuba will need to work diligently to

maintain the rigor of its teacher-preparation programs during this transition. First, course cuts

will need to be analyzed to ensure no gaps in preparation. While content course work, such as

mathematics, might seem unnecessary for a primary school teacher, a strong content background

distinguishes the Cuban teacher and makes Cuban teachers more capable of handling challenging

curricula (Carnoy et al., 2007, p. 147). Secondly, like many institutions with four-year teaching

degree programs, Cuban universities will need to prioritize the preservation of their strong field-

based practice. One of the defining features of current teacher preparation in Cuba is the quality

and quantity of time spent practicing in the classroom prior to becoming an independent teacher.

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If Cuba continues the process of decentralization of the university system, another

challenge will be the maintenance of equity of teacher preparation from institution to institution.

While offering the flexibility to determine courses necessary for a particular region, such as the

need for environmental education in certain regions, the Ministry of Education will need to

evaluate programs regularly to ensure that consistent standards for program rigor are met at

every institution. Carnoy, Gove, & Marshall argue, “each university should be made to focus the

core of its teacher education on the notion that every teacher should be an expert at teaching to

the pertinent national, state, or municipal curriculum standards” (2007, p. 149). If the system is

decentralized completely, it is likely that large gaps in teacher preparation from university to

university will ensue or programs geared toward theory that lose their practicality will emerge.

For example, elite institutions, like the University of Havana, will not only be recruiting from a

higher-achieving applicant pool, but they will also be offering a more rigorous course of study.

Though these gaps exist to some extent today, decentralization of curriculum would exacerbate

the differences in preparedness of graduating teachers amongst institutions, generating variations

in achievement at the K through 12 levels as well.

A significant challenge facing Cuba during its modernization will be the implementation

of technology in the classroom. In visits to Cuban classrooms, it was clear that resources were

quite scarce. Circulos Infantiles teachers learn to create instructional materials, such as toys

made from cardboard. Where smartboards and document cameras are used in wealthier nations,

Cuban teachers are trained in older methods, such as sentence strips, workbooks, and

chalkboards. While these traditional methods have not hindered Cuban students’ achievement

(in fact, some Cubans might argue that their traditional methods are an asset), Cuban teachers

will need additional training in teaching 21st century students to prepare these students to

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compete in a more open professional environment. Organizations like CEPES at the University

of Havana are studying project-based learning and competency-based instruction, which

highlights Cubans’ reluctance to adopt methods that they do not see fit for the Cuban context

(Vick, 2015). Because of the care that Cuba is taking in modernizing its curriculum, I believe

that Cuba will be able to approach a hybrid model that utilizes technology without departing

entirely from its traditional ideals. Additionally, teachers will need training on how to adapt their

strong personal relationships with students’ families in an increasingly impersonal world.

These relationships will face the challenge of technology, limiting the need for in-person

sessions and home visits, and of potential increased work hours for parents if privatization of the

economy increases. Disparities in wealth are already emerging in Cuba, with doctors and

engineers working as cab drivers and waiters to gain access to valuable convertible pesos.

Parents will likely work longer hours if they can no longer rely on the government to provide for

their basic needs. Teachers and government officials will need to take action to keep the family

invested and involved in education through this process.

Teaching itself may lose some of its prestige if there is increased movement towards a

market-based economy in Cuba. While Gasperini notes that teachers are regarded with high

social status, social status is clearly evolving due to economic changes of the past decade (2000,

p. 10). Already, jobs in the tourist industry are gaining popularity because of the opportunity to

gain tips in convertible pesos, a process that began during the reintroduction of tourism in the

Special Period (Breidlid, 2007, p. 622). Current changes have focused on increasing the quantity

of teachers with little regard for quality because of teacher shortages (Breidlard, 2007, p. 625).

The quality of teachers in Cuba will continue to decrease if Cuba’s best prepared teachers choose

to access opportunities as tour guides instead of teaching in a traditional classroom.

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Moreover, many high school graduates might view university diplomas as without value

if they can make more money in the food service industry. Cuba’s dual currency system has

made it such that access to convertible pesos is the key to success, and this currency is accessible

only through professions where workers interact with foreigners. “The teaching profession, and

to a lesser extent the medical profession, have declined dramatically in esteem after the fall of

the Soviet Union. The exodus of teachers attests to this decline and is closely related to what has

been discussed above, the extremely low pay compared with wages in the tourist industry”

(Breidlard, 2007, p. 632). Hunt, reflecting on her 2000 trip to Cuba, also noted this trend; even

her tour guide was previously a history professor (2003, p. 247). Overall, the Cuban government

must take action to prioritize education, maintaining both the rigor of teacher preparation

programs and the hybridity of the Cuban education system, balancing traditional instructional

methods and student-centered instruction with the implementation of modern teaching

techniques and materials.

Conclusions

The Cuban education system has emerged as unique in its preparation of teachers since

the Cuban revolution. The Literacy Campaign highlights the student-centered teaching methods

for teaching reading that led to revolutionary success in eliminating illiteracy nationwide.

Current traditional university preparation programs stress field-based practice, preparing students

to be effective teachers right from the start of their teaching careers. Last, outreach programs

both inside Cuba, through family education centers and programs, and in other nations, through

the Yo, Sí Puedo program, prepare teachers informally to invest key stakeholders in education of

youth. In the coming months and years, Cuba must work to retain the strong personal nature of

teaching in Cuba and will need to pay particular attention to maintaining rigor in teacher

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preparation nationwide. The national focus on education and enlistment of limited resources to

preserve the prestigious education system have set Cuba apart from its Latin American peers

since the revolution. With a calculated effort to maintain these values in the face of change,

Cuba can carry the socialist values that have created an equitable, though antiquated, system into

the 21st century.

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References

Breidlid, A. (2007, October). Education in Cuba-an alternative educational discourse: lessons to be learned? Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 37 (5), 617-634.

Carnoy, M., Gove, A. K., & Marshall, J. H. (2007). Cuba’s academic advantage: why students in Cuba do better in school. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Chapter 7.

En el país de Varela: Yo, sí puedo – Education Programme for Young People and Adults. (n.d.). In UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning. Retrieved June 26, 2015, from http://www.unesco.org/uil/litbase/?menu=4&programme=93 .

Gasperini, L. (2000, July). The Cuban Education System: Lessons and Dilemmas. Country Studies, Education Reform and Management Publication Series, 1 (5).

Hertzman, C. (2010, February). Tackling inequality: get them while they’re young. BMJ: British Medical Journal, 340 (7742), 346-348.

Hunt, B. C. (2003, November). A Look at Cuban Schools: What Is Cuba Doing Right? The Phi Delta Kappan, 85 (3), 246-249.

Johnstone, Brian. (2008). Cuba’s Education System: A Beacon of Light in Latin America Facing an Uncertain Future. InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies, 4(2), Article 4.

Lutjens, S. L. (1998, May). Education and the Cuban Revolution: A Selected Bibliography. Comparative Education Review, 42 (2), 197-224.

Macdonald, T.H. (2009). The Education Revolution: Cuba’s Alternative to Neo-liberalism. Manifesto Press.

Malott, C. (2007, January). Cuban Education in Neo-liberal Times: Socialist Revolutionaries and State Capitalism. Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, 5 (1) 225-257.

Steele, J. (2008) Yo, Sí Puedo: South-South Educational Collaboration in Practice. Society for International Education Journal, 5 (1), 29-43.

Vick, K. (2015, April 6). Cuba on the Cusp. As U.S. policy softens, the island that time forgot prepares for change. Time, 185, 28-39.

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http://www.unesco.org/uil/litbase/?menu=4&programme=93

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sites.psu.edusites.psu.edu/.../08/Kearns.Gabrielle.CubaPaper.docx · Web viewThe example offered by MacDonald is a photograph of a poor family in the United States linked to the vocabulary