Short-Term Mission in Moldova (Chris Ducker)

7/30/2019 Short-Term Mission in Moldova (Chris Ducker)

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Labouring Together, Listening Together?

Improving the effectiveness of short-term mission in Moldova

by understanding church leaders experiences

of working with foreign short-term missionaries

Christopher J. Ducker

Presented as part of the requirement of the M.A. Degree in Global Issues inContemporary Mission, Redcliffe College, Gloucester, UK

July 2012


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PREFACE

Virtually all of the published research related to short-term missions focuses on the

perspectives of the short-term missioners themselves with very little research

exploring the experiences and perspectives of those in the receiving communities.

Priest (2007a, pp179-180)

This dissertation explores the practice of short-term mission in Moldova, Eastern

Europe, showing how indigenous perspectives can be sought and learned from.

Twenty-two Moldovans with collective experience of nearly 400 short-term mission

trips were interviewed, yielding significant quantitative and qualitative data and a

deep insight into host perspectives of short-term mission. These perspectives were

complemented by views shared in a seminar with an additional fourteen Moldovans,

as well as interviews with representatives of several mission agencies working long-

term in Moldova.

The issues raised in this research made it possible to question what is meant by the

effectiveness of short-term mission, and in Moldova in particular it can be improved

by ongoing partnerships, greater cultural sensitivity, and constructive,

contextualised, biblical feedback.

My sincere thanks to Redcliffe College, Gloucester; College of Theology and

Education, Chiinu; and International Baptist Theological Seminary, Prague for use

of their research facilities. I gratefully acknowledge the constructive comments of


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Rev Dr Darrell Jackson and Revd Dr Colin Bulley, my dissertation supervisors, and

would like to thank Anastasia Volimbovski for her help in conducting and translating

the research interviews. I would also like to thank Brian Pile, who led my first short-

term mission trip to Moldova, several years ago, and who stressed the importance of

equal partnership with the local church.


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CONTENTS

Page

PREFACE 1

CONTENTS 3

LIST OF TABLES 6

LIST OF FIGURES 7

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 8

CHAPTER 2. THE SHORT-TERM MISSIONS MOVEMENT 11

2.1 Origins and History 11

2.2 Definitions 13

2.3 Issues and Trends 14

2.4 Hosts The Missing STM Perspective 17

CHAPTER 3. THE MOLDOVAN CONTEXT 19

3.1 Political, Economic and Social Context 19

3.2 Cultural Context 20

3.3 Religious Context 22

3.3.1 Religious Identity and Attendance 22

3.3.2 Religious Affiliation 23

3.3.3 Orthodoxy and Protestantism 24

3.4 Moldova and Short-Term Mission 25

CHAPTER 4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 27

4.1 Research Tools 27

4.2 Respondent Profile 28

4.3 Research Limitations 29


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Page

CHAPTER 5. RESEARCH FINDINGS 32

5.1 Experience of Short-Term Missions 32

5.1.1 Frequency and History of STM Trips 325.1.2 STM Connections 36

5.1.3 Relationship Status 36

5.2 Short-Term Mission Practices 37

5.2.1 Involvement in Planning 37

5.2.2 Feedback Opportunities 37

5.2.3 Feedback and Change 38

5.3 Benefits and Effectiveness of STM Trips 39

5.3.1 Benefits of STM Trips 39

5.3.2 Clarity of Aims 41

5.3.3 Effectiveness of STM Trips 41

5.4 Responsiveness of STM Teams to Moldovan Culture 42

5.4.1 STM Teams and Local, Long-Term Vision 42

5.4.2 Similarity of Beliefs 43

5.4.3 Universality of the Gospel 44

5.4.4 Cultural Preparedness of STM Teams 44

5.4.5 Efforts to Learn Moldovan Culture 46

5.4.6 Respect for Moldovan Traditions 46

5.4.7 Redressing Offence 48

5.5 Opportunities and Mechanisms for Feedback 49

5.5.1 Evaluation During Trips 49

5.5.2 Evaluation After Trips 49

5.5.3 Methods of Sharing Feedback 50

5.5.4 Attitudes to Listening 50

5.5.5 Positive Impressions 50

5.5.6 Negative Impressions 51

5.6 General Advice and Comments Regarding STM in Moldova 51


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Page

CHAPTER 6. APPRAISING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF STM 54

6.1 What are We Measuring? WhatImpact on Whom? 54

6.2 Who is Measuring? 59

6.3 A Moldovan Perspective 59

CHAPTER 7. THE THREE KEYS TO IMPROVING STM EFFECTIVENESS

IN MOLDOVA 61

7.1 Partnership 61

7.2 Cultural Sensitivity 63

7.3 Feedback 667.3.1 Definition of Feedback 66

7.3.2 Biblical Feedback 67

7.3.3 Contextualised Feedback 71

CHAPTER 8. FURTHER MISSIOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS 76

8.1 Role of STM in Mission/Missiology 76

8.2 Ongoing Missiological Biases 788.3 Second-World Missiology? 79

8.4 Further Research 79

CHAPTER 9. CONCLUSION 81

CITATIONS LIST 84

BIBLIOGRAPHY 90

APPENDIX 1. Research Interview 100

APPENDIX 2. Additional Religious Context 105

APPENDIX 3. Benefits of Short-Term Mission Trips 108

APPENDIX 4. PositiveandNegativeCharacteristics Attributed to STM Teams 109

APPENDIX 5. Advice from Moldovans to Visiting STM Teams 110

APPENDIX 6. Translation of the Word Feedback into Romanian 112

APPENDIX 7. Questions to Ask When Contextualising Feedback 113


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LIST OF TABLES

Page

TABLE I

RELIGIOUS IDENTITY OF MOLDOVANS (ESTIMATED), 2010 25

TABLE II

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION OF MOLDOVANS, 2010 25

TABLE III

RESPONDENT PROFILE BY POSITION, DENOMINATION AND SEX 30

TABLE IV

STM NATIONALITIES HOSTED BY MOLDOVAN RESPONDENTS 36

TABLE V

STM ACTIVITIES EXPERIENCED BY MOLDOVAN HOSTS 37

TABLE VI

BALANCE OF STM PROGRAMME PLANNING 39

TABLE VII

FORMS OF FEEDBACK 40TABLE VIII

DO VISITING TEAMS ATTEMPT TO ADAPT TO MOLDOVAN CULTURE? 48

TABLE IX

DO VISITING STM TEAMS LISTEN TO MOLDOVAN CHRISTIANS? 52

TABLE X

RELIGIOUS ADHERENCE OF MOLDOVANS, 2005 107

TABLE XI

MOLDOVAN RELIGIOUS GROUPINGS IN THE 2004 CENSUS 108


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LIST OF FIGURES

Page

FIGURE 1

NUMBER OF STM TEAMS HOSTED BY EACH RESPONDENT 35

FIGURE 2

ORIGINS OF EUROPEAN STM TEAMS VISITING MOLDOVA 36

FIGURE 3

DO MOLDOVAN LEADERS FEEL THAT THEIR COMMENTS HAVEBEEN TAKEN ON BOARD? 41

FIGURE 4

WERE STM TEAMS SEEN AS EFFECTIVE? 44

FIGURE 5

DO STM TEAMS FIT IN WITH CHURCHES LONG-TERM VISION? 45

FIGURE 6

DO STM TEAMS KNOW MUCH ABOUT MOLDOVA UPON ARRIVAL? 47

FIGURE 7

DO STM TEAMS RESPECT MOLDOVAN TRADITIONS? 49


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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Though precious and worthy in Gods eyes, the small Eastern European country of

Moldova has attracted only modest levels of missionary activity and even less

missiological attention, unlike its immediate neighbours Romania and Ukraine.1 It is

a country which, for reasons explored later, fits neither category of first nor third

world, and is the very epitome of a country at a decisive crossroads in determining

its future direction.

As a Christian missionary working in Moldova since 2007, this author has hosted a

growing number of short-term missionaries and missions teams, predominantly from

the UK. Upon consulting the missiological literature, it became clear that short-term

mission, like Moldova itself, has been somewhat neglected by missiologists; and

that, just as Moldova is a young country barely out of its teenage years, this is a

young discipline also at a significant juncture.

Beyond this interesting parallel, however, was the troubling but inescapable

conclusion that the vast majority of literature concerning short-term mission was

written from the perspective of senders/goers (often but not exclusively Americans)

1 For example, Operation World reported 17 mission agencies working in Moldova(Johnstone et al2001, p448) at a time when 85 were operating in Romania ( ibid., p536) and70 in Ukraine (ibid., p645). Vucinich in King (1999, pxv) suggests that Moldova is obscurenot just to missionaries: The Moldovans are probably the least known of the former Soviet

Unions republican nationalities. One popular travel guide is even blunter: [Moldova is] acountry thats only vaguely known in Europe and all but anonymous to the rest of the world(Reid and Pettersen, 2007, p313).


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whilst the voices of recipient cultures and host churches were seldom heard or even

sought.

This troubling observation led this author to devise what is optimistically but

pointedly termed a listening exercise, based on interviews with Moldovan leaders

with considerable experience of working with foreigners on short-term mission. As

well as being a listening process, this exercise soon became about encouraging

Moldovans to express themselves more freely with their foreign brothers and sisters

in the Lord.

In addition to being an exercise in encouraging and listening to our co-labourers, this

research was an exploration of whether and how feedback is currently practised and

how it could realistically be improved in a contextually appropriate way. When

Christians of different nationalities share and work together more openly, their

mission is more likely to be effective both in terms of task accomplishment but also

by the demonstration of love for one another, as Jesus commanded His followers

(John 13:34). Whilst the research also highlights the significance of partnershipand

cultural sensitivity, good communication in the form of feedback is ultimately

regarded the most important factor, since through this all other issues can be

addressed and, hopefully, resolved.

Chapters 2 and 3 set the scene by introducing the short-term missions (STM)

movement and the Moldovan context respectively. Chapter 4 outlines the

methodology used in this research, as well as acknowledging its limitations. Chapter

5 summarises the results of the research interviews, and uses selected quotes to

give voice to Moldovan experiences. Having sought and listened to Moldovan

perspectives on STM, we ask what is meant by the effectiveness of short-term

mission (Chapter 6) and identify the three most important ways of improving STM


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effectiveness in Moldova (Chapter 7). Chapter 8 identifies some wider missiological

implications concerning the role of STM, missiological biases and the possible need

for a second-world missiology.

The outputs of this research are some thoughtful Moldovan reflections on what it is

like to work with Western short-term mission teams and what advice these

Moldovans would give their visitors; some guidelines for short-term missionaries

coming to Moldova; reflections on what is meant by the effectiveness of short-term

mission; consideration of how feedback can be made culturally appropriate, i.e.

contextualised; and what biblical feedback might look like.


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CHAPTER 2

THE SHORT-TERM MISSIONS MOVEMENT

In this chapter we outline the origins of the short-term missions movement, define

our terminology, review key issues in contemporary STM and draw attention to the

startling lack of host perspectives in the STM literature.

2.1 Origins and History

It is first necessary to place the short-term missions movement into its historical

context. It is sometimes claimed that short-term mission has its origins in the Bible

itself: that Paul, for instance, employed short-term missions as part of his strategy

for reaching the Gentiles.2 Others reply that these were either isolated incidents, or

not comparable to the nature of short-term missions today,3 and that those finding

biblical precedents are to a certain extent seeking justification for their own use of

STM.

This author believes that arguments concentrating on biblical precedents of short-

term mission are misplaced for two reasons. Firstly, it is simply not necessary for all

formsof mission to have their origin in the Bible; rather it is essential to recognise

that the missional impulseand directiveoriginate there and that the actual forms of

2 Backholer (2010, p61), for example, argues that A large number of the characters of theBible went on STMs, though, back then, it was known as a mission from God, and citesJonah, Paul, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Jesus disciples as examples. Robinsonconcludes that The Bible is replete with examples where God did use short-termassignments (2010, p10).3

Daniels (2008, p152) maintains that, in its current form, short-term mission has becomedecidedly unbiblical because too much emphasis is on the needs and desires of themissionaries rather than the needs of the field.


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mission can vary from culture to culture and from generation to generation.4 And

secondly, describing individuals such as Paul, Ezekiel or even Jesus as short-term

missionaries is in danger of missing the most significant point: what is happening

now is a massive, populist movement, and represents a distinct, new phase in

missions history.

Mission historians have tended to describe the short-term missions movement as a

post-war phenomenon, with the 1960s in particular seeing the formation of mission

organizations with a short- or medium-term emphasis, e.g. YWAM and Operation

Mobilisation (Backholer, 2010, 11). By the 1980s, the number of people involved in

short-term missionary service was increasing sharply, such that Reapsome (1982,

p112) could already refer to an explosion of volunteers. Made possible by cheaper

international travel and drawing on greater global awareness, the short-term

missions phenomenon gained momentum, seeing more (and younger) church

groups going overseas, especially from the United States to Latin America. This

trend, more recently involving millions of Christians each year, was both a product

and a cause of globalization. It was simultaneous with, and apparently connected to

a broader understanding of mission beyond the traditional Protestant focus on

evangelism, another factor that confirms that short-term mission is indeed part of a

new missional paradigm.

4 The obvious danger of trying to live like the early church, for example, is that we live indifferent times and different contexts. We may respect and learn from the missional drive ofthe early church but we must contextualise mission in the same way as we contextualise the

Bible itself, translating it into the vernacular and using modern idioms. A helpful introductionto different missional paradigms in different historical contexts is given in Spencer (2007,p42).


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2.2 Definitions

There is no universally accepted definition of short-term mission, with disagreement

over what length of time constitutes short-term mission, what forms of mission it

encompasses, and by whom it is done.

In the early 1970s, the Concise Dictionary of the Christian World Missionexplained

that short-term missionaries were those appointed for three to five years but noted

that some were also using the term even for several months service. The author

added, disapprovingly, that these missionaries rarely learn language or culture well

enough to work at depth (Smith in Neill et al1971, p551). Given that the average

length of long-term missionary service reportedly now stands at approximately

seven years and that up to half of all new missionaries do not last beyond their

first term (Yohannan, cited by About Missions 2012) it has become necessary to

adjust the definition of what short-term actually means. Throughout the sixteen

definitions of short-term mission that this author has encountered in recent

missiological literature, STM is typically defined as lasting from between one week

and one to two years.

This is the position of Moreau et al(2004, p13), for example, who clarify that short-

term missionaries may be sent out by churches, agencies, or even individuals for a

variety of reasons (English language camps, church building, projects, evangelistic

campaigns). Missiologists differ in whether short-term mission needs necessarily be

cross-cultural and international, though this is usually the case. Some dissenting

voices continue to be heard, such as Sills (2008, p86) who contends that STM is

anything less than lifetime career service or, even more controversially, Terrys

assertion that short-term mission is a contradiction in terms (according to Cuellar in

Priest 2008, p284).


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Drawing these different points together, we can work towards a definition of short-

term mission that answers the following questions: Who? From where to where? To

whom? For how long? For what purpose? And with whom? If we accept that STM

flows may occur in any direction (and not just from the West to the rest), it is

perhaps best to describe this as a movement from one part of the global church (we

cannot assume this will be through a mission agency) to another location, where

they will typically have to cross cultural barriers as well as geographical ones. For

those participating in such movement, it is increasingly seen as good practice to

partner local churches wherever possible.

For the purposes of this research paper, therefore, short-term mission is understood

as the temporary going out of Christians into cross-cultural situations, to participate

in kingdom-building activities, including but not exclusively evangelism, for a period

of up to one year. They go from one part of Gods church (their local church, or a

mission agency) and in His name, preferably to work in partnership with national

Christians.

2.3 Issues and Trends

It is difficult to describe the scope of the short-term missions movement because it is

so amorphous and multi-centred, and there seems to be no international dataset

available. Over the last ten years, various missiologists and sociologists have

estimated the number of Americans involved in foreign short-term mission to be in

the region of 1.5 million per year (Priest et al2006, p432) or 1.6 million (Wuthnow

and Offutt 2008, p218), but potentially as high as 4 million.5 While this can be

understood as a primarily American phenomenon, many Europeans, Australians

and, increasingly, people from the Global South are participating too a trend not

5 This figure was mentioned in the discussion between two leading experts on STM, RobertPriest and Kurt Ver Beek (2005a).


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yet fully reflected in missiological literature, with periodicals and books heavily

dominated by North American perspectives.6

It has been claimed that short-term mission now accounts for approximately one-

third of global missions expenditure,7 and there has been debate over whether this

is additional, new expenditure or whether giving to long-term missions has fallen as

a consequence. Kim and Anderson (2011, p153) complain that short-term missions

represent a serious diversion of Christian funds which might otherwise have been

available for other missional activities. A further criticism is that the majority of short-

term missionaries travel to the countries that are already mostly evangelised.8 The

most popular forms of STM seem to be construction, evangelism, and holiday

clubs/Bible schools (Priest et al2010, p99).

Even now, some 50 years after the STM movement first started, there is fierce

debate about whether or not STM is a net force for good. Influential missiologist

Ralph Winter repeatedly criticised the re-amateurization (1996) of short-term

missions, e.g. claiming it was not actually missionary activity [but rather] a very

high-quality educational activity (2004b, p13) and that the uneven, mainly

inadequate quality of the new generation of [short-term] missionaries has got to be

one of the most serious and profound limitations to the cause of missions (2004a,

6 Though Offutt (2011, p210), for example, has recently written about how new centres ofglobal Christianity are adopting the short-term mission model, referring to Korean churchesworking in the Middle East, African churches in Europe and Latin American churches inSpain.7 The research of Priest, Wilson and Johnson (2010, p98) suggests that this is the case ofmegachurches, at least, which spent 32% of their missions budgets on STM.8 Again, Priest, Wilson and Johnson (2010, p99) found that 6% of short-termers go to WorldA (the least evangelized countries); 12% to World B (somewhat evangelised countries);and 82% to World C (countries that are mostly Christian). Whether this is a weaknessdepends on ones understanding of mission and the purpose of STM. If we simply equatemission with evangelism then we might be concerned by a lack of evangelistic activity andthe number of new converts. On the other hand, if we understand mission more holistically

then we might see community development, relationship building, progress towards equalityand fighting against injustice as signs that Gods kingdom is being established, and that STMis indeed effective.


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p4).9 Missiologists such as Moreau et al (2004, p254) have argued that a lot of

sound missiological principles are being violated, Livermore (2006a, p13) complains

of colonialist tendencies, while Thornton and Thornton (2008, p41) see much of

STM as being more vacation than a mission experience. In addition, Ver Beek

(2005, 2006, 2007) has written influential papers that, though not against short-term

mission per se, have been critical of their lack of discernible long-termimpact.

In response, Priest has forcefully argued that STM trips have a strategic role to

play (Priest and Priest 2008, p71). Poston (2008, p9) has tried to shift the focus

away from the duration of a mission trip, towards their actual function, adding that

instead of continuing to castigate todays young people for their lack of long-term

commitment, we should instead capitalize on their short-term bursts of energy, and

others have made similar points about using the enthusiasm and availability of a

new generation of missionary volunteers. Greene (2003, pp14-15) goes as far as

listing 21 advantages of short-term mission even if most of the benefits are

accrued by goers rather than hosts.

Short-term mission is indisputably one of the main issues in missiology today

(Snodderley and Moreau 2011, pp25ff), as missiologists attempt to catch up with a

populist movement that has until recently been somewhat detached from formal

missiology (Priest 2008, v). Whilst it is not difficult to find examples of bad practice,

around the world there is much good being done by a generation of ordinary

Christians intent on serving God as their time and resources permit, something that

9 Have we been here before? Overreaction to the involvement of youths and non-professionals in short-term mission reminds this author of protests heard during theReformation against the reading of the Bible by the likes of Tyndales ploughboy, asrecounted by Deanesly (1920): The friars, who argued against the lawfulness andexpediency of translations of the Vulgate, relied chiefly on the grounds that a general, layreading of the Bible would be an infringement on the teaching office of the clergy, and would

be contrary to the divine economy of different orders in the Church. They claimed too thatthe mysteriousness of holy scripture rendered it unprofitable for the simple Need there bea professional class to do that which all Christians are commanded to do?


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should surely be applauded and encouraged. The question is, how can the

international missionary community best utilise this new resource and how can

host perspectives be heard as we seek to improve the effectiveness of STM teams

sent to work alongside them.

2.4 Hosts The Missing STM Perspective

The growing missiological literature concerning short-term mission has approached

its subject from several different angles. As mentioned above, there have been

considerations of whether STM has biblical precedents; studies on how best mission

teams can be prepared, briefed and debriefed; research trying to quantify the impact

or success of mission trips; and there has been a great deal written about the impact

such trips have on their participants, the goers.

This last point is particularly significant because to many people, this author

included, it seems that so much focus is on the goers, that many trips seem to

prioritize theirexperiences, theirspiritual journeys, their transformation and that

whilst we should not be surprised to find God working in the lives of His people

through such experiences, it is a different thing altogether for mission trips to have

such spiritual development as their primary goal, rather than a missional or

kingdom-building focus.

This becomes an even more important issue when we consider precisely who are

the senders/goers, and who are the recipients/hosts. Typically, those going on short-

term mission trips are those with the resources and opportunity to do so; and those

receiving them have either appealed for helpers or are perceived to be in need of

assistance. It is somewhat discomforting, therefore, to realise that many STM

programmes seem to be focusing more on the needs or experiences of those from


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(relatively speaking) privileged, Western backgrounds, rather than those whom they

are notionally serving in less developed countries.

Connected with this issue of missionary practice is a second, related bias, one

within the field of missiology. In a discussion with Priest, Ver Beek observed that out

of the 40-some studies that we found published before 2004, only one interviewed

receivers of STM (2005). Little has changed since their discussion. From a

methodological perspective, one can understand that it is easier for a researcher to

interview a class of American students who have been on a summer missions trip

than to interview a host church or a group of national leaders. But this alone cannot

fully account for the fact that so little research has been done into the experiences of

host churches and communities.

Over a decade ago, Krabill (1998, p130) called for greater research into those on

the receiving end of mission trips a call that has since been echoed by Priest

(2006, p429), Howell and Dorr (2007, p32), Wilder and Park (2010, p58), Thomas

(2010, p9) and others yet this remains almost completely untouched territory. It is

hoped that this research paper can illustrate the value of such research, and provide

some suggestions for further research in this area.


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CHAPTER 3

THE MOLDOVAN CONTEXT

In this chapter we introduce Moldovas political, economic, social, cultural and

religious situation, before outlining the current state of short-term mission in this

republic.

3.1 Political, Economic and Social Context

Moldova is an Eastern European country, formed in 1991 as a consequence of the

break-up of the Soviet Union.10 Ceded to the USSR during the Second World War,

Moldova was historically part of Romania, reflected by the facts that 76% of its

people are ethnic Romanians and the official state language is Romanian.11

Moldova is sometimes referred to as post-Soviet and sometimes post-

Communist, as though the two terms were interchangeable, whereas Moldovans

actually continued to elect Communist governments as recently as April 2009. In this

sense, therefore, the two terms are not synonymous.

Moldova is Europes poorest country which, although certainly not as poor as many

African or Asian nations, does mean that hundreds of thousands of Moldovans are

living below the international poverty line, with average incomes at less than one-

10 The best introduction to Moldovan history and culture is undoubtedly Kings TheMoldovans (1999). Brezianu and Spnus historical dictionary The A to Z of Moldova(2010)

also contains an informative introduction to the contemporary Moldovan situation (pp1-24).11 Though sometimes referred to as Moldovan (including in the 1994 MoldovanConstitution) or Moldavian, it is the same language as that spoken in Romania.


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fifth of neighbouring Romania, and just 6% of the USA.12 According to the latest

Human Development Report (UNDP, 2011, p126), Moldova has the lowest Human

Development Index of any European country, and a lower ranking than, amongst

others, Bolivia, El Salvador, Gabon, Mongolia and Sri Lanka, ranked 61 places

behind neighbouring Romania. As such, Christian missionaries working in Moldova

have focused not only on traditional evangelism but also on practical ministries

amongst the poor, the elderly, children, and other marginalised people.13

Moldova has a very sizeable Russian population, many of whom have never learned

Romanian, resulting in some underlying ethnic tensions.14 Given that Moldova is a

newly-constructed state with no history of independent existence, there is no strong

national identity, unlike in many other ex-Soviet states. Because of its geopolitical

position and its recent history, Moldova is conflicted by the choice of East versus

West: whether to ally with Russia and adopt from Russian culture, or to be

orientated towards the European Union and join its brothers in Romania, which

became a member in 2007. Since the July 2009 general election, a pro-European

alliance is in the political majority.

3.2 Cultural Context

Moldova as a country is a curious mix of Latin/Mediterranean influences and

Russian/Slavic ones, and the resulting blend is a fascinating culture with distinctive

food, music, customs and traditions. The Romanian language is the most similar to

ancient Latin, having developed separately from other Romance languages such as

12 GDP per capita (PPP in 2009): Moldova $2,854, Romania $14,278 and the USA $45,989(UNDP 2011, pp162-163). Despite this, life expectancy is a reasonably high 69.3 years(p128).13 Examples include the ministries of Operation Mobilisation, Breadline, Link Romania,Mission Direct, The Mission Exchange, Christian Response to Eastern Europe, and MissionWithout Borders.14 In the 2004 census, 282,406 people identified themselves as Ukrainian, 201,219 as

Russian, 147,500 Bulgarian and 65,662 Romanian but those of Russian ethnicity aresignificantly higher than these figures suggest (Biroul Naional de Statistic al RepubliciiMoldova, 2012).


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Spanish and Italian, since the Romanian people were for much of their history

surrounded by Slavic peoples.

In its current form, Moldova has only existed for 20 years, and so to some extent

there is an ongoing process of developing national culture. As King observes, since

independence the legacy of Soviet-era nation-building and the contentious question

of the true national identity of the Moldovans have remained topics at the center of

political life, with Moldovans resolutely divided over their common identity (1999,

p225). Whilst Russian is the mother tongue of only 11% of the population (and

Moldovan/Romanian of 77%), it is very widely spoken and in many ways the default

language of business and politics, an ongoing reminder of division and ethnic

tensions.

Moldovan culture is strongly conservative, with adherence to traditional gender

roles, and a certain inertia or resistance to change. It is generally patriarchal,

especially in the countryside, and family and kin obligations are much more

significant than, for example, in Western Europe. To visitors the culture may appear

hierarchical or even authoritarian, with elders afforded greater respect; legalistic;15

pragmatic; low on the scale of uncertainty avoidance; and somewhat masculine or

macho.

Mt-Tth (2000, p28) has spoken vividly of a Chernobyl of souls in the former

socialist countries of Eastern Europe, the result of Soviet governance,

authoritarianism and limited individual moral responsibility and accountability during

15 Penner argues that, in the former Soviet Union, expatriate and short-term missionaries

complain that most nationals are legalistic and that, more disturbingly, nationals see mostmissionaries as useless, which leads him to call for unity and true biblical partnership indoing Gods mission (in Sawatsky and Penner, 2005, p151).


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the Communist era, something he regards as ethical and moral devastation, the

effects of which are still being felt.

3.3 Religious Context

Missiologists and sociologists have explored the secularisation of Europe, which has

been taking place since and arguably because of the twin processes of

modernisation and industrialization took root in the nineteenth century. Yet as

Jackson (2011a, p7) has argued, Europe is simultaneously pre-Christian, Christian,

and post-Christian; that is to say its religiosity cannot be adequately described by a

single term, and that certain countries (including Moldova) retain their Christian

identity, even if Western Europe is effectively post-Christian. Davie, a leading

scholar in the sociology of religion, acknowledged this point by explicitly excluding

Eastern Europe from her book Europe: The Exceptional Case: When speaking of

Europe, I will in fact be referring to Western Europe in the sense of Western

Christianity. I will not be including the Orthodox parts of Europe it is too soon to

say whether the Eastern European case will follow the Western one in terms of its

religious trajectory (2002, xi).

3.3.1 Religious Identity and Attendance

For now, statistics for both religious belief and practice indicate that Moldova

remains a religious country, with religious acts, images and values pervading

everyday life. Generally speaking, Moldova is an Orthodox country (see Table I) and

the Orthodox Church throughout Eastern Europe continues to be influential: of 291

million Eastern Europeans, an estimated 246 million (85%) are Christians, of whom

177 million are Orthodox (Johnson and Ross 2009, pp156-160).


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TABLE IRELIGIOUS IDENTITY OF MOLDOVANS (ESTIMATED), 2010

Orthodox 3,444,000

Protestant 88,000

Marginal Christians 42,000

Independents 8,000

Source: Johnson and Ross (2009, p337)

Pickel (2008, p198) puts church attendance across Moldova at 11% in 1999/2000,

adding that, in 2000, 91% of Moldovans classified themselves as religious, and 96%

said they believed in God.

3.3.2 Religious Affiliation

The latest Operation World (Mandryk 2010, p591) figures for religious affiliation

present the following picture:

TABLE II

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION OF MOLDOVANS, 2010Orthodox 2,208,000 affiliates (61.7% of population)

Protestant 138,000 affiliates (3.9%)

Catholic 73,000 affiliates (2.0%)

Marginal 43,000 affiliates (1.2%)

Independent 19,000 affiliates (0.5%)

Unaffiliated 142,000 (4.0%)

Source: Mandryk (2010, p591)

This information describes 73.4% of the population as being Christian (5.0% Muslim,

mostly in the southern region of Gagauzia; 0.13% Jewish; and 21.6% non-religious).

Within the Protestant churches, it is estimated that there are 57,000 Moldovans

affiliated to some 500 Baptist churches, 32,000 affiliated to Pentecostal churches

and a further 32,500 Seventh-Day Adventists (Mandryk, 2010, p591). The number of


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Protestant believers is down marginally from the figure of 141,000 a decade earlier

(Johnstone et al, 2001, p448) but still above the 73,000 estimated in 1993

(Johnstone, 1993, p387).16 The varying percentages described as Christian

reflects differences between the methodologies used as much as any systemic shift

in the religiosity of Moldovans.

3.3.3 Orthodoxy and Protestantism

Through its symbols, rituals, traditions and ceremonies, Moldovas culture is

demonstrably Orthodox and to this day the Orthodox Church retains significant

political and social influence. Throughout its troubled history and different

manifestations, Moldova/Moldavia/Bessarabia17 has historically been an Orthodox

country and its kings, most notably tefan cel Mare (Stephen the Great, 1433-1504),

fought to repel Muslim advances into Christendom. Today, most Moldovan villages

have an Orthodox church; the entrance to each village is marked by a troi, or

cross; and the local priest is revered and respected, and performs certain public

functions. There is little formal dialogue between Orthodox and non-Orthodox

Churches. Ongoing tensions between the churches are indicated by the fact that, in

2007, the majority Russian Orthodox Church protested that a 2007 law on religion

did not restrict freedom of religion enough (Sarkissian, 2009, p497).18

16

Anecdotally, the number of Baptist members (and especially pastors) has been adverselyand disproportionately affected by emigration, as families seek to improve their prospects bymoving overseas. It is often claimed that any growth in membership numbers is underminedby the death of elderly members and the emigration of younger ones.17 Bessarabia is a historical term for the territory in Eastern Europe bounded by the RiverNistru in the east and the River Prut which borders Romania in the west, and isapproximately analogous to the Republic of Moldova today, minus the disputed region ofTransnistria.18 From an Orthodox perspective, former Soviet states like Moldova are intrinsicallyOrthodox. As Kishkovsky (1998, p18) explains, The Orthodox believe that they have beenassaulted by well-organized and well-funded mission efforts in an encroachment in theirterritories. Jackson (2008, p28) adds that the post-Soviet Orthodox Church understandsherself to be threatened by active Protestant missionary groups offering an alternative

identity-constituting discourse that is not always constructed with reference to ethnicity ornationality, and so considers Protestant churches (and especially missionaries and newerdenominations) to be proselytising.


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When viewed from an Orthodox perspective, Protestants represent a splinter

from a splinter off a Western church that left the true faith almost one

thousand years ago Russian Orthodoxy teaches that there is no salvation

outside of the Church (which means, by implication, the Russian Orthodox

Church) (Coker, 2010, p76).19

For additional religious context, see Appendix 2.

3.4 Moldova and Short-Term Mission

In the absence of any centrally collated figures, it is difficult to estimate the numberof short-term mission trips and volunteers coming to Moldova. Discussions with

senior church leaders, and directors of mission agencies working in Moldova, enable

us to tentatively suggest that somewhere in the region of 1200-1500 short-term

missionaries come annually, participating in perhaps 150-200 mission trips. As

elsewhere, these tend to consist of childrens summer camps; evangelistic and

outreach events; construction projects; mercy missions and social welfare projects,

including medical missions.20 A relationship with an international church endows

status and often resources on a Moldovan church, and it is fairly typical for church

minibuses, holiday clubs and construction projects to be funded through

partnerships with American, German, British or Dutch churches and charities.

There is little national-level response to short-term mission rather, churches

independently organize and receive short-term mission teams. On occasion, these

may be facilitated through the Baptist or Pentecostal Union, or more rarely through a

Bible college.

19 Whilst Coker was writing specifically about Russia, his observation is equally applicable toMoldova.20 The single largest facilitator of short-term mission in Moldova is Operation Mobilisation

(OM), which organizes cross-cultural STM with local churches throughout the country. Thisministry has grown rapidly from 20 foreign volunteers in 1997, to 50 in 2007 and some 200 in2011 (Skirton 2012).


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Whilst some of the students trained at the College of Theology and Education,

Chiinu, go to Central Asian or other former Soviet states (Raber and Penner,

2011, p223), these tend to be longer term missionary placements; few Moldovans

are currently involved in cross-cultural short-term mission outside of Moldova.21 In

the last two years, however, there have been some tentative efforts to involve

Moldovans in short-term mission in other countries: two years ago a church in

Chiinu hosted a seminar about short-term mission, and in June 2012 an email

bulletin was circulated by the Mission Department of the Moldovan Baptist Union

promoting the possibility of short-term mission in Russia, Ukraine and Israel.

In this chapter, we have seen that Moldova has deep-rooted social and economic

problems, as well as significant political and cultural divisions. Religiously, Moldova

is a predominantly Orthodox country, with a small but active Protestant minority. The

research findings in Chapter 5 must therefore be understood as Protestant and/or

evangelical responses within a broader Orthodox culture; that is, they represent a

significant but minority community within Moldova.

21 One Moldovan pastor insisted confidentially that this was not primarily due to financialconstraints but rather due to lack of vision for mission within the Moldovan church.


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CHAPTER 4

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

In this chapter we explain the research methodology and how the research

interviews were compiled; outline the profile of the 22 respondents; and

acknowledge five potential limitations in the research methodology.

4.1 Research Tools

It was decided that the best way to explore the opinions of Moldovans who had

experience of working alongside foreigners in short-term mission would be through

face-to-face interviews in their native language (Moldovan/Romanian). Though time-

consuming, such interviews would allow unprecedented access to the experiences

and thoughts of Moldovan STM hosts.

Each interview was structured around questions that were grouped into three

sections:

(i) Experience of short-term missions

(ii) Short-term mission practices

(iii) Reflections on short-term mission, including:

a. benefits and effectiveness,

b. responsiveness to Moldovan culture,

c. opportunities and mechanisms for feedback.


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Interviewees were also given the opportunity to offer advice to STMers coming to

Moldova, and a final opportunity to add other comments deemed relevant to this

research.

In total, there were 31 questions to be discussed, which meant that the average

interview lasted approximately one hour, with some lasting up to 90 minutes. As can

be seen from Appendix 1, interviews consisted of both quantitative and qualitative

questions.

A draft version was tested with one Moldovan church leader, and subsequently

revised in view of his comments. The resulting 22 interviews all took place between

January and May 2012, at various locations around Moldova.

4.2 Respondent Profile

TABLE IIIRESPONDENT PROFILE BY POSITION, DENOMINATION AND SEX

Position Denomination Sex

Pastor 10 Baptist 18 Male 18

Youth worker 6 Oastea Domnului(Lords Army) 2 Female 4

Deacon/Elder 3 Other 2 Total 22

Other 3 Total 22

Total 22

Of the 22 Moldovan respondents, 82% were Baptists. Several representatives of the

Pentecostal Union were invited to participate in this research but none made

themselves available for interview. Four Moldovan women were amongst the 22

respondents; the high percentage of male respondents is explained by the fact that,

within at least the Baptist church in Moldova, the positions of pastor and deacon

may only be held by males. Youth workers may be male or female. Nearly half of the


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respondents were pastors, others were church youthworkers, directors of Christian

charities and one Christian medical worker. All of these had worked as a host-

organizer or team-leader of at least one short-term mission trip in Moldova since its

independence in 1991.

4.3 Research Limitations

A number of steps were taken to encourage contributors to speak freely and openly:

most interviews were undertaken by a well-respected Moldovan Christian, known for

her work as a presenter on a Christian radio station (the two exceptions being

interviews personally conducted by the author with trusted friends). Secondly, all

interviewees were assured that their comments would be treated anonymously and

that no quotes would be attributed. Finally, interviewees were also assured that this

research was entirely unrelated to any existing partnerships they might have, so

they need not fear jeopardising any relationships, or losing any funding as a result of

their participation.

Despite these measures, there are five limitations that could potentially undermine

the legitimacy of any research findings, or conclusions based on those findings:

(a) Openness

Whilst this was conceived as an exercise in listening, and every step was taken to

encourage openness, it is not possible to be certain that all comments were totally

frank and honest. Especially when one considers cultural factors, it is possible that

criticism might be held back for fear of offending visitors or supporters. In Moldova,

and especially so within Christian circles, hospitality is taken extremely seriously and

good hospitality is a significant expression of what it means to be Moldovan. There

is a possibility that being seen to criticise foreign visitors would be neglectful of ones

responsibility to be hospitable at all times. It is hoped that, because they were


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speaking to a fellow Moldovan and under condition of anonymity, these interview

participants nonetheless felt able to speak freely.

(b) Linguistic/Cultural

Secondly, there may have been linguistic or cultural limitations to the research

interviews: whilst the interview questions were originally written in English, they were

professionally translated into Romanian. Even so, testing of the draft version

revealed that some terms do not carry the same weight, or precise meaning, in

Romanian as they do in English, even including the phrase short-term mission

(misiune de scurt durat) which is a relatively unfamiliar term (in Chapter 7.3

below we also explore how easily the term feedback can be translated). Given the

number of interview questions, other examples may have existed. When translating

responses from Romanian into English, care has been taken to avoid

mistranslations and clarification was sought where necessary.

(c) Awareness

There is a small risk that those selected for interview, in some instances, may not

have been fully aware of any cross-cultural frustrations or issues; or in other ways

not have been in a position to answer specific questions, such as the preparedness

of visiting teams. As in all research of this nature, the participants opinions are

necessarily valid, but their knowledgeof events may be limited or flawed.

(d) Biases

It is essential to consider whether any findings of these research interviews may

have been influenced by any biases. Attempts were initially made for this sample to

be as representative as possible, by inviting people of different denominations, both

genders, different generations, and from different parts of Moldova. However, there

were different response/participation rates, and the final sample was neither


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weighted nor stratified, so we must be careful about claiming how representative

any results can be. Ultimately, however, the legitimacy of this research comes from

the fact that each Moldovan host should be listened to, respected, and given the

opportunity to reflect on their experiences. As such, the opinions of the individuals

taking part in the research interviews were intrinsically valid and relevant.

Another factor to consider is participation bias, if Moldovans with only positive

experiences of STM opted to participate in the research interviews. Whilst as much

as possible was done to include Moldovan leaders with anyexperience of STM, we

cannot rule out the possibility of participation bias: some 50% of those approached

declined to be interviewed, and it is not possible to distinguish those declining

because of time restrictions or genuine unavailability from those declining because

they had had a bad experience of short-term mission and were unwilling to talk

about it.

(e) Sample Size

As mentioned above, this research was conducted with a relatively small sample

size (22), and this sample was neither stratified nor weighted. In a country of

approximately 138,000 Protestants, receiving perhaps 200 STM teams a year, this

is a reasonable sample size, though having, say, 50 or even 100 participants would

have given greater statistical significance to the results. The collective experience of

the 22 research participants amounts to approximately 385 short-term mission trips,

and it is this number that increases our confidence in the surveys

representativeness and validity.


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CHAPTER 5

RESEARCH FINDINGS

5.1 Experience of Short-Term Missions

In order to establish the significance of our research findings, and to put any findings

into perspective, it was necessary to ask several questions concerning respondents

experiences of short-term mission. The responses in this chapter allow us to build

up a picture of what STM in Moldova looks like, from a Moldovan perspective.

5.1.1 Frequency and History of STM Trips

At least some Moldovan church leaders have been hosting short-term mission

teams since Moldova gained its independence in 1991, but on average those

participating in the research have been hosting since 2001. They have hosted an

average of 1.6 STM teams a year, and in some cases as many as four per annum.

Two research participants claimed to have hosted as many as fifty STM teams, and

the average number of teams hosted was 17.5 per interviewee. Though the least

experienced had hosted just two STM teams, the median response was 10.5 teams.

Collectively, the Moldovans interviewed for this research had collaborated with

foreigners on some 385 short-term mission trips (though it is possible, of course,

that several of these were mutual).


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FIGURE 1NUMBER OF STM TEAMS HOSTED BY EACH RESPONDENT

Visiting teams tended to stay for one to two weeks the average reported stay was

13 days though some teams came for one month and, on rare occasions, for 6

months.

Short-term missionaries typically came from English-speaking countries, with

English being the lingua franca between hosts and visitors, except when teams

came from Russia, Ukraine or Romania. Table IV shows the number of respondents

reporting to have hosted short-term missionaries from each country listed:

2

5 56 7 7 7

910 10 10

11

16 16

20 20

2628

30

40

50 50


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TABLE IVSTM NATIONALITIES HOSTED BY MOLDOVAN RESPONDENTS

USA 18 81.8% France 1 4.5%

UK 16 72.7% Greece 1 4.5%

Romania 9 40.9% Ireland 1 4.5%

Germany 6 27.3% Kirgizstan 1 4.5%

Netherlands 5 22.7% New Zealand 1 4.5%

Australia 1 4.5% Russia 1 4.5%

Austria 1 4.5% Switzerland 1 4.5%

Canada 1 4.5% Ukraine 1 4.5%

Central Asia 1 4.5%

FIGURE 2ORIGINS OF EUROPEAN STM TEAMS VISITING MOLDOVA

Sending countries Moldova

Sending countries not shown:Australia, Canada, Central Asia,Kirgizstan, New Zealand, USA.


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Visiting teams ranged up to 50 members, with an average of 10.2 members

(median: 8).

The reported ages of STM volunteers ranged from 13 to 80, though the average was

at the lower end of that scale, at 25. (It should be noted that these figures are based

on estimates made by interviewees, rather than data they themselves had

collected.) Team leaders were expected to be both older and more spiritually

mature, averaging 37years of age but sometimes being as young as 25. All but two

of the interviewees agreed that there should be a minimum age limit for STM

volunteers, the median suggestion being 18 years old.

So, what were these short-term mission teams doing in Moldova? What follows is

not intended to show the frequency of different types of mission trips (though that

data would itself be very informative). Rather, it is a depiction of which forms of STM

each Moldovan leader has at some time hosted:

TABLE VSTM ACTIVITIES EXPERIENCED BY MOLDOVAN HOSTS

Evangelistic events/programmes 19 86.4%

Childrens camps 18 81.8%

Construction projects 14 63.6%

Development/Practical help 14 63.6%

Adult camps 10 45.5%

Medical missions 10 45.5%

Working with disabled people 8 36.4%

Other 6 27.3%

Here, other includes the following experiences: teaching at seminars/conferences

(2); delivering humanitarian aid (1); sports camp (1); working with vulnerable families

(1); and Christian music concerts (1).


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5.1.2 STM Connections

Short-term mission collaborations arose through many different ways. Sometimes

there was an intermediary bringing together a church and a mission agency or other

organization, such as Communitas, Breadline, UCCF, CERI, Operation Mobilisation,

Youth for Christ, MissionDirect, etc. In some cases, a national church organization

such as the Baptist Union helped facilitate partnerships. Sometimes foreigners

initiated collaborations, whether simply a visiting Christian or group of Christians, or

long-term missionaries already based in Moldova. On some occasions, Moldovans

themselves initiated these collaborations, such as when visiting American or British

churches, or through a friend or relative of theirs working abroad. There were some

serendipitous meetings such as at seminars and, finally, there were relationships

that arose through working on somebody elses short-term mission project. From the

respondents interviewed, there was no single dominant method for the

establishment of STM collaborations.

5.1.3 Relationship Status

These relationships are, for the most part, ongoing: 82% of interviewees said that

some or all of their partnerships were still open and developing; though 32% did say

that one or more partnership had finished. In two instances, these relationships had

ended painfully and unexpectedly but in most cases the partnerships were seen to

have completed their lifespan and attained their purposes. Several Moldovan

leaders spoke of good relationships in which both parties continue to communicate

throughout the year.


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5.2 Short-Term Mission Practices

5.2.1 Involvement in Planning

Again, there was a considerable range of ways in which STM programmes were

planned, and how involved the host was in any preparations. Some Moldovans

even mature Christians including church pastors reported that their primary

responsibilities were facilitating, logistics (food, accommodation and transport) and

translating, with little or no involvement in preparing the missions programme. More

frequently, Moldovans said that they were significantly involved in planning and co-

ordinating the STM project and there was a suggestion that their level ofinvolvement grew over time, with one Baptist pastor saying most programmes were

led by missionaries [but] now I am involved very closely during the planning. In

percentage terms, 10%:90% 15 years ago but now 70%:30%. Participants

comments about their involvement in planning are summarised in Table VI.22

TABLE VIBALANCE OF STM PROGRAMME PLANNING

0 5 9 6 2

Very strongly

Moldovan-led

planning

Mostly

Moldovan-led

planning

Equally-led

planning

Mostly

foreigner-led

planning

Very strongly

foreigner-led

planning

5.2.2 Feedback Opportunities

The most popular form of feedback was the whole STM team discussing and

evaluating with the host(s) (option B2 in Table VII below). Sometimes this was quite

22 One voice of scepticism, however, comes from a former dean at the Baptist college inChiinu, who says that mostly Americans drive the agenda, though on the surface it looks

like a Moldavian initiative. In reality, Moldavian hosts do everything to accommodate wishesof their guests and entertain them. There is a saying in Russia, Listen to the music of theone who pays the orchestra (Turlac, email correspondence, 28 February 2012).


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a formal process, but for others it was a celebration of what the team had achieved

together: this we do through a relaxed, pleasant discussion, looking at hundreds of

photos or videos and commenting on how things went. The second most popular

form of feedback was for the foreign leader to meet one-to-one with the host leader,

for mutual feedback (A1 below).

TABLE VIIFORMS OF FEEDBACK

Feedback from foreigners

A. Team leader Host

B. Whole team HostC. Team Team leader Host

D. No feedback to Host

Feedback from hosts

1. Host Team leader

2. Host Whole team3. Host Team leader Team

4. No feedback from Host

This schema, which has been simplified by incorporating host churches into the

category of host, shows 16 possible feedback behaviours. It was relatively rare for

teams to use written evaluations forms, and where these were used it was always at

the instigation of visiting teams. A follow-up study could further investigate which

combinations of feedback were used by each host, e.g. A1 but also C3.

5.2.3 Feedback and Change

Have the differing forms of feedback been effective in leading to real changes? The

broad perception is that yes, they have (64%), with only one person saying that their

feedback exchanges had not resulted in change, which was put down to the visiting

leaders leadership style. Types of changes that were reported included a greater

sense of cross-cultural unity, greater team discipline, the host church becoming

more missional, and improved communication.


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FIGURE 3DO MOLDOVAN LEADERS FEEL THAT THEIR COMMENTS

HAVE BEEN TAKEN ON BOARD?

5.3 Benefits and Effectiveness of STM Trips

5.3.1 Benefits of STM Trips

Given the opportunity to reflect on the benefits of their STM experiences,

respondents named an average of nearly three advantages each, with some listingas many as seven. A complete list of these can be seen in Appendix 3. The five

most popular responses were:

(a) Non-Christian locals are attracted by foreigners and more likely to listen to them

(11 responses)

(b) STM teams bring financial and/or material support (7)(c) The teams inspire, motivate and challenge the local church (6)

(d) The teams bring greater organisation and help the local church to focus (5)

(e) Teams from other cultures bring new perspectives and different experiences (5).

The most frequently mentioned benefit was the ability of foreigners often simply

because they were foreign to create evangelistic possibilities. In some ways this

No, 4.5%

Sometimes,

9.1%

Yes, 63.6%

Don't know/

No comment,

22.7%


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counters those who question the ability of short-term missionaries to work

evangelistically, without knowing the local language and without staying long: such

skills or commitment are seemingly not necessary to help the local church in its

outreach. One respondent noted that non-Christians are more open to listen to a

foreigner than to us locals, with another adding that foreign experiences always

draw a crowd.23

Financial and material support was acknowledged as important but it is interesting

that fewer people mentioned this than the evangelistic/missional point above.

Interviewees who mentioned money were appreciative but often went on to say that

they considered spiritual factors more important, such as this respondent:

I think that the money which is involved here is actually the Lords money

and anyway, money alone doesnt resolve anything Presence and being

involved makes the difference. The main problem in Moldova isnt lack of

money but a lack of vision

Other perceived benefits included spiritual support, friendship, encouragement,

determination, personal testimonies, the genesis of long-term missional

partnerships, and an increased credibility of the church in the eyes of local non-

Christians.

23 This point echoes Priest (2011, p297), Peruvian power structures were sometimes hostileto their evangelical witness. But when Peruvian missionaries partner with visiting groups of

short-term missionaries in acts of social service, they discover that doors to ministry andpublic witness are opened, and that their own credibility and evangelistic influence areenhanced. This author has experienced this same phenomenon many times in Moldova.


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5.3.2 Clarity of Aims

In a majority of cases, it was reported that visiting STM teams had clear aims and

objectives: 73% said that this was always the case, with the remainder saying that

this was sometimesthe case. Several respondents reiterated that these aims and

objectives were the result of co-operation between STM teams and themselves.

Some comments hinted at the tensions between pre-established plans and the need

for contextualisation and flexibility during the actual missions, e.g. Yes they do have

[clear plans] but in my opinion its good for a team from Moldova to set the aims

because they know the area, cultural and historical context better, and Certainly,

yes but they arent always effective in everything because we locals need to do

some things our own way. As with many things when working cross-culturally,

striking the right balance was considered important.

5.3.3 Effectiveness of STM Trips

What was the Moldovan hosts impression of the effectiveness of STM teams

(especially when measured against stated aims and objectives)? 59% of those

interviewed (excluding dont knows) had a generally positive impression, e.g.

Without exaggerating, I can say that all the teams Ive worked with were useful and

effective. Certainly, theyve made a difference by achieving their purpose for coming

here. All left good footprints for others to follow! A further 23% had mixed or

qualified things to say about teams effectiveness, although one respondent

reported, with regret, that A few times they were useless.


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FIGURE 4WERE STM TEAMS SEEN AS EFFECTIVE?

5.4 Responsiveness of STM Teams to Moldovan Culture

5.4.1 STM Teams and Local, Long-Term Vision

The limitations of short-term mission are well-known, especially linguistic and

cultural barriers, and the limited time available. A powerful argument in support of

STM, however, is that it can contribute towards the local churchs long-term vision or

plans. Did Moldovan church leaders believe that this had happened, and were there

signs that STM was being deliberately used towards long-term goals? 68% of

respondents made positive comments, along the lines that STM was at the very

least complementary to their churchs vision, and sometimes a deliberate

component in the strategy to fulfil it. In the examples given by respondents, there

were repeated references both to growing existing churches, and to planting new

ones, with STM teams being intentionally used to reach those aims, e.g. We wanted

a church and the first team helped us buy a house and from it we made a church,

this was long-term. Others helped us with Bible teaching, and:

No, 4.5%

Somewhat,

22.7%

Yes, 59.1%

Don't know/

No comment,

13.6%


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A [foreign] medical team went in a village they also shared the Gospel

there and people appeared who were interested in Gods Word. Our church

sent a missionary who now goes to this village and works with those people

who were interested; this is part of our churchs vision.

Four respondents (18%) expressed mixed feelings about whether STM teams really

fitted into their churchs long-term vision, especially when a foreign team comes with

their own objective [which] does not fit the overall vision/objectives of the church,

the team becomes a burden rather than a tool to further progress the churchs

objective. One person felt that STM teams had lost sight of the churchs long-term

vision, and two others expressed no opinion.

FIGURE 5DO STM TEAMS FIT IN WITH CHURCHES LONG-TERM VISION?

5.4.2 Similarity of Beliefs

Short-term missionaries coming to Moldova are not only working cross-culturally;

they are often working inter-denominationally and cross-generationally, and so it is

not surprising that their beliefs are perceived as different from their hosts. Whilst

No, 4.5%

Somewhat,

18.2%

Yes, 68.2%

Don't know/

No comment,

9.1%


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32% of interviewees reported that their views were essentially similar, and a further

32% thought that they were mostly the same, a significant 36% referred to a range

of differences some abstract and theological but more often related to church

practice and norms.

These included baptism in the Holy Spirit; the use of spiritual gifts; the security of

salvation; eschatological differences; acceptance of other denominations/churches

(specifically, of Orthodox believers); the role of women in the church; dating

behaviour; alcohol consumption; clapping during worship; jewellery wearing;

listening to lumesc (worldly) music; praying with eyes open; and non-church

members participating in Communion.

5.4.3 Universality of the Gospel

What was the Moldovan understanding of contextualisation and the place of the

Gospel in differing societies? 27% placed greater emphasis on the priority of the

Gospel, e.g. The Gospel is universal, it has the same message for everyone in the

world. 32% placed greater emphasis on the Gospel being adapted and presented in

a culturally appropriate manner, e.g. I think it needs to be adapted and explained

differently for each culture, with real examples for their lives. The remaining 41%

placed equal stress on the universality of the Gospel andon how it is communicated

from culture to culture.

5.4.4 Cultural Preparedness of STM Teams

Moldovan church leaders politely protested that short-term missionaries know either

nothing (27%) or very little (41%) about Moldova before coming a finding which

should seriously challenge those who are responsible for training STM teams. In the

worst cases, they didnt know very much, some didnt even know of Moldova while

others confuse it with Romania and havent even searched for information on the


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Internet. Some of this criticism is especially directed at Americans, who are less

familiar with European geographical and ethnic distinctions. As would be hoped,

several respondents said that when short-term missionaries come back repeatedly,

they know a lot about Moldova, and 32% of those interviewed said that STM teams

generally know something about their destination.

FIGURE 6DO STM TEAMS KNOW MUCH ABOUT MOLDOVA UPON ARRIVAL?

In Moldova, Romanian and Russian are the most widely spoken languages, but

short-term missionaries seldom know either, the exception being when teams have

come from Eastern Europe (or are Americans of Moldovan/Romanian descent).

English is increasingly popular, especially amongst the younger generation and in

cities. Most Moldovans are bi- or tri-lingual but STM teams hire translators if their

hosts do not speak English. One pastor said that he would be surprised if even 1%

of short-term missionaries spoke either Romanian or Russian, before adding but I

dont think thats necessary for short-term mission, echoed by another respondent

who stated that as for the language, they may know some two or three key phrases

Nothing, 27.3%

Almost nothing,

40.9%

Something,

31.8%


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at best [but for] 10-14 day trips that is understandable. A visiting short-term

missionary may not be able to speak with members of the host community, but his

behaviour and actions will communicate much. Next we ask how well STM teams

adapt to Moldovan culture.

5.4.5 Efforts to Learn Moldovan Culture

Did visiting teams make an effort to learn about, and adapt to, Moldovan culture?

Faced with a 5-point Likert scale, interviewees generally answered positively:

TABLE VIIIDO VISITING TEAMS ATTEMPT TO ADAPT TO MOLDOVAN CULTURE?

Definitely 18.2%

To a large extent 50.0%

To some extent 27.3%

To a small extent 0.0%

Not at all 0.0%

5.4.6 Respect for Moldovan Traditions

Moldovans are proud of their culture and traditions. Within the general culture, there

is a Christian subculture that is unique to church members, with its own traditions,

symbolism and practices (despite the fact that Protestants make a point of not using

icons or appealing to tradition in Orthodox manner). Significantly, in their

comments respondents referred more to their specific subcultural, religious norms

than to general Moldovan ones.

Only four interviewees (18%) said that short-term mission teams fully respected their

traditions, with many more people (59%) saying that, whilst this was generallythe

case, they had experienced occasional but significant exceptions. Various examples

of disrespect were given, including smoking; drinking alcohol; complaining about


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gender roles; and, most frequently, not being dressed suitably in church. Whilst

some Moldovans excused their visitors behaviour as maybe only by mistake,

others were more upset, such as the church leader who said that many visitors

couldnt care less about their conduct in church.

The remaining 23% of respondents gave the impression that visitors tended not to

respect Moldovan traditions to any meaningful extent. Perhaps even more

disturbing, however, was one persons observation that not following the local

culture was deliberate: They understand the difference from their culture but there

are cases when they tried to change the locals perspective on what women can do

in church, which worryingly reveals notions of cultural superiority held by some

visitors.

FIGURE 7DO STM TEAMS RESPECT MOLDOVAN TRADITIONS?

Significantly, several respondents said that visitors avoided making cultural faux pas

when they had been trained beforehand, e.g. They usually respect those things

they were warned about and prepared for Ive not had cases of problems if people

are prepared. One Moldovan youth leader thought it better if such training were

Not often,

22.7%

Usually, 59.1%

Always, 18.2%


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done by Moldovans themselves: I think they respect [our culture] if they are

informed about it by a local. Weve not had cases where people havent respected it

once they were informed. Whilst this may seem common sense, it is still the case

that many STM teams receive no cross-cultural training or induction, especially

when they are sent out by a church rather than a missions agency.

5.4.7 Redressing Offence

Bearing in mind potential problems of cross-cultural communication, divergent

religious beliefs and norms, the immaturity of some short-term missionaries, and

other factors, it is clearly important that Moldovans feel free to communicate when

they have been offended. Is this the case?

Just two people claimed that it was unlikely they would share when they had been

offended (11% when we exclude the 3 dont knows), with 89% saying that they

wouldshare. This is a high figure, and should be seen in the context of Moldovan

leaders being involved in STM for, on average, 11years: they are experienced and

confident enough to speak up, and have been working alongside the same visitors

for many years. This was a typical response: At the beginning it was difficult for me,

now I think I could speak freely and, again, At the start it wasnt easy because I

was worried about the consequences of being misunderstood. Such openness was

not always appreciated, however, with one person saying Yes [I said I was

offended] but many of them got angry.

Interestingly, several respondents said that, whilst they would share when teams

had been offensive, they felt that other Moldovans would be more reticent: In

general Ive worked with people who helped me to be open and direct [but]

brothers in Moldova normally dont have the courage to say to somebodys face

everything that they are thinking and, likewise, Me personally, yes, because for a


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long time Ive worked in mission. But in general people wouldnt say anything. One

church leader made a distinction between being offended personally in which case

he would not say anything versus somebody being generally offensive to

Moldovans in which case he would.

5.5 Opportunities and Mechanisms for Feedback

5.5.1 Evaluation During Trips

During short-term mission, is it normal to make time to reflect on and evaluate

experiences and events as they unfold? Just 14% of respondents said that this wasdone sporadically, with the remaining 86% saying they had a routine way of sharing

and giving feedback. The most popular form of sharing and evaluating was the daily

team meeting (68% of Moldovan respondents gave this as a norm), followed by just

the leaders meeting together in a planned way (41%), or simply through ad hoc

chats (23%). Daily team reviews could be either in the morning or evening, typically

lasting between 30 minutes and one hour, and were verbal apart from one instance

where a daily evaluation form was used.

5.5.2 Evaluation After Trips

After a short-term mission event takes place, what further evaluation occurs,

according to Moldovan leaders (bearing in mind there is often debriefing and

evaluation back in the sending country)? It is normal to have some form of post-trip

evaluation: 82% indicated that one or more forms of evaluation alwaystakes place,

with a further 14% saying sometimesthis was the case. The most frequently used

form of evaluation was written reports (including forms and questionnaires), as

mentioned by 50% of interviewees. This was closely followed by email exchanges of

feedback (41%) and telephone/Skype conversations (27%).


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5.5.3 Methods of Sharing Feedback

Were the Moldovan participants considering additional or new ways of evaluating

and sharing feedback? For the most part, respondents had not given this much

thought, and were broadly satisfied with the evaluation mechanisms they were

using, although some additional factors were mentioned: case studies of STM in

Moldova could be prepared and distributed in advance; individuals on a team could

receive one-to-one feedback from their host(s); those who had been to Moldova on

STM before could summarise their experiences for those coming for the first time;

and mission agencies could take a more proactive role in giving written suggestions

to STMers. Some of those not currently using written evaluation forms suggested

that they be used.

5.5.4 Attitudes to Listening

From their experience of working with STM teams, did Moldovan hosts think that

visiting Christian volunteers listen to their opinions and ideas, and those of other

Moldovan Christians? Impressions here were positive though not without room for

improvement:

TABLE IXDO VISITING STM TEAMS LISTEN TO MOLDOVAN CHRISTIANS?

Always 31.8%

Usually 50.0%

Sometimes 18.2%

Rarely 0.0%

Never 0.0%

5.5.5 Positive Impressions

What overall impressions do Moldovan hosts have of foreigners coming to do short-

term mission? Even after combining close synonyms, more than 35 different


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adjectives were used, the most common of which were: a desire to serve

(mentioned 9 times), dedicated/devoted (8), sacrificial (5), friendly (5) and willing (4),

followed by open, compassionate and loving (3 each). Respondents gave an

average of 3.3 positive attributes. A complete list of positive impressions is given in

Appendix 4.

5.5.6 Negative Impressions

Having volunteered their positive impressions of STM visitors, which negative words

might Moldovan hosts use (albeit reluctantly)? 36% declined to use any negative

words at all, e.g. I couldnt use a single negative word. Those who did express

some concerns (64%) mentioned 18 negative terms to describe the attitude of some

of those coming to Moldova for short-term mission, though none of these terms was

used by more than three people. The most frequent complaints were that short-term

missionaries are too tolerant/liberal (three respondents), they do not want to see

things differently, they are disrespectful of local leaders, and they come for

adventure rather than mission (2 each). A complete list of negative impressions is

also given in Appendix 4.

5.6 General Advice and Comments Regarding STM in Moldova

Having stated some reservations and mentioned cross-cultural issues and other

difficulties, what advice would Moldovan leaders give to those coming on short-term

mission? There was a wide range of helpful, practical advice, covering preparation,

behaviour, leadership, culture and much more in total, 43 different points, with

each respondent giving an average of 4 pieces of advice.

The advice most frequently mentioned was to learn about Moldovan culture before

arriving (41% of respondents), e.g. to inform themselves of the culture of our

country, which various respondents explained as including traditions, history,


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cultural values, behavioural norms, religious orientation, food and drink, and

language. Another church leader stressed that one of the biggest issues has to

do with cultural differences, so learning about Moldovan/Soviet culture is very

important. Advice was given to research not just the church subculture they would

be visiting, but the worldview of non-Christians and other denominations within

Moldova, in order to be more effective when participating in outreach a twofold

contextualisation. The third most popular advice was similar: for short-term

missionaries to make efforts to learn about Moldovan culture during their stay, as

well as before.

The second most frequently given advice (32% of respondents) was to accept the

physical conditions that Moldovan co-workers are used to whether sharing rooms,

eating simple food, using long-drop toilets, drinking well water, and so on and

without complaining. As one youth worker pleaded, try to adapt to our living

standards, even if thats difficult for you, with another leader adding be ready to live

in more difficult conditions than in your own country.

Other popular pieces of advice concerned the relationship that short-term

missionaries have with the local/host church, e.g. listening to and respecting local

church leaders; and respecting the local churchs teaching and its culture, including

behaviour, dress and appearance. There was a repeated plea for any material help

not to be given to villagers directly but through the local church, which was in a

better position to understand peoples needs and circumstances.

Further pieces of advice could be said to be true of short-term mission in general: be

flexible (especially since in Moldova we dont and cant plan everything six months

ahead!); return in order to build up long-term partnerships; dont make promises you

wont keep; and be patient with your co-workers here.


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On a more spiritual note, some interviewees were keen to stress that people should

come willing and prepared to be changed by God as they work in His service; that it

would be beneficial to have a missions mentor to discuss issues with; to come with

courage and confidence in what you are doing for the Lord; and, preferably, for at

least 70% of team members to be mature Christians. Those who are not spiritually

mature should not pretend to be experts in things that they are not, just because

they come from a more developed country. For a complete list of advice, see

Appendix 5.

This chapter summarises the results of the listening exercise, whereby 22

Moldovans with experience of short-term mission were given the chance to share

their thoughts by answering a series of structured questions. As such, it provides an

important contribution to the missiological literature by demonstrating host

perspectives on different aspects of STM. Amongst the positive comments and

heartfelt appreciation were repeated concerns about behaviour, communication,

spiritual immaturity and unpreparedness. In Chapter 6 we address some general

questions about the effectiveness of short-term mission trips, before identifying the

keys to improving STM effectiveness in Moldova in Chapter 7.


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CHAPTER 6

APPRAISING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF

Documents

Short-Term Mission in Moldova (Chris Ducker)